GIFT  OF 


/#*? 


THE  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


THE  LETTERS  OF 

FRANKLIN   K.  LANE 

Personal  and  Political 

EDITED   BY 
ANNE  WINTERMUTE  LANE 

AND 

LOUISE  HERRICK  WALL 

WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS 


BOSTON    AND    NEW    YORK 

HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 
aaiberstbe  $re«*  Cambridge 
1922 


COPYRIGHT,    IQ22,  BY  ANNE  W.  LANE 
ALL   RIGHTS   RESERVED 


(T IT  Biucrst&c  $3rcss  ". 


CAMBRIDGE  •  MASSACHUSETTS 
PRINTED  IN  THE  U.S.A. 


To 

Those  whose  love  for  my  husband 

is  an  inspiring  reality 
this  book  of  his  Letters  is  dedicated 

A.  w.  L. 


E 


PREFACE 

FROM  the  thousands  of  typewritten  letters  found  in  his  files, 
and  from  the  many  holograph  letters  sent  to  me  from  his 
friends  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  we  have  attempted, 
in  this  volume,  to  select  chiefly  those  letters  which  tell  the 
story  of  Franklin  K.  Lane's  life  as  it  unfolded  itself  in  service 
to  his  country  which  was  his  passion.  A  few  technical  letters 
have  been  included,  because  they  represent  some  incomplete 
and  original  phases  of  the  work  he  attempted,  —  work,  to 
which  he  brought  an  intensity  of  interest  and  devotion  that 
usually  is  given  only  to  private  enterprise. 

In  editing  his  letters  we  have  omitted  much,  but  we  have 
in  no  way  changed  anything  that  he  wrote.  Even  where,  in 
his  haste,  there  has  been  an  obvious  slip  of  the  pen,  we  have 
left  it.  Owing  to  his  dictating  to  many  stenographers,  with 
their  varying  methods  of  punctuation  and  paragraphing,  and 
because  the  letters  that  he  wrote  himself  were  often  dashed 
off  on  the  train,  in  bed,  or  in  a  hurried  five  minutes  before 
some  engagement,  we  found  in  them  no  uniformity  of  punctu 
ation.  In  writing  hastily  he  used  only  a  frequent  dash  and 
periods;  these  letters  we  have  made  agree  with  those  which 
were  more  formally  written. 

With  the  oncoming  of  war  his  correspondence  enormously 
increased  —  the  more  demanded  of  him,  the  more  he  seemed 
able  to  accomplish.  Upon  opening  his  files  it  took  us  weeks 
to  run  through  and  destroy  just  the  requests  for  patron 
age,  for  commissions,  passports,  appointments  as  chaplains, 
promotions,  demands  from  artists  who  desired  to  work  on 
camouflage,  farmers  and  chemists  who  wished  exemption, 
requests  for  appointments  to  the  War  Department;  letters 


viii  PREFACE 

asking  for  every  kind  of  a  position  from  that  of  night- 
watchman  to  that  of  Brigadier-General.  For  his  friends,  and 
even  those  who  had  no  special  claim  upon  him,  knew  that 
they  could  count  on  his  interest  in  them. 

One  of  his  secretaries,  Joseph  J.  Cotter,  a  man  he  greatly 
trusted,  in  describing  his  office  work  says:  "Whatever  was  of 
human  interest,  interested  Mr.  Lane.  His  researches  were  by 
no  means  limited  to  the  Department  of  the  Interior.  For  in 
stance,  I  remember  that  at  one  time,  before  the  matter  had 
been  given  any  consideration  in  any  other  quarter,  he  asked 
Secretary  of  Agriculture  Houston  to  come  to  his  office,  in  the 
Interior  Department,  and  went  with  him  into  the  question 
of  the  number  of  ships  it  would  take  to  transport  our  soldiers 
to  the  other  side.  And  as  a  result  of  this  conference,  a  plan 
was  laid  before  the  Secretary  of  War.  I  remember  this  partic 
ularly  because  it  necessitated  my  looking  up  dead- weight 
tonnage,  and  other  matters,  with  which  I  was  entirely  un 
familiar.  .  .  . 

"I  have  never  known  any  one  who  could  with  equal  facility 
follow  an  intricate  line  of  thought  through  repeated  interrup 
tions.  I  have  seen  Mr.  Lane,  when  interrupted  in  the  middle 
of  an  involved  sentence  of  dictation,  talk  on  some  other  sub 
ject  for  five  or  ten  minutes  and  return  to  his  dictation,  taking 
it  up  where  he  left  it  and  completing  the  sentence  so  that  it 
could  be  typed  as  dictated,  and  this  without  the  stenogra 
pher's  telling  him  at  what  point  he  had  been  interrupted." 

His  letters  are  peculiarly  autobiographical,  for  whenever 
his  active  mind  was  engaged  on  some  personal,  political,  OP 
philosophical  problem,  his  thought  turned  naturally  to  that 
friend  with  whom  he  would  most  like  to  discuss  the  subject, 
and,  if  he  could  possibly  make  the  time,  to  him  he  wrote  just 
what  thoughts  raced  through  his  mind.  To  Ambassador 


PREFACE  ix 

Page  he  wrote  in  1918,  "I  have  a  very  old-fashioned  love  for 
writing  from  day  to  day  what  pops  into  my  mind,  contradict 
ing  each  day  what  I  said  the  day  before,  and  gathering  from 
my  friends  their  impressions  and  their  spirit  in  the  same 
way."  And  in  another  letter  he  says,  "Now  I  have  gos 
siped,  and  preached,  and  prophesied,  and  mourned,  and 
otherwise  revealed  what  passes  through  a  wandering  mind 
in  half  an  hour,  so  I  send  you  at  the  close  of  this  screed,  my 
blessing,  which  is  a  poor  gift." 

At  home  on  Sunday  morning  before  the  fire,  he  would  often 
write  many  letters  —  some  of  them  twenty  pages  in  length 
and  some  mere  scrappy  notes.  He  wrote  with  a  pencil  on  a 
pad  on  his  knee,  rapidly  stripping  off  the  sheets  for  me  to 
read,  in  his  desire  to  share  all  that  was  his,  even  his  innermost 
thoughts. 

To  the  many  correspondents  who  have  generously  re 
turned  to  me  their  letters,  and  with  no  restrictions  as  to  their 
use,  I  wish  particularly  to  express  here  my  profound  grati 
tude.  The  limits  of  one  volume  have  made  it  possible  to  use 
only  a  part  of  those  received,  deeply  as  I  have  regretted  the 
necessity  of  omitting  any  of  them.  In  making  these  acknowl 
edgments  I  wish  especially  to  thank  John  H.  Wigmore,  since 
to  him  we  owe  all  the  early  letters  —  the  only  ones  covering 
that  period. 

For  possible  future  use  I  shall  be  grateful  for  any  letters 
that  I  have  not  already  seen,  and  if  in  the  preparation  of 
these  letters  for  publication  we  have  allowed  any  mistakes 
to  slip  in,  I  hope  that  the  error  will  be  called  to  my  attention. 

ANNE  WINTEEMUTE  LANE 

March,  1922 


CONTENTS 

I.  INTRODUCTION 

Youth  —  Education  —  Characteristics 

II.  POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM.     1884-1894  17 
Politics  —  Newspaper  Work  —  New  York  —  Buying  into 
Tacoma  News  —  Marriage  —  Sale  of  Newspaper 

LETTERS : 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  18 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  19 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  22 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  30 

III.  LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES.  1894-1906      31 
Law  —  Drafting  New  City  Charter  —  Elected  as  City  and 
County  Attorney  —  Gubernatorial  Campaign  —  Mayoralty 
Campaign  —  Earthquake  —  Appointment  as  Interstate  Com 
merce  Commissioner 

LETTERS  : 

To  P.  T.  Spurgeon.  32 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  33 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  35 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  35 

To  Lyman  Naugle.  38 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  42 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  43 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  45 

To  Ova  G.  Williams.  46 

To  the  Iroquois  Club,  Los  Angeles,  California.  47 

To  Isadore  B.  Dockweiler.  47 

To  Edward  B.  Whitney.  51 

To  Hon.  Theodore  Roosevelt.  53 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  54 

To  William  E.  Smythe.  55 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  56 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  56 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  60 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  61 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  62 


xii  CONTENTS 

IV.  RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLITICS.  1906-1912                  63 
Increased  Powers  of  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  — 
Harriman    Inquiry  —  Railroad    Regulation  —  Letters    to 
Roosevelt 

LETTERS: 

To  Edward  F.  Adams.  64 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  65 

To  Elihu  Root.  66 

To  E.  B.  Beard.  67 

To  George  W.  Lane.  68 

To  Charles  K.  McClatchy.  70 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott.  71 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  72 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane  74 

To  Theodore  Roosevelt.  75 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  77 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  78 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott.  80 

To  Charles  K.  McClatchy.  81 

To  Charles  K.  McClatchy.  83 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  83 

To  Theodore  Roosevelt.  85 

To  Samuel  G.  Blythe.  87 

To  Sidney  E.  Mezes.  87 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  88 

To  George  W.  Lane.  89 

To  Carl  Snyder.  90 

From  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes.  91 

To  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes.  93 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  94 

To  Daniel  Willard.  94 

To  John  McNaught.  95 

V.  EXPRESS  CASE  —  CABINET  APPOINTMENTS.     1912-1913       97 

Politics  —  Democratic  Convention  —  Nomination  of  Wilson 

—  Report  on  Express  Case  —  Democratic  Victory  —  Prob-       { 

lems  for  New  Administration  —  On  Cabinet  Appointments 

LETTERS: 

To  Albert  Shaw.  97 

To  Curt  G.  Pfeiffer.  98 

To  George  W.  Lane.  90 

To  Oscar  S.  Straus.  101 


CONTENTS  xiii 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  102 

To  George  W.  Lane.  102 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  103 

To  Timothy  Spellacy.  104 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller.  105 

To  William  F.  McCombs.  106 

To  Hugo  K.  Asher.  107 

To  Francis  G.  Newlands.  109 

To  Woodrow  Wilson.  110 

To  William  J.  Bryan.  HI 

To  James  D.  Phelan.  HI 

To  Herbert  Harley.  112 

To  Charles  K.  McClatchy.  113 

To  Ernest  S.  Simpson.  114 

To  Fairfax  Harrison.  115 

To  James  P.  Brown.  116 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller.  117 

To  Edward  M.  House.  118 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  119 

To  Sidney  E.  Mezes.  120 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  121 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  122 

To  Joseph  N.  Teal.  124 

To  Edward  M.  House.  124 

To  Mitchell  Innes.  126 

VI.  SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR.     1913-1915  129 

Appointment  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior  —  Reorganization 
of  the  Department  —  Home  Club  —  Bills  on  Public  Lands 

LETTERS: 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  131 

To  Walter  H.  Page.  133 

To  Edwin  A.  Alderman.  134 

To  Theodore  Roosevelt.  134 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott.  135 

To  William  M.  Bole.  136 

To  Fairfax  Harrison.  137 

To  Frank  Reese.  138 

To  Mark  Sullivan.  140 

To  Edward  M.  House.  142 

To  James  H.  Barry.  143 

To  Edward  F.  Adams.  144 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  145 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  147 


xiv  CONTENTS 

To  Albert  Shaw.  148 

To  Charles  K.  Field.  150 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane.  151 

To  Edward  E.  Leake.  152 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  153 

To .  154 

To  his  Brother  on  his  Birthday.  155 

To  Cordenio  Severance.  157 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  158 

To  Theodore  Roosevelt.  160 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  160 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott.  161 

VII.  EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS.  1914-1915    163 
Endorsement    of    Hoover  —  German    Audacity  —  LL.D. 
from  Alma  Mater  —  England's  Sea  Policy  —  Christmas 
Letters 

LETTERS: 

To  William  J.  Bryan.  163 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  164 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang.  165 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  165 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  166 

To  Edward  J.  Wheeler.  167 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  168 

To  William  P.  Lawlor.  17] 

To  William  G.  McAdoo.  172 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  173 

To  E.  W.  Scripps.  174 

To  George  W.  Wickersham.  175 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane.  177 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  178 

To  Eugene  A.  Avery.  179 

To  John  F.  Davis.  180 

To  Dick  Mead.  182 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  183 

To  Sidney  E.  Mezes.  163 

To  Cordenio  Severance.  1$4 

To  Frederick  Dixon.  185 

To  Robert  H.  Patchin.  186 

To  Francis  R.  Wall.  187 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  188 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  C.  Miller.  188 


CONTENTS  xv 

To  Mrs.  Magnus  Andersen.  190 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  C.  Miller.  192 

VIII.  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS.     1916  195 
On  Writing  English  —  Visit  to  Monticello  —  Citizenship 

for   Indians  —  On   Religion  —  American-Mexican   Joint 

Commission 

LETTERS : 

To  William  M.  Bole.  195 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  C.  Miller.  196 

To  Edward  F.  Adams.  198 

To  Carl  Snyder.  200 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane.  200 

To  Will  Irwin.  203 

To .  203 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  204 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane.  205 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb.  207 

To  George  W.  Wickersham.  207 

To  H.  B.  Brougham.  208 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane.  210 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  211 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane.  212 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  C.  Miller.  215 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane.  216 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  222 

To  James  S.  Harlan.  222 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  223 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang.  225 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane.  226 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb.  227 

To  R.  M.  Fitzgerald.  228 

To  James  K.  Moffitt.  229 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  229 

To  Roland  Cotton  Smith.  231 

To  James  H.  Barry.  231 

IX.  CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS.     1917  233 

Cabinet  Meetings  —  National  Council  of  Defense  —  Berns- 

torff  —  War  —  Plan  for  Railroad  Consolidation  —  U-Boat 

Sinkings  Revealed  —  Alaska 

LETTERS  : 

To  George  W.  Lane.  233 

To  George  W.  Lane.  236 


xvi  CONTENTS 

To  George  W.  Lane.  238 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb.  238 

To  George  W.  Lane.  239 

To  George  W.  Lane.  241 

To  Edward  J.  Wheeler.  242 

To  George  W.  Lane.  242 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb.  245 

To  George  W.  Lane.  245 

To  George  W.  Lane.  250 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb.  253 

To  Will  Irwin.  254 

To  Robert  Lansing.  255 

To  Henry  Lane  Eno.  257 

To  George  B.  Dorr.  257 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  258 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  261 

To  John  O'H.  Cosgrave.  263 


X.  CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME.     1918  264 
Notes  on  Cabinet  Meetings  —  School  Gardens  —  A  Democ 
racy   Lacks   Foresight  —  Use  of   National    Resources  — 
Washington  in  War-time  —  The  Sacrifice  of  War  —  Farms 
for  Soldiers 

LETTERS  : 

To  Franklin  K.  Lane,  Jr.  267 

To  George  W.  Lane.  269 

To  Albert  Shaw.  271 

To  Walter  H.  Page.  273 

To  John  Lyon.  278 

To  Frank  Lyon.  282 

To  Miss  Genevieve  King.  282 

To  John  McNaught.  283 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  285 

To  Allan  Pollok.  290 

To  E.  S.  Pillsbury.  291 

To  William  Marion  Reedy.  292 

Notes  on  Cabinet  Meetings.  2SJ3 

To  Daniel  Willard.  3(*) 

To  James  H.  Hawley.  30i 

To  Samuel  G.  Blythe.  302 

To  George  W.  Lane.  303 

To  Edgar  C.  Bradley.  804 


CONTENTS  xvii 

XL  AFTER- WAR  PROBLEMS — LEAVING  WASHINGTON.    1919      306 
After-war  Problems  —  Roosevelt  Memorials  —  Americani 
zation  —  Religion  —  Responsibility    of  Press  —  Resigna 
tion 

LETTERS: 

To  E.  C.  Bradley.  306 

To  George  W.  Lane.  307 

To  George  W.  Lane.  308 

To  William  Boyce  Thompson.  310 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  311 

To  E.  S.  Martin.  311 

To  George  W.  Lane.  312 

To  Van  H.  Manning.  315 

To  E.  C.  Bradley.  317 

To  Mrs.  Louise  Herrick  Wall.  318 

To .  318 

To  M.  A.  Mathew.  319 

To  Herbert  C.  Pell,  Jr.  320 

To  Henry  P.  Davison.  321 

To  George  W.  Lane.  322 

To  C.  S.  Jackson.  3^3 

To  John  Crawford  Burns.  324 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb.  S26 

To  Mrs.  Louise  Herrick  Wall.  328 

To  Mrs.  M.  A.  Andersen.  329 

To  George  W.  Lane.  330 

To  Daniel  J.  O'Neill.  333 

To  Hamlin  Garland.  333 

To  Hugo  K.  Asher.  334 

To  Admiral  Gary  Grayson.  335 

To  Herbert  C.  Pell,  Jr.  336 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson.  337 

To  Frank  W.  Mondell.  338 

To  Robert  W.  De  Forest.  339 

XII.  POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES.     1920  340 

Suggestions  to  Democratic  Nominee  for  President  —  On 
Election  of  Senators  —  Lost  Leaders  —  Lincoln's  Eyes  — 
William  James's  Letters 

LETTERS  : 

To  William  Phelps  Eno.  340 

To  Roland  Cotton  Smith.  343 


xviii  CONTENTS 

To  James  M.  Cox.  343 

To  Timothy  Spellacy.  350 

To  Edward  L.  Doheny.  351 

To  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt.  351 

To  Mrs.  George  Ehle.  352 

To  Isadore  B.  Dockweiler.  354 

To  Hall  McAllister.  356 

To  Mrs.  George  Ehle.  357 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  358 

To  John  W.  Hallowell.  359 

To  John  W.  Hallowell.  360 

To  Robert  Lansing.  362 

To  Carl  Snyder.  363 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  363 

To  George  Otis  Smith.  364 

To  George  W.  Wickersham.  365 

Lincoln's  Eyes.  368 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  369 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt.  372 

To  Lathrop  Brown.  372 

To  Timothy  Spellacy.  373 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb.  373 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  374 

To  John  W.  Hallowell  375 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  377 

XIII.  LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH.     1919-1920  381 
LETTERS  : 

To  Mrs.  Ralph  Ellis.  381 

XIV.  FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE.     1921  399 
Need  for  Democratic  Program  —  Religious  Faith  —  Men 
who  have  Influenced  Thought  —  A  Sounder  Industrial  Life 

—  A  Super-University  for  Ideas  —  "/  Accept"  —  Frag 
ment 

LETTERS  : 

To  Mrs.  Philip  C.  Kauffmann.  399  • 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  401 

To  Lathrop  Brown.  402 

To  Mrs.  George  Ehle.  403 

To  Mrs.  William  Phillips.  404 

To  James  H.  Barry.  405 


CONTENTS  xix 

To  Michael  A.  Spellacy.  406 

To  William  R.  Wheeler.  407 

To  V.  C.  Scott  O'Connor.  407 

Letter  sent  to  several  friends.  408 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  410 

To  Lathrop  Brown.  411 

To  Lathrop  Brown.  413 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller.  414 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  415 

To  John  W.  Hallowell.  421 

To  Curt  G.  Pfeiffer.  422 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  424 

To  D.  M.  Reynolds.  425 

To  Mrs.  Cordenio  Severance.  428 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang.  429 

To  James  S.  Harlan.  429 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller.  430 

To  Lathrop  Brown.  433 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  434 

To  John  H.  Wigmore.  435 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt.  436 

To  John  W.  Hallowell.  437 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  438 

To  Hall  McAllister.  439 

To  Mrs.  Frederic  Peterson.  440 

To  Roland  Cotton  Smith.  441 

To  John  G.  Gehring.  443 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller.  445 

To  Robert  Lansing.  448 

To  James  D.  Phelan.  449 

To  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Louis  Hertle.  450 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang.  451 

To  John  Finley.  452 

To  James  H.  Barry.  455 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt.  455 
To  friends  who  had  telegraphed  and  written  for  news.  —  "I  accept."  456 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang.  462 

To  John  W.  Hallowell.  462 

To  Robert  Lansing.  463 

Fragment.  464 

INDEX  467 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  Frontispiece 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  6 

With  his  younger  brothers,  George  and  Frederic. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  10 

At  eighteen. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  34 

As  City  and  County  Attorney. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE,  MRS.  LANE,  MRS.  MILLER,  AND  ADOLPH 
C.  MILLER  140 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  WITH  ETHAN  ALLEN,  SUPERINTENDENT 
OF  RAINIER  NATIONAL  PARK,  WASHINGTON  204 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  AND  GEORGE  B.  DORR  256 

In  Lafayette  National  Park,  Mount  Desert  Island,  Maine. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  IN  1917  358 

Taken  in  Lafayette  National  Park. 

"LANE  PEAK,"  TATOOSH  RANGE,  RAINIER  NATIONAL  PARK     462 


DATES 

1864.        July  15.   Bora  near  Charlottetown,  Prince  Edward  Island. 
1871-76.  Taken  to  California.   Went  to  Grammar  School  at  Napa,  Cali 
fornia. 

1876.        Went  to  Oakland,  California.   Oakland  High  School. 
1884-86.  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  California.    Special  student. 
1885.        Reporting  on  Alia  California  in  San  Francisco  for  John  P.  Irish. 

1887.  Studied  Hastings  Law  School. 

1888.  Admitted  to  the  Bar. 

1889.  Special  Newspaper  Correspondent  in  New  York  for  San  Fran 
cisco  Chronicle. 

1891.  Bought  interest  in  Tacoma  News  and  edited  that  paper. 

1892.  Campaigned  in  New  York  for  Cleveland. 

1893.  Married. 

1895.        Returned  to  California.   Practiced  law. 

1897-98.  On  Committee  of  One  Hundred  to  draft  new  Charter  for  San 
Francisco. 

1898.  Elected  City  and  County  Attorney  to  interpret  new  Charter. 

1899.  Reflected  City  and  County  Attorney. 

1901.  Reelected  City  and  County  Attorney. 

1902.  Nominated  for  Governor  of  California  on  Democratic  and  Non- 
Partisan  Tickets. 

1903.  Democratic  vote  in  Legislature  for  United  States  Senator. 
1903.        Nominated  for  Mayor  of  San  Francisco. 

1905.  December.    Nominated  by  President   Roosevelt  as  Interstate 
Commerce  Commissioner. 

1906.  June  29.    Confirmed  by  Senate  as  Interstate  Commerce  Com 
missioner. 

1909.        Reappointed  by  President  Taft  as  Interstate  Commerce  Com 
missioner. 

1913.         Appointed  Secretary  of  the  Interior  under  President  Wilson, 
1916.        Chairman  American-Mexican  Joint  Commission. 


xxiv  DATES 

1918.  Chairman  Railroad  Wage  Commission. 

1919.  Chairman  Industrial  Conference. 

1920.  March  1.   Resigned  from  the  Cabinet. 

1920.  Vice-President  of  Pan-American  Petroleum  Company. 

1921.  May  18.   Died  at  Rochester,  Minnesota. 


FAMILY  NAMES 

Franklin  K.  Lane  was  the  eldest  of  four  children. 
Father:     Christopher  S.  Lane. 
Mother:   Caroline  Burns. 
Brothers :  George  W.  Lane. 

Frederic  J.  Lane. 

Sister:       Maude  (Mrs.  M.  A.  Andersen). 
He  was  married  to  Anne  Wintermute,  and  had  two  children : 

Franklin  K.  Lane,  Jr.  ("Ned"). 

Nancy  Lane  (Mrs.  Philip  C.  Kauffmann). 


THE  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


THE  LETTERS  OF 
FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


INTRODUCTION 

Youth — Education  —  Characteristics 

ALTHOUGH  Franklin  Knight  Lane  was  only  fifty-seven  years 
old  when  he  died,  May  18,  1921,  he  had  outlived,  by  many 
years,  the  men  and  women  who  had  most  influenced  the 
shaping  of  his  early  life.  Of  his  mother  he  wrote,  in  trying 
to  comfort  a  friend,  "The  mystery  and  the  ordering  of 
this  world  grows  altogether  inexplicable.  ...  It  requires 
far  more  religion  or  philosophy  than  I  have,  to  say  a  real 
word  that  might  console  one  who  has  lost  those  who  are  dear 
to  him.  Ten  years  ago  my  mother  died,  and  I  have  never 
been  reconciled  to  her  loss."  Again  he  wrote  of  her,  to  his 
sister,  when  their  brother  Frederic  —  the  joyous,  outdoor 
comrade  of  his  youth  —  was  in  his  last  illness,  "Dear  Fritz, 
dear,  dear  boy,  how  I  wish  I  could  be  there  with  him,  though 
I  could  do  no  good.  .  .  .  Each  night  I  pray  for  him,  and 
I  am  so  much  of  a  Catholic,  that  I  pray  to  the  only  Saint 
I  know,  or  ever  knew,  and  ask  her  to  help.  If  she  lives, 
her  mind  can  reach  the  minds  of  the  doctors.  ...  I  don't 
need  her  to  intercede  with  God,  but  I  would  like  her  to 
intercede  with  men.  Why,  Oh !  why,  do  we  not  know 
whether  she  is  or  not  ?  Then  all  the  Universe  would  be  ex 
plained  to  me." 

From  those  who  knew  him  best  from  childhood,  no  word 
of  him  is  left,  and  none  from  the  two  men  whose  strength 

i 


£      />     LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

and  ideality  colored  his  morning  at  the  University  of  Cali 
fornia —  Dr.  George  H.  Howison,  the  "darling  Howison" 
of  the  William  James'  Letters,  and  Dr.  Joseph  H.  Le  Conte, 
the  wise  and  gentle  geologist.  "Names  that  were  Sierras 
along  my  skyline,"  Lane  said  of  such  men.  To  Dr.  Howi 
son  he  wrote  in  1913,  when  entering  President  Wilson's 
Cabinet,  "No  letter  that  I  have  ever  received  has  given  me 
more  real  pleasure  than  yours,  and  no  man  has  been  more 
of  an  inspiration  than  you." 

The  sealing  of  almost  every  source  of  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  boy,  who  was  a  mature  man  at  twenty-two,  has  left 
the  record  of  the  early  period  curiously  scant.  Fortunately, 
there  are  in  his  letters  and  speeches  some  casual  allusions 
to  his  childhood  and  youth,  and  a  few  facts  and  anecdotes 
of  the  period  from  members  of  his  family,  from  school,  col 
lege,  and  early  newspaper  associates.  In  1888,  the  story 
begins  to  gather  form  and  coherence,  for  at  that  date  we  have 
the  first  of  his  own  letters  that  have  been  preserved,  written 
to  his  lifelong  friend,  John  H.  Wigmore.  With  many  breaks, 
especially  in  the  early  chapters,  the  sequence  of  events,  and 
his  moods  toward  them,  pour  from  him  with  increasing  full 
ness  and  spontaneity,  until  the  day  before  he  died. 

All  the  later  record  exists  in  his  letters,  most  of  them  writ 
ten  almost  as  unconsciously  as  the  heart  sends  blood  to  the 
remotest  members  of  the  body ;  and  they  come  back,  now, 
in  slow  diastole,  bearing  within  themselves  evidence  of  the 
hour  and  day  and  place  of  their  inception;  letters  written 
with  the  stub  of  a  pencil  on  copy-paper,  at  some  sleepless 
dawn ;  or,  long  ago,  in  the  wide-spaced  type  of  a  primitive 
traveling  typewriter,  and  dated,  perhaps,  on  the  Western, 
desert,  while  he  was  on  his  way  to  secure  water  for  thirsty 
settlers ;  or  dashed  off  in  the  glowing  moment  just  after  a 
Cabinet  meeting,  with  the  heat  of  the  discussion  still  in 


INTRODUCTION  3 

his  veins;  others  on  the  paper  of  the  Department  of  the 
Interior,  with  the  symbol  of  the  buffalo  —  chosen  by  him 
—  richly  embossed  in  white  on  the  corner,  and  other  letters, 
soiled  and  worn  from  being  long  carried  in  the  pocket  and 
often  re-read,  by  the  brave  old  reformer  who  had  hailed 
Lane  when  he  first  entered  the  lists.  This  is  the  part  of 
the  record  that  cannot  be  transcribed. 

Franklin  Knight  Lane  was  born  on  July  15,  1864,  on  his 
father's  farm  near  Charlottetown,  Prince  Edward  Island, 
Canada,  the  eldest  of  four  children,  all  born  within  a  few 
years.  The  low,  white  farmhouse  that  is  his  birthplace 
still  stands  pleasantly  surrounded  by  tall  trees,  and  at  one 
side  a  huge,  thirty-foot  hedge  of  hawthorn  blooms  each 
spring.  His  father,  Christopher  S.  Lane,  was  at  the  time 
of  his  son's  birth  a  preacher.  Later,  when  his  voice  was 
affected  by  recurrent  bronchitis,  he  became  a  dentist. 
Lane  speaks  of  him  several  times  in  his  letters  as  a  Pres 
byterian,  and  alludes  to  the  strict  orthodoxy  of  his  father's 
faith,  especially  in  regard  to  an  active  and  personal  devil. 

In  1917,  when  in  the  Cabinet,  during  President  Wilson's 
second  term  of  office,  Lane  wrote  to  his  brother,  "To-night 
we  give  a  dinner  to  the  Canadians,  Sir  George  Foster,  the 
acting  Premier,  and  Sir  Joseph  Polk,  the  Under-Secretary 
of  External  Affairs,  who,  by  the  way,  was  born  in  Char 
lottetown,  Prince  Edward  Island,  and  says  that  he  heard 
our  father  preach." 

But  it  was  from  his  mother,  whose  maiden  name  was 
Caroline  Burns,  and  who  was  of  direct  Scotch  ancestry, 
that  Franklin  Lane  drew  most  of  his  physical  and  many  of 
his  mental  traits.  From  her  he  derived  the  firmly-modeled 
structure  of  his  face;  the  watchful  Scotch  eyes;  a  fine 
white  skin,  that  weathered  to  an  even  brown,  later  in  life ; 


4  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

remarkably  sound  teeth,  large  and  regular,  giving  firm  sup 
port  to  the  round  contour  of  the  face ;  and  the  fresh  line  of 
his  lips,  that  was  a  marked  family  trait.  A  description 
of  him,  when  he  was  candidate  for  Governor  of  California, 
at  thirty-eight,  was  written  by  Grant  Wallace.  Cleared 
of  some  of  the  hot  sweetness  of  a  campaign  rhapsody  it 
reads :  — 

"Picture  a  man  a  little  above  the  average  height  .  .  . 
with  the  deep  chest  and  deep  voice  that  always  go  with  the 
born  leader  of  men ;  the  bigness  and  strength  of  the  hands 
.  .  .  the  clear  eye  and  broad,  firm,  and  expressive  mouth, 
and  the  massive  head  that  suggests  irresistibly  a  combina 
tion  of  Napoleon  and  Ingersoll." 

These  two  resemblances,  to  Napoleon  and  to  Robert  In 
gersoll,  were  frequently  rediscovered  by  others,  in  later 
years. 

The  description  concludes  by  saying,  "That  Lane  is  a 
man  of  earnestness  and  vigorous  action  is  shown  in  ... 
every  movement.  You  sit  down  to  chat  with  him  in  his 
office.  As  he  grows  interested  in  the  subject,  he  kicks  his 
chair  back,  thrusts  his  hands  way  to  the  elbows  in  his  trouser 
pockets  and  strides  up  and  down  the  room.  With  deepen 
ing  interest  he  speaks  more  rapidly  and  forcibly,  and  charges 
back  and  forth  across  the  carpet  with  the  heavy  tread  of  a 
grenadier."  As  an  older  man  this  impetuosity  was  some 
what  modified.  What  an  early  interviewer  called  his  "frank 
man-to-manness "  became  a  manner  of  grave  and  cordial 
concentration.  With  the  warm,  full  grasp  of  his  hand  in 
greeting,  he  gave  his  complete  attention  to  the  man  before 
him.  That,  and  his  rich,  strong  laugh  of  pleasure,  and  tKe 
varied  play  of  his  moods  of  earnestness,  gayety,  and  chal 
lenge,  are  what  men  remember  best. 

Lane's  native  bent  from  the  first  was  toward  public  life. 


INTRODUCTION  5 

His  citizenship  was  determined  when  his  father  decided  to 
take  his  family  to  California,  to  escape  the  severity  of  the 
Canadian  climate.  In  1902,  Franklin  Lane  was  asked  how 
he  became  an  American.  "By  virtue  of  my  father's  citizen 
ship,"  he  replied,  "I  have  been  a  resident  of  California  since 
seven  years  of  age,  excepting  during  a  brief  absence  in  New 
York  and  Washington." 

In  1871,  the  mother,  father,  and  four  children,  after  visit 
ing  two  brothers  of  Mrs.  Lane's  on  the  way,  finally  reached 
the  town  of  Napa,  California. 

"They  came,"  says  an  old  schoolmate  of  Napa  days, 
"bringing  with  them  enough  of  the  appearance  and  man 
nerisms  of  their  former  environment  to  make  us  young 
sters  'sit  up  and  take  notice,'  for  the  children  were  dressed 
in  kilts,  topped  by  handsome  black  velvet  and  silk  plaid 
caps.  However,  these  costumes  were  soon  discarded,  for 
at  school  the  children  found  themselves  the  center  of  both 
good-  and  bad-natured  gibes,  until  they  were  glad  to  dress  as 
was  the  custom  here."  The  "Lane  boys,"  he  says,  were 
then  put  into  knee-trousers,  "  and  Franklin,  who  was  large 
for  his  age  and  quite  stout,  looked  already  too  old  for  this 
style,"  and  so  continued  to  be  annoyed  by  the  children, 
until  he  put  a  forcible  end  to  it.  "He  'licked'  one  of  the 
ringleaders,"  says  the  chronicler,  and  won  to  peace.  "As 
we  grew  to  know  Franklin  ...  his  right  to  act  became 
accepted.  .  .  .  There  was  always  something  about  his 
personality  which  made  one  feel  his  importance." 

The  little  California  community  was  impressed  by  the 
close  intimacy  of  the  home-life  of  the  Canadian  family — 
closer  than  was  usual  in  hurriedly  settled  Western  towns. 
The  father  found  time  to  take  all  three  boys  on  daily  walks. 
Another  companion  remembers  seeing  them  starting  off  to 
gether  for  a  day's  hunting  and  fishing.  But  it  was  the 


6     LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K  LANE 

mother,  who  read  aloud  to  them  and  told  them  stories  and 
exacted  quick  obedience  from  them,  who  was  the  real  power 
in  the  house.  There  were  regular  family  prayers,  and  fam 
ily  singing  of  hymns  and  songs. 

This  last  custom  survived  among  the  brothers  and  sister 
through  all  the  years.  Even  after  all  had  families  of  their 
own,  and  many  cares,  some  chance  reunion,  or  a  little  family 
dinner  would,  at  parting,  quicken  memory  and,  with  hats 
and  coats  already  on,  perhaps,  in  readiness  to  separate  to 
their  homes,  they  would  stand  together  and  shout,  in  uni 
son,  some  song  of  the  hour  or  some  of  their  old  Scotch  melo 
dies  with  that  pleasant  harmony  of  voices  of  one  timbre, 
heard  only  in  family  singing. 

Lane  had  a  baritone  of  stirring  quality,  coming  straight 
from  his  big  lungs,  and  loved  music  all  his  life.  In  the 
last  weeks  of  his  life  he  more  than  once  wrote  of  his 
pleasure  in  his  brother's  singing.  At  Rochester,  a  few 
days  before  his  operation,  he  reassured  an  anxious  friend  by 
writing,  "My  brother  George  is  here,  with  his  splendid 
philosophy  and  his  Scotch  songs." 

His  love  and  loyalty  to  past  ties,  though  great  and  per 
sistent,  still  left  his  ideal  of  loyalty  unsatisfied.  Toward 
the  end  of  his  life  he  wrote,  "Roots  we  all  have  and  we  must 
not  be  torn  up  from  them  and  flung  about  as  if  we  were 
young  things  that  could  take  hold  in  any  soil.  I  have  been 
—  America  has  been  —  too  indifferent  to  roots  —  home 
roots,  school  roots.  .  .  .  We  should  love  stability  and 
tradition  as  well  as  love  adventure  and  advancement." 
But  the  practical  labors  of  his  life  were  directed  towajrd 
creating  means  to  modify  tradition  in  favor  of  a  larger  sort 
of  justice  than  the  past  had  known. 

Resignation  had  no  part  in  his  political  creed.  "I  hold 
with  old  Cicero  'that  the  whole  glory  of  virtue  is  in  ac- 


FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  WITH  HIS  YOUNGER  BROTHERS,  GEORGE 
AND  FREDERIC 


i 


INTRODUCTION  7 

tivity,'"  comes  from  him  with  the  ring  of  authentic  tem 
perament.  And  of  a  friend's  biography  he  wrote,  "What  a 
fine  life  —  all  fight,  interwoven  with  fun  and  friendship." 

All  the  anecdotes  of  his  boyhood  show  him  in  action,  mov 
ing  among  his  fellows,  organizing,  leading,  and  administer 
ing  rough-and-tumble  justice. 

From  grammar  school  in  Napa  he  went,  for  a  time,  to  a 
private  school  called  Oak  Mound.  In  vacation,  when  he 
was  eleven  years  old,  he  was  earning  money  as  messenger- 
boy,  and  at  about  that  time  as  general  helper  to  one  of  the 
merchants  of  the  little  town.  He  left  in  his  old  employer's 
mind  the  memory  of  a  boy  "exceedingly  bright  and  enter 
prising."  He  recalls  a  fight  that  he  was  told  about,  between 
Lane  "and  a  boy  of  about  his  size,"  "and  Frank  licked 
him,"  the  old  merchant  exults,  "and  as  he  walked  away  he 
said,  'If  you  want  any  more,  you  can  get  it  at  the  same 
place.5" 

It  was  in  Napa  —  so  he  could  not  have  been  quite  twelve 
years  old  —  that  Lane  started  to  study  Spanish,  so  that  he 
might  talk  more  freely  to  the  ranchers,  who  drove  to  town 
in  their  rickety  little  carts,  to  "trade"  at  the  stores. 

In  1876,  the  family  moved  from  the  full  sunshine  of  the 
valley  town,  with  its  roads  muffled  in  pale  dust,  and  its  hill 
sides  lifting  up  the  green  of  riotous  vines,  to  Oakland,  cool 
and  cloudy,  with  a  climate  to  create  and  sustain  vigor.  In 
Oakland,  just  across  the  bay  from  San  Francisco,  Lane  en 
tered  the  High  School.  Again  his  schoolmates  recall  him 
with  gusto.  He  was  muscular  in  build,  "a  good  short-dis 
tance  runner."  His  hands  —  always  very  characteristic  of  the 
man  —  were  large  and  well-made,  strong  to  grasp  but  not 
adroit  in  the  smaller  crafts  of  tinkering.  "He  impressed 
me,"  an  Oakland  schoolmate  writes,  "as  a  sturdy  youngster 
who  had  confidence  in  himself  and  would  undoubtedly  get 


8  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

what  he  went  after.  Earnest  and  straightforward  in  man 
ner,"  and  always  engrossed  in  the  other  boys,  "when  they 
walked  down  Twelfth  Street,  on  their  way  to  school,  they 
had  their  arms  around  each  other's  shoulders,  discussing 
subjects  of  'vast  importance." 

His  capacity  for  organized  association  developed  rapidly. 
He  had  part  in  school  orations,  amateur  plays,  school  and 
Sunday  school  clubs.  Many  of  these  he  seems  to  have  ini 
tiated,  so  that,  with  his  school  work,  his  life  was  full.  He 
says  somewhere  that  by  the  time  he  was  sixteen  he  was 
earning  his  own  way.  His  great  delight  in  people,  and  es 
pecially  in  the  thrust  and  parry  of  controversial  talk,  held 
him  from  the  solitary  pleasures  of  fishing  and  hunting,  so 
keenly  relished  by  his  two  younger  brothers.  One  of  them 
said  of  him,  "Frank  can't  even  enjoy  a  view  from  a  moun 
tain-peak  without  wanting  to  call  some  one  up  to  share  it 
with  him."  He  writes  of  his  feeling  about  solitary  nature  to 
his  friend  George  Dorr,  in  1917,  in  connection  with  improve 
ments  for  the  new  National  Park,  near  Bar  Harbor,  "A 
wilderness,  no  matter  how  impressive  or  beautiful  does  not 
satisfy  this  soul  of  mine  (if  I  have  that  kind  of  a  thing).  It 
is  a  challenge  to  man.  It  says,  'Master  me!  Put  me  to 
use !  Make  me  more  than  I  am !"  About  his  "need  of  a 
world  of  men,"  he  was  equally  candid.  To  his  wife  he 
writes,  "I  am  going  to  dinner,  and  before  I  go  alone  into  a 
lonesome  club,  I  must  send  a  word  to  you.  .  .  .  The  world  is 
all  people  to  me.  I  lean  upon  them.  They  induce  thought 
and  fancy.  They  give  color  to  my  life.  Thrown  on  myself 
I  am  a  stranded  bark."  ...  { 

His  love  for  cooperation  and  for  action,  "dramatic  action," 
some  one  says,  never  left  him.  In  his  last  illness,  in  a  politi 
cal  crisis,  he  rallied  the  energy  of  younger  men.  He  wrote 
of  the  need  of  a  Democratic  program,  suggested  a  group  of 


INTRODUCTION  9 

compelling  names,  "or  any  other  group,"  he  adds,  "put 
up  the  plan  and  ask  them  what  they  think  of  it  —  tenta 
tively —  just  a  quiet  chat,  but  start!"  And  about  the 
same  matter  he  wrote,  "The  time  has  come.  Now  strike  !" 

To  a  friend  wavering  over  her  fitness  for  a  piece  of  pro 
jected  work,  he  said  drily,  "There  is  only  one  way  to  do  a 
thing,  and  that  is  to  do  it."  Late  in  life,  the  summation  of 
this  creed  of  action  seemed  to  come  when  he  confessed,  "I 
cannot  get  over  the  feeling  that  we  are  here  as  conquerors, 
not  as  pacifists." 

And  words,  written  and  spoken  words,  were  to  him, 
of  course,  the  instrument  of  conquest.  But  the  search  for 
the  fit  and  shining  word  for  his  mark  did  not  become  research. 
In  a  droll  letter,  about  how  he  put  simpler  English  into  the 
Department  of  the  Interior,  he  tells  of  finding  a  letter  written 
by  one  of  the  lawyers  of  the  Department  to  an  Indian  about 
his  title  to  land,  that  was  "so  involved  and  elaborately 
braided  and  beaded  and  fringed  that  I  could  not  understand 
it  myself."  So  he  sent  the  ornate  letter  back  and  had  it  put 
into  "straightaway  English." 

His  own  practicable  English  he  believed  he  had  learned 
through  his  newspaper  training.  He  first  worked  in  the 
printing  office  of  the  Oakland  Times,  then  became  a  reporter 
for  that  paper.  He  went  campaigning  and  made  speeches 
for  the  Prohibition  candidate  for  Governor  in  1884  —  before 
he  was  twenty -one.  The  next  year  he  was  reporting  for  the 
Alia  California,  edited  by  Colonel  John  P.  Irish,  himself  a 
fiery  orator,  of  the  denunciatory  type.  Colonel  Irish  recalls 
that  he  was  at  once  impressed  with  the  "  copious  and  ex 
cellent  vocabulary"  of  his  ambitious  reporter,  who  was, 
even  then,  he  says,  "determined  upon  a  high  and  useful 
career."  In  a  letter  to  Colonel  Irish,  in  1913,  Lane  wrote, 
"That  simple  little  card  of  yours  was  a  good  thing  for  me. 


10  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

It  took  me  for  a  minute  out  of  the  maelstrom  of  pressing 
business  and  carried  me  back,  about  thirty  years,  to  the 
time  when  I  was  a  boy  working  for  you  —  an  unbaked, 
ambitious  chap,  who  did  not  know  where  he  was  going,  but 
was  trying  to  get  somewhere." 

It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  in  youth  he  did  not  suffer 
from  the  usual  phases  of  revolt  from  early  teachings.  His 
father  was  a  Prohibitionist,  and  Lane's  first  campaign  was 
for  a  Prohibition  candidate  for  Governor ;  his  father  had 
been  a  preacher  and  Lane,  when  very  young,  thought  seri 
ously  of  becoming  a  minister,  so  seriously  that  he  came 
before  an  examining  board  of  the  Presbyterian  church. 
After  two  hours  of  grilling,  he  was,  though  found  wanting, 
not  rejected,  but  put  upon  a  six  months'  probation  —  the 
elders  probably  dreaded  to  lose  so  persuasive  a  tongue  for 
the  sake  of  a  little  "insufficiency  of  damnation"  in  his  creed. 
One  of  his  inquisitors,  a  Presbyterian  minister,  went  from 
the  ordeal  with  Lane,  and  continued  to  try  to  convert  him 
to  the  tenets  of  Presbyterianism.  Then  suddenly,  at  some 
turn  of  the  talk,  the  clergyman  abandoned  his  position  and 
said  carelessly,  "Well,  Lane,  why  not  become  a  Unitarian 
preacher  ?  " 

The  boy  who  had  been  walking  the  floor  at  night  in  the 
struggle  to  reconcile  the  teachings  of  the  church  with  his 
own  doubts  —  knowing  that  Eternal  Damnation  was  held 
to  be  the  reward  for  doubt  of  Christ's  divinity  —  was  so 
horrified  by  the  casuistry  of  the  man  who  could  be  an  ortho 
dox  minister  and  yet  speak  of  preaching  as  just  one  way  to 
make  a  living,  that  he  swung  sharply  from  any  wish  to  ent£r 
the  church.  \ 

The  strictness  of  the  orthodoxy  of  his  home  had  not 
served  to  alienate  his  sympathies,  but  he  was  chilled  to  the 
heart  by  this  indifference.  He  remembered  the  episode  all 


FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  AT  EIGHTEEN 


i 


INTRODUCTION  11 

his  life  with  emotion,  but  he  was  not  embittered  by  it.  He 
was  young,  a  great  lover,  greatly  in  love  with  life. 

In  1884,  when  he  entered  the  University  of  California, 
it  was  as  a  special  not  as  a  regular  student.  "I  put  myself 
through  college,"  he  writes  to  a  boy  seeking  advice  on  edu 
cation,  "by  working  during  vacation  and  after  hours,  and  I 
am  very  glad  I  did  it."  He  seems  to  have  arranged  all  his 
college  courses  for  the  mornings  and  carried  his  reporting 
and  printing-office  work  the  last  half  of  the  day. 

College  at  once  offered  a  great  forum  for  debate,  and  a 
richer  comradeship  with  men  of  strong  mental  fiber.  Lane's 
eagerness  in  discussion  and  love  of  large  and  sounding  words 
made  the  students  call  him  "Demosthenes  Lane."  In  his 
letters  it  is  easy  to  trace  the  gradual  evolution  from  his  early 
oratorical  style  into  a  final  form  of  free,  imaginative  ex 
pression  of  great  simplicity.  Meanwhile,  as  he  debated,  he 
gathered  to  himself  men  who  were  to  be  friends  for  the  rest 
of  his  life.  The  "Sid"  of  the  earliest  letters  that  we  have 
is  Dr.  Sidney  E.  Mezes,  now  President  of  the  College  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  to  whom  one  of  his  last  letters  was  ad 
dressed.  His  friendship  for  Dr.  Wigmore,  Dean  of  Law  at 
the  Northwestern  University,  in  Chicago,  dates  almost  as 
far  back. 

In  college,  Lane  seized  what  he  most  wanted  in  courses 
on  Philosophy  and  Economics.  "His  was  a  mind  of  many 
facets  and  hospitable  in  its  interest,"  says  his  college  and 
lifelong  friend,  Adolph  C.  Miller,  "but  his  years  at  Berkeley 
were  devoted  mainly  to  the  study  of  Philosophy  and  Govern 
ment,  and  kindred  subjects.  He  was  a  leading  figure  in  the 
Political  Science  Club,  and  intent  in  his  pursuit  of  phi 
losophy.  Often  he  could  be  seen  walking  back  and  forth  in 
a  room  in  the  old  Bacon  library,  set  apart  for  the  more  seri 
ous-minded  students,  with  some  philosophical  book  in  hand ; 


12  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

every  line  of  his  face  expressing  deep  concentration,  the 
occasional  light  in  his  eye  clearly  betraying  the  moment  when 
he  was  feeling  the  joy  of  understanding." 

In  two  years,  not  waiting  for  formal  graduation,  Lane  was 
back  in  the  world  of  public  affairs  that  he  had  scarcely  left. 
In  the  same  short-cut  way  he  took  his  Hastings  Law 
School  work,  and  passed  his  Supreme  Court  examination 
in  1888,  in  much  less  than  the  time  usually  allowed  for  the 
work. 

By  the  time  he  left  the  law  school,  "  a  full  fledged,  but  not 
a  flying  attorney,"  his  desire  for  aggressive  citizenship  was 
fully  formed.  In  fact,  the  whole  active  campaign,  that  was 
his  life,  was  made  by  the  light  of  early  ideals,  enlarged  and 
reinterpreted  as  his  climb  to  power  brought  under  his  survey 
wider  horizons. 

The  sketchiest  summary  of  his  early  and  late  activities 
brings  out  the  singleness  of  the  central  purpose  moving 
through  his  life.  His  first  fight,  in  1888,  for  Ballot  Reform 
'  was  made  that  the  will  of  the  people  of  the  State  might  be 
honestly  interpreted;  later,  in  Tacoma,  Washington,  he 
sided  with  his  printers,  against  his  interest  as  owner,  in  their 
fight  to  maintain  union  wages ;  once  more  in  San  Francisco, 
he  took,  without  a  retaining  fee,  the  case  of  the  blackmailed 
householders  whose  titles  were  threatened  by  the  pretensions 
of  the  Noe  claimants,  and  with  his  brother,  cleared  title  to  all 
of  their  small  homes ;  he  joined,  with  his  friend,  Arthur  Mc- 
Ewen,  in  an  editorial  campaign  against  the  Southern  Pacific, 
in  the  day  of  its  tyrannous  power  over  all  the  shippers 
of  California;  later  he  drafted  into  the  charter  of  S&n 
Francisco  new  provisions  to  improve  the  wages  of  all  city 
employees;  as  its  young  city  and  county  attorney,  he 
aggressively  protected  the  city  against  street  railway  en 
croachments,  successfully  enforcing  the  law  against  infrac- 


INTRODUCTION  13 

tions;  as  Interstate  Commerce  Commissioner,  he  disen 
tangled  a  network  of  injustices  in  the  relations  between 
shippers  and  railroads,  exposed  rebating  and  demurrage 
evils ;  formulated  new  procedures  in  deflating,  reorganizing, 
and  zoning  the  business  of  all  the  express  companies  in 
the  country ;  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  he  confirmed  to 
the  people  a  fuller  use  of  Federal  Lands,  and  National  Park 
Reserves,  laid  the  foundation  for  the  development,  on  public 
domain,  of  water  powers,  and  the  leasing  of  Government 
oil  lands,  and  built  the  Government  railroad  in  Alaska; 
during  the  War,  he  contributed  to  the  Council  of  National 
Defense  his  inexhaustible  enthusiasm  for  cooperation,  with 
definite  plans  for  swift  action,  to  focus  National  resources 
to  meet  war  needs  ;  and  finally,  his  last  carefully  elaborated 
plan  —  killed  by  a  partisan  Congress  —  was  to  place  returned 
soldiers  upon  the  land  under  conditions  of  hopeful  and  de 
cent  independence.  These  were  some  of  the  "glories"  of 
activity  into  which  he  poured  the  resources  of  his  energy 
and  imagination. 

But  no  catalogue  of  the  work  or  the  salient  mental  charac 
teristics  of  Franklin  Lane  gives  a  picture  of  the  man,  without 
taking  into  account  his  temperament,  for  that  colored  every 
hour  of  his  life,  and  every  act  of  his  career.  The  things 
that  he  knew  seized  his  imagination.  Even  when  a  middle- 
aged  man  he  sang,  like  a  troubadour,  of  the  fertility  of  the 
soil ;  he  was  stirred  by  the  virtue  and  energy  of  what  he 
saw  and  touched ;  his  heart  leaped  at  the  thought  of  the 
power  of  water  ready  to  be  unlocked  for  man's  use — most 
happy  in  that  the  thing  that  was  his  he  could  love. 

"To  lose  faith  in  the  future  of  oil !"  he  cries,  in  the  midst 
of  a  sober  statistical  letter,  "Why!  that  is  as  unthinkable 
as  to  lose  faith  in  your  hands.  Oil,  coal,  electricity,  what 
are  these  but  multiplied  and  more  adaptable,  super-service- 


1 


14  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

able  hands?  They  may  temporarily  be  unemployed,  but 
the  world  can't  go  round  without  them."  A  man  who  feels 
poetry  in  petroleum  suffers  from  no  wistful  "desire  of  the 
moth  for  the  star."  To  his  full  sense  of  life  the  moth  and 
the  star  are  of  one  essential  substance,  parts  of  one  glorious 
conquerable  creation  —  and  the  moth  just  a  fleck  of  star- 
dust,  with  silly  wings. 

In  truth,  both  then  and  throughout  most  of  the  days  of  his 
life  he  was  completely  oriented  in  this  world,  at  home  here, 
with  his  strong  feet  planted  upon  reality.  He  liked  so  many 
homely  things,  that  his  friendly  glance  responded  to  common 
sunlight  without  astigmatism. 

That  his  sympathies  should  have  outrun  his  repugnances 
was  of  great  practical  moment  in  what  he  was  able  to  achieve 
in  a  life  shortened  at  both  ends,  for  though  he  had  to  lose 
time  by  earning  his  own  professional  equipment,  he  lost  little 
energy  in  friction.  He  wrote  to  a  political  aspirant  for  high 
office,  in  1921,  "Pick  a  few  enemies  and  pick  them  with 
discretion.  Chiefly  be  for  things."  To  a  man  who  was 
making  a  personal  attack  on  an  adversary  of  Lane's,  while 
in  1914,  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  he  was  engrossed  in 
establishing  his  "conservation-by-use"  policy,  in  opposition 
to  the  older  and  narrower  policy  of  conservation  by  with 
drawal,  Lane  wrote,  "I  have  never  seen  any  good  come  by 
blurring  an  issue  by  personal  conflict  or  antagonisms.  .  .  . 
I  have  no  time  to  waste  in  fighting  people  ...  to  fight  for 
a  thing  the  best  way  is  to  show  its  advantages,  and  the 
need  for  it  ...  and  my  only  solicitude  is  that  the  things 
I  care  for  should  not  be  held  back  by  personal  disputes."  .  .{. 

This  lesson  he  had  learned  more  from  his  own  temperar 
ment  than  from  political  expediency.  It  was  bound  up  in 
his  love  of  efficiency  and  also  in  his  sense  of  humor.  During 
this  same  hot  conservation  controversy  he  writes  to  an  old 


INTRODUCTION  15 

friend,  "I  have  no  intention  of  saying  anything  in  reply 
to  Pinchot.  He  wrote  me  thirty  pages  to  prove  that  I  was 
a  liar,  and  rather  than  read  that  again  I  will  admit  the  fact." 

This  preoccupation  with  the  main  issue,  in  getting  bene-  ] 
ficial  results  was  one  thing  that  made  him  gladjojacclaim/ 
and  use  the  gifts  of  other  men.  Through  his  sympathies 
he  could  follow  as  well  as  lead,  and  he  caught  enthusiasms 
as  well  as  kindled  them.  He  believed  in  enthusiasm  for  it 
self,  and  because  he  saw  in  it  one  of  the  great  potencies  of 
life.  In  writing  of  D'Annunzio's  placing  Italy  beside  the 
Allies,  he  rejoices  in  the  beautiful  spectacle  of  the  spirit  of  a 
whole  people  "blown  into  flame  by  a  poet-patriot."  But 
"the  ideal,"  he  urges,  "must  be  translated  into  the  possible. 
Man  cannot  live  by  bread  alone  —  nor  on  manna." 

His  gay  and  challenging  attitude  toward  life  expressed 
only  one  mood,  for  he  paid,  as  men  must,  for  intense  buoy 
ancy  of  temper  by  black  despairs.  "Damn  that  Irish  tem 
perament,  anyway!"  he  writes.  "O  God,  that  I  had  been 
made  a  stolid,  phlegmatic,  non-nervous,  self-satisfied  Brit 
isher,  instead  of  a  wild  cross  between  a  crazy  Irishman 
with  dreams,  desires,  fancies  —  and  a  dour  Scot  with  his 
conscience  and  his  logical  bitterness  against  himself  —  and 
his  eternal  drive !" 

His  exaggerations  of  hope  and  his  moods  of  broken  dis 
appointment,  his  ever-springing  faith  in  men,  and  in  the 
possibility  of  just  institutions,  were  more  temperamental 
than  logical.  Moods  of  astonished  grief,  when  men  showed 
greed  and  instability,  gave  place  to  humorous  and  tolerant 
analysis  of  characters  and  events.  Even  his  loyalty  to  his 
friends  was  subject  to  the  slight  magnetic  deflections  of  a 
man  of  moods.  He  was  true  to  them  as  the  needle  to  the 
pole;  and  with  just  the  same  piquing  oscillations,  before 
the  needle  comes  to  rest  at  the  inevitable  North, 


16     LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Because  he  had  caught,  in  its  capricious  rhythms,  the 
subtle  movements  of  human  intercourse  he  trusted  himself 
to  express  to  other  men  the  natural  man  within  his  breast, 
without  fear  of  misconstruction.  He  contrived  to  human 
ize,  in  parts,  even  his  government  reports.  They  brought 
him,  year  by  year,  touching  letters  of  gratitude  from  weary 
political  writers.  The  patient,  logical  Scot  in  him  that  said, 
"I  am  going  to  take  this  thing  up  bit  by  bit  without  trying 
to  get  a  whole  philosophy  into  the  work,"  anchored  him  to 
the  heaviest  tasks  as  if  he  were  a  true-born  plodder,  while 
the  "wild  Irishman"  with  dreams  and  desires  lighted  the 
way  with  gleams  of  Will-o'-the-Wisp.  The  quicksilver  in 
the  veins  of  the  patient  Mercutio  of  railroad  rates  and  de 
murrage  charges  lightened  his  work  for  himself  and  others. 
Just  as  in  the  five  years  when  he  served  San  Francisco,  as 
City  and  County  Attorney,  he  labored  to  such  effect  that 
not  one  of  his  hundreds  of  legal  opinions  was  reversed  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State,  so  he  toiled  on  these  same 
Annual  Reports,  so  immersed  that,  as  he  says,  "I  even  have 
to  take  the  blamed  stuff  to  bed  with  me."  Fourteen  and 
sixteen  hours  at  his  official  desk  were  not  his  longest  hours, 
and  sometimes  he  snatched  a  dinner  of  shredded  biscuit  from 
beside  the  day's  accumulations  of  papers  upon  his  heaped-up 
desk.  He  laid  upon  himself  the  burden  of  labor,  examining 
and  cross-examining  men  for  hours  upon  a  single  point  of 
essential  fact  —  quick  to  detect  fraud  and  intolerant  of  hum 
bug,  —  but  infinitely  patient  with  those  who  were  merely 
dull,  evading  no  drudgery,  and,  above  all,  never  evading 
the  dear  pains  of  building-up  and  maintaining  friendship  { 

LOUISE  HERRICK  WALL', 
March,  1922 


II 

POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM 

1884-1894 

Politics  —  Newspaper  Work  —  New  York  —  Buying  into  Tacoma 
News  —  Marriage  —  Sale  of  Newspaper 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE'S  earliest  political  association,  in  Cali 
fornia,  after  reaching  manhood,  was  with  John  H.  Wig- 
more.  Wigmore  had  returned  from  Harvard,  in  1883,  with 
a  plan,  already  matured,  for  Civic  Reform.  The  Municipal  - 
Reform  League,  created  by  Wigmore,  Lane,  and  several 
other  young  men,  was  to  follow  the  general  outline  of  boss 
control,  by  precinct  and  ward  organization,  the  difference 
being  that  the  League  members  were  to  hold  no  offices,  en 
joy  no  spoils,  and  work  for  clean  city  politics.  Each  member 
of  the  inner  circle  was  to  take  over  and  make  himself  re 
sponsible  for  a  definite  city  district,  making  a  card  index  of 
the  name  of  each  voter,  taking  a  real  part  in  all  caucus  meet 
ings  —  in  saloon  parlors  or  wherever  they  were  held  —  and 
studying  practical  politics  at  first  hand.  "Blind  Boss 
Buckley"  was  the  Democratic  dictator  of  San  Francisco, 
and  against  his  regime  the  initial  efforts  of  the  League  were 
directed. 

It  was  a  giant's  task,  an  impossible  task,  for  a  small  group 
of  newspaper  writers  and  college  undergraduates.  The 
short  career  of  the  Municipal  Reform  League  ended  when 
Wigmore  went  East  to  study  law,  leaving  Lane  determined 

17 


18  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

to  increase  his  efficiency  by  earning  his  way  through  college 
and  the  Hastings  Law  School. 

The  first  letters  of  this  volume  follow  the  theme  of  the 
political  interests  of  the  two  young  men. 


To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Oakland,  February  27,  1888 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  I  am  thinking  of  getting  back  in 
your  part  of  the  world  myself,  and  this  is  what  I  especially 
wanted  to  write  you  about.  I  desire  to  see  the  world,  to 
rub  off  some  of  my  provincialisms,  to  broaden  a  little  before 
I  settle  down  to  a  prosaic  existence.  So,  as  I  say,  I  want  to 
live  in  Boston  awhile  and  my  only  possibility  of  so  doing  is 
to  get  a  position  on  some  Boston  paper,  something  that  will 
afford  me  a  living  and  allow  some  little  time  for  social  and 
literary  life.  However  I  don't  care  much  what  the  billet 
is.  I  can  bring  letters  of  recommendation  from  all  the  good 
newspaper  men  in  San  Francisco,  both  as  to  my  ability  at 
editorial  work  (I  have  done  considerable  for  the  San  Fran 
cisco  News  Letter  and  Examiner),  and  at  all  kinds  of  repor- 
torial  work.  .  .  . 

I  passed  the  law  examination  before  the  Supreme  Court 
last  month,  so  I  am  now  a  full-fledged  —  but  not  a  flying, 
attorney.  I  have  not  determined  definitely  on  going  into 
law.  .  .  . 

Politically  speaking  we  Mugwumps  out  here  are  happy. 
.  .  .  California  has  been  opposed  to  Cleveland  on  every 
one  of  his  great  proposals  (civil  service  reform,  silver  que^s- 
tion,  tariff  reform),  and  yet  the  Republicans  must  nominate 
a  very  strong  man  to  get  this  State  this  year.  The  people 
admire  old  Grover's  strength  so  much,  he  is  a  positive  man 
and  an  honest  man,  and  when  the  people  see  these  two  ex- 


POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM  19 

ceptional  virtues  mixed  happily  in  a  candidate  they  grow 
to  love  and  admire  him  out  of  the  very  idealism  of  their  na 
tures. 

But  I  must  not  bother  the  Boston  attorney  any  longer. 
Write  me  all  you  know  of  opportunities  there  and  believe 
me  always  your  friend, 

FRANK  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Oakland,  May  9,  1888 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  Of  course  I  would  have  to  stand  my 
chances  in  getting  a  position.  Newspaper  men,  perhaps 
more  than  any  other  class,  are  rated  by  ability.  Civil  Serv 
ice  Reform  principles  rule  in  every  good  newspaper  office 
to  their  fullest  extent.  When  I  wrote  you,  I  was  unsettled 
as  to  my  plans  for  the  coming  year.  My  brother  desired  to 
spend  a  year  or  so  in  Boston  and  I  thought  of  accompanying 
him.  He  has  changed  his  plans  and  so  have  I.  ...  I 
am  regularly  on  the  Chronicle  staff,  chiefly  writing  sensa 
tional  stories.  I  get  a  regular  salary  of  twenty -five  dollars 
a  week  besides  some  extras,  and  have  as  easy  and  pleasant 
a  billet  as  there  is  on  the  paper,  though  editorial  work  would 
be  more  to  my  liking. 

These  arrangements  do  not  interfere,  however,  with  my 
Boston  plan,  for  sooner  or  later  I  shall  breathe  its  intellec 
tual  atmosphere,  that  I  may  outgrow  provincialism  and 
become  intellectual  by  force  of  habit  rather  than  will.  How 
long  it  will  be  before  the  wish  can  be  gratified  I  cannot  tell. 
Probably  next  year.  You  see  the  law  is  not  altogether  after 
my  taste.  I  feel  it  a  waste  of  time  to  spend  days  quarreling 
like  school-boys  over  a  few  hundred  dollars.  I  feel  all  the 
time  as  if  I  must  be  engaged  in  some  life  work  which  will 
make  more  directly  for  the  good  of  my  fellows,  I  feel  the 


20  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

need  which  the  world  manifests  for  broader  ideas  in  econom 
ics,  politics,  the  philosophy  of  life,  and  all  social  questions. 
Feeling  so,  I  cannot  coop  myself  in  a  law  library  behind  a 
pile  of  briefs,  spending  my  days  and  nights  in  search  of  some 
authority  which  will  save  my  client's  dollar.  I  am  unset 
tled,  however,  as  to  my  permanent  work.  .  .  . 

Oakland,  September  20,  1888 

.  .  .  The  copies  of  the  Massachusetts  law  have  been  duly 
received  and  put  to  the  best  of  use.  On  my  motion  our 
Young  Men's  League  appointed  a  Committee  to  draft  a 
law  for  presentation  to  the  Legislature.  Judge  Maguire, 
Ferd,1  and  two  others,  with  myself,  are  on  that  Committee 
and  we  are  hard  at  work.  I  send  to-day  a  copy  of  the  Ex- 
aminer  containing  a  ballot  reform  bill  just  introduced  by 
the  Federated  Trades.  It  is  based  on  the  New  York  law 
but  is  very  faulty.  We  are  working  with  that  bill  as  a 
basis,  proposing  various  and  very  necessary  amendments. 
We  hope  to  get  our  bill  adopted  in  Committee  as  a  substi 
tute  for  the  one  introduced,  and  believe  that  the  Federated 
Trades  will  be  perfectly  willing  to  adopt  our  measure.  .  .  . 
Tell  me,  please,  how  you  select  your  election  officials  in 
your  large  cities.  Our  mode  of  selection  is  really  the  weak 
point  with  us,  for  no  matter  how  good  a  law  we  might  pro 
cure,  its  enforcement  would  be  left  to  "boss"  tools  —  cor- 
ruptionists  of  the  worst  class.  .  .  . 

Oakland,  December  2,  1888 { 

.  .  .  Your  letter  breathes  the  sentiments  of  thousands  of 
Republicans  who  voted  against  Cleveland.  They  are  now 
"just  a  little"  sorry  that  so  good  a  man  is  beaten.  I  never 

1  Ferdinand  Vassault,  a  college  friend. 


POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM  21 

quite  understood  your  political  position.  Your  letter  to 
Ferd  giving  your  reason  was,  I  must  say,  not  conclusive,  for 
I  cannot  believe  that  you  can  find  a  greater  field  of  use 
fulness  or  power  in  the  Republican  than  in  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  surely  not  now  that  the  new  Democracy  — 
a  party  aggressive,  filled  with  the  reform  spirit,  and  right 
in  the  direction  it  takes,  now  that  such  a  party  is  in  the 
field. 

You  surely  ought  to  join  us  on  the  tariff  fight,  but  then  I 
wish  you  the  best  of  fortune  whatever  your  choice. 

Ferd  and  several  others  with  myself  are  now  organizing 
what  will  some  day  be  a  great  state,  if  not  a  great  national 
institution.  We  call  it  the  Young  Men's  Democratic 
League1  —  it  is  to  be  made  up  of  young  men  from  twenty- 
one  to  forty -five ;  its  scope  —  national  politics,  election  of 
President  and  Congressmen,  and  its  immediate  purpose  to 
inform  the  people  on  the  tariff  question.  When  our  Con 
stitution  is  published  you  shall  have  one.  We  expect  to 
organize  branches  all  over  the  State  and  in  a  year  or  two 
will  be  strong  in  the  thousands. 

Your  election  article  was  of  a  singular  kind  but  very  good. 
I  have  loaned  it  out  among  the  old  crowd.  I  spoke  of  it  to 
Judge  Sullivan,  who  is  compiling  authorities  on  the  "in 
tention  of  the  voter"  as  governing,  where  the  spelling  is 
wrong  on  a  ballot.  Sullivan  ran  for  Supreme  Justice  and 
ran  thousands  ahead  of  his  ticket  (the  Democratic)  but 
thinks  that  he  was  defeated  by  votes  thrown  out  in  Alameda 
and  Los  Angeles  counties  because  of  irregularities  in  the 
ballot  —  in  one  case  his  initials  were  printed  "J.  D."  in 
stead  of  "J.  F." —  in  another  instance,  his  name  was 
printed  a  little  below  the  title  of  the  office,  because  of  the 

1  This  plan  seems  to  have  been  to  enlarge  the  influence  of  the  League  mentioned 
in  a  former  letter. 


22  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

narrowness  of  the  ticket.  If  these  ballots  were  counted 
for  him  he  thinks  he  would  have  won.  .  .  . 

Fourteen  years  later,  when  the  electoral  count  was  made 
of  Franklin  K.  Lane's  ballots  for  Governor  of  the  State  of 
California,  between  eight  and  ten  thousand  ballots  were 
thrown  out  on  similar  ground  of  "irregularities,"  and  he 
was  counted  out,  "the  intention  of  the  voter"  being  again 
frustrated. 

To  John  H.  Wig  more 

San  Francisco,  California,  January  29,  1889 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  ...  I  want  to  report  progress.  We 
now  have  our  bill  complete.  .  .  .  The  bill  I  send  has  been 
adopted  by  the  Federated  Trades  and  will  be  substituted 
by  them  for  their  bill  now  before  the  House.  .  .  . 

On  Saturday  evening  there  will  be  one  of  those  huge 
"spontaneous"  mass  meetings  (which  require  so  much  prep 
aration)  in  support  and  endorsement  of  the  bill.  The 
most  prominent  men  in  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature  will 
speak.  .  .  . 

San  Francisco,  February  17,  1889 

...  I  never  have  been  busier  in  my  life  than  in  the 
last  two  weeks.  Ballot  Reform  has  taken  up  a  very  great 
portion  of  my  time.  I  have  just  returned  from  a  lobbying 
trip  to  Sacramento.  The  bill  will  not  pass,  though  the  best 
men  in  both  Houses  favor  it.  I  went  up  on  the  invitation 
of  the  chairman  of  the  Assembly  Committee  to  address  the 
Committee.  I  spoke  for  an  hour  and  a  half.  At  the  end 
of  that  time  only  one  man  in  the  group  openly  opposed  the 
scheme,  and  he  confessed  that  the  bill  would  do  just  what  I 
claimed  for  it,  and  made  this  confession  to  the  Committee. 


POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM  23 

"But,"  said  he,  "it  tends  to  the  disintegration  of  political 
parties  and  as  they  are  essential  to  our  life  we  must  not 
help  on  their  destruction. "... 

The  Committee  of  the  Senate  decided  without  any  debate 
on  the  bill  to  report  adversely  to  it.  I  got  them  to  reconsider 
their  vote,  and  we  will  have  a  hearing  at  any  rate  before  the 
bill  is  killed.  The  Legislature  is  altogether  for  boodle.  .  .  . 

Your  book  has  been  of  the  greatest  assistance  to  me.  I 
virtually  made  my  speech  from  it  and  left  the  book  with  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  at  his  special  request.  ...  If 
it  had  come  out  a  month  sooner  we  would  have  stood  fifty 
per  cent  better  chance  of  getting  the  bill  through,  because 
the  papers  would  have  come  to  the  front  so  much  sooner 
and  we  would  have  been  thirty  days  ahead  with  our  bill.  I 
tell  you  I  felt  quite  proud  in  addressing  the  distinguished 
legislature  to  refer  to  "my  friend  Wigmore's  book."  .  .  . 


San  Francisco,  May  10,  1889 

...  I  am  coming  nearer  to  you.  On  Monday  I  leave  to 
take  up  my  residence  in  New  York,  as  correspondent  for 
the  San  Francisco  Chronicle.  I  do  not  know  where  I  will 
be  located,  but  mail  addressed  to  me  at  the  Hoffman  House 
will  reach  me  when  I  arrive,  which  will  be  in  about  ten  days. 

My  purpose  is  to  breathe  a  new  atmosphere  for  a  while  so 
that  I  may  broaden.  We  must  make  arrangements  soon 
to  meet.  I  want  to  know  your  New  York  reform  friends.  .  .  . 


New  York,  June  21,  1889 

.  .  .  This  lapse  of  a  couple  of  weeks  means  that  I  have 
been  enjoying  the  delights  of  a  New  York  summer,  in  which 
only  slaves  work  and  many  of  these  find  refuge  in  suicide.  .  .  . 


24  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Not  a  single  reformer,  big  or  little,  have  I  yet  met.  Your 
friend  Bishop1  I  have  not  called  on,  though  I  have  twice 
started  to  do  so,  and  have  been  switched  off.  ...  I  will 
go  within  a  couple  of  days  for  the  spirit  must  be  revived. 
One  day  early  in  this  week  I  had  an  intense  desire  to  visit 
you  immediately  and  was  almost  on  the  verge  of  letting 
things  go  and  rush  off,  but  duty  held  me.  .  .  . 

I  see  that  Bellamy  has  captured  Higginson,  Savage,  and 
others  and  that  they  are  going  to  work  over  the  Kinsley- 
Maurice  business.  Well,  I  would  to  God  it  would  work. 
Something  to  make  life  happier  and  steadier  for  these  poor 
women  and  men  who  toil  and  never  get  beyond  a  piece  of 
meat  and  a  cot !  There  is  justification  here  for  a  social- 
economic  revolution  and  it  will  come,  too,  if  things  are  not 
bettered. 

If  you  have  a  stray  thought  let  me  know  it  and  soon. 
Your  friend, 

F.  K.  L. 

Lane's  desire  for  stimulating  companionship  in  New  York 
was  quickly  gratified.  A  spontaneous  association  of  friend 
ships,  based  upon  a  young  delight  in  life  and  a  vast  curiosity 
of  the  mind,  sprang  up  among  a  little  group  of  men  of  very 
diverse  types.  All  were  strangers  in  New  York  with  no 
immediate  home  ties.  "Women  played  no  part  in  our 
lives,"  one  of  them  recalls.  "We  came  together  to  discuss 
plays,  poetry,  politics,  anything  and  everything  —  the  great 
actors,  comic  operas,  the  songs  of  the  streets,  science,  poli 
tics."  John  Crawford  Burns,  Lane,  Brydon  Lamb,  Curt 
Pfeiffer  formed  the  nucleus  of  what  spread  out  irregularly 
into  larger  groupings. 

John  Crawford  Burns,  who  was  slightly  older  than  the 

1  Joseph  Bucklin  Bishop,  editor  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  and  His  Time. 


POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM  25 

rest,  a  purist,  and  something  of  a  "dour  Scot,"  was  a  man 
of  conservative  and  cultivated  tastes  and  the  dean  of  the 
group.  He  was  in  a  business  house  that  imported  linens, 
and  lived  in  a  "glorious  room  with  two  outside  windows, 
and  ample  seating  capacity,"  so  the  friends  often  met  there 
and  learned  something  of  Gothic  architecture  and  of  the 
abominations  of  slang,  in  spite  of  themselves.  With  Burns, 
and  of  his  firm,  was  Brydon  Lamb,  "  also  of  Scotch  descent, 
but  born  in  America,  a  delightful  combination  of  strength, 
sweetness  and  light.  The  simple  grace  of  his  manner,  his 
unhurried  speech,  his  urbanity,  captivated  us  all.  We 
loved  him  for  what  he  was,  and  we  considered  him  our 
arbiter  elegantiarum"  Of  Lane  at  that  period  the  same 
friend  writes,  "I  remember  a  fine,  stocky,  muscular  pres 
ence  with  a  striking  head.  A  massive,  commanding  man, 
he  was,  a  persuasive  and  compelling  leader."  But  none  of 
the  men  had  any  sense  of  anything  but  complete  friendly, 
boyish  equality.  "Lane  was,"  Pfeiffer  says,  "interested 
in  human  beings,  not  problems,  excepting  as  their  solution 
might  be  made  serviceable  to  the  needs  of  individuals.  He 
had  great  tolerance  for  the  most  unusual  opinions.  I  don't 
think  Lane  ever  had  much  interest  in  the  dogmas  of  science, 
religion,  or  philosophy ;  he  lived  by  the  spirit  of  them,  that 
cannot  be  expressed  in  formulae.  He  had  the  peculiar 
sensitiveness  of  a  poet  for  words,  for  colors  and  sounds,  and 
for  moral  beauty,  and  blended  with  it  the  statesman's  ob 
servant  awareness  of  conditions  in  the  world  of  affairs." 

At  the  beginning  of  their  friendship,  in  1889,  Curt  Pfeiffer 
himself  was  only  nineteen  years  old,  a  youth  whose  family 
had  come  from  Holland  and  Germany.  He  appeared  in 
the  boarding-house  on  32nd  near  Broadway,  where  Burns 
lived,  fresh  from  three  months  at  the  Paris  Exposition,  a 
vacation  that  had  followed  a  course  of  scientific  study  at 


26  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Zurich,  Switzerland.  The  wonders  of  Paris,  a-glitter  with 
the  blaze  of  undreamed-of  electrical  beauty,  and  the  greater 
wonder  of  the  scientific  discoveries  and  speculations,  of  the 
eighties,  as  taught  at  the  University  of  Zurich,  gave  the 
young  traveler  an  instant  place  among  the  others.  Because 
of  his  love  for  exact  statement  and  his  scientific  approach 
in  discussion,  young  as  he  was,  he  contributed  something 
very  real  to  the  group  whose  chief  preoccupation  —  aside 
from  the  joy  of  living — was  with  art,  government,  and 
literature. 

They  read  separately,  and  when  a  book  seemed  intolerably 
good  to  the  discoverer,  he  brought  it  in  and  insisted  on  their 
reading  parts  of  it  together.  Browning,  Darwin,  the  Vedic 
Hymns,  Stevenson,  Taine,  Buckle,  Spencer,  Kipling,  Sir 
Henry  Maine,  on  primitive  law,  and  Emerson !  The  rela 
tion  of  the  men  was  almost  impersonal  in  the  fervor  of  their 
explorations  into  life.  Differences  of  blood  and  tradition 
were  not  only  easily  bridged  but  welcomed,  because  they 
assured,  to  the  group  as  a  whole,  sharper  angles  of  mental 
refraction  —  breaking  the  ray  of  truth  they  sought  into 
more  of  its  component  colors. 

Pfeiffer  recalls  that  "one  Saturday  night,  under  the  in 
fluence  of  reading  from  the  Vedic  Hymns,  and  a  talk  on 
astronomy,  we  went  up  on  the  roof  of  our  boarding-place, 
and  observed  a  complete  revolution  of  the  starry  heavens, 
from  dusk  to  dawn.  We  drifted  into  talk,  .  .  .  and  when 
we  finally  descended  to  our  beds  on  Sunday  morning,  we 
found  ourselves  drenched  to  the  skin  from  the  drizzling  dew. 
We  never  forgot  that  experience,  but  we  never  repeated  it 
either." 

His  political  interests  brought  Lane  into  the  Reform 
Club  where  Progress  and  Poverty,  Henry  George's  new 
book,  was  the  center  for  discussion  upon  the  whole  problem 


POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM  27 

of  the  distribution  of  taxation.  Lane  and  Henry  George 
established  a  cordial  friendship. 

John  Crawford  Burns  says  that  in  1889  "Lane's  chief 
hero  was  Cleveland,  and  his  oracle  Godkin,  of  the  Evening 
Post"  —  later,  the  Nation.  "When  I  knew  him  in  New 
York  he  represented  a  San  Francisco  newspaper,  the  Chron 
icle,  I  think,  as  correspondent.  He  was  not  whole-heartedly 
in  sympathy  with  his  proprietor,  nor  indeed  with  the  sen 
sational  aspect  of  journalism,  and  he  always  scoffed  at  the 
idea  of  newspaper  writers  constituting  a  modern  priesthood. 
He  laughingly  justified  his  association  with  the  Chronicle  by 
saying  he  gave  tone  to  it.  For  this  and  other  services,  he 
received,  I  think,  two  thousand  dollars  a  year,  which  even 
thirty  years  ago  did  not  admit  of  luxury  and  riotous  living." 

Lane's  whole  stay  in  New  York  was  less  than  two  years 
in  length,  but  the  vital  ideas  that  he  shared  with  disinterested 
minds  made  of  this  period  the  seed-bed  for  future  intellectual 
growth. 

In  1891,  in  spite  of  the  delights  of  personal  friendships, 
in  New  York,  Lane  grew  increasingly  dissatisfied  with  the 
limitations  of  newspaper  corresponding.  He  wanted  a 
paper  of  his  own,  in  which  he  could  express  without  reserve 
the  ideals  of  social  and  political  betterment  with  which  his 
mind  was  teeming.  In  this  mood,  the  first  acclaim  of  the 
rapid  growth  of  the  pioneer  towns  of  the  far  Northwest 
reached  him.  He  saw  in  this  his  opportunity,  and  acted 
quickly  and  decisively.  He  gathered  together  his  own 
savings,  borrowed  from  his  friend,  Sidney  Mezes,  a  few 
more  thousand  dollars  and  went  to  Tacoma,  Washington, 
to  buy  the  Tacoma  Evening  News. 

As  soon  as  the  transfer  was  well  made,  Lane  threw  himself 
enthusiastically  into  the  politics  of  the  new  town,  already 


28  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

suffering  from  boss  rule.  By  his  editorials  he  succeeded  in 
stirring  up  the  City  Hall,  and  drove  into  Alaskan  exile  the 
Chief  of  Police  —  who,  by  the  way,  was  said  to  have  be 
come  immensely  rich  in  Alaska  while  Lane's  paper  was 
running  into  bankruptcy  in  Tacoma.  But  Lane's  misad 
venture  was  not  wholly  due  to  his  civic  virtue.  He  had 
"bought  in"  at  just  the  moment  when  the  instruments  were 
tuning  up  for  the  prelude  to  the  great  panic  crash  of  1893. 
Tacoma,  and  the  whole  Northwest,  had  been  mainly  devel 
oped  by  casual  investments  of  speculative  Eastern  capital, 
and  this  capital,  sensitive  to  change,  was  being  withdrawn 
to  meet  home  needs.  Investors,  to  protect  real  interests, 
were  willing  to  sacrifice  their  "little  Western  flyers,"  at 
almost  any  discount. 

As  the  terminal  of  the  new  Northern  Pacific  Railroad, 
Tacoma  —  lying  on  the  bluffs  overlooking  the  great  inland 
sea  of  Puget  Sound,  guardianed  by  the  vastness  of  its  moun 
tain  —  was  backed  by  forests  whose  wealth  could  scarcely 
be  exaggerated,  even  by  promoter's  advertisements.  She 
was  noisily  proclaimed  to  be  the  "Gateway  to  the  Ori 
ent,"  but  trade  was  not  yet  firmly  established  with  the 
Orient,  and,  indeed,  what  was  Washington's  wealth  of  un 
cut  timber  when  the  capital  to  develop  it  was  slowly  ebbing 
Eastward  ? 

No  paper  without  heavy  capitalization,  could  have  sus 
tained  a  policy  of  political  reform,  when,  in  the  picturesque 
vernacular  of  the  time  and  place,  "the  bottom  had  dropped 
out  of  the  town."  A  rival  newspaper,  the  Ledger,  in  ordfcr 
to  retrench,  began  a  war  on  the  Printers'  Union,  to  break 
wages.  Lane  repudiated  the  effort  made  to  "rat"  his  paper 
and  to  force  the  Union  out.  He  sustained  his  men  in  their 
fight  to  keep  the  Union  rate,  and  lent  them  his  presses  to 
carry  on  their  propaganda.  In  after  years  he  said,  "As  to 


POLITICS  AND  JOURNALISM  29 

my  labor  record,  it  is  a  consistent  one  of  thirty  years  length, 
ever  since  I  stood  by  the  Union  in  Tacoma,  and  went 
broke."  Again  he  wrote  to  an  acquaintance,  "I  often  think 
of  the  old  days  in  Tacoma.  We  were  a  fighting  bunch,  and 
I  think  most  of  us  are  fighting  for  the  same  things  that  we 
fought  for  then ;  a  little  bit  more  decency  and  less  graft  in 
affairs,  and  a  chance  for  a  man  to  rise  by  ability  and  not  by 
pull  alone." 

In  April,  1893,  Lane  had  married  Anne  Wintermute  — 
he  needed  all  he  could  find  of  cheer  in  those  depressing  days. 
The  whole  town  was  beaten  to  its  knees  by  loss  and  fore 
closure.  Lane  was  struggling  to  hold  together  his  paper, 
and  save  his  friend's  investment  and  his  own  little  stake. 
The  one  bright  interlude  of  that  time  for  him  lay  in  reading, 
and  in  his  new  friendships.  He  loved  to  chant  aloud  to  a 
group  of  stranded  young  fellows  gathered  in  his  rooms,  in 
his  gay  trumpeting  way,  brave  passages  from  the  Barrack- 
Room  Ballads,  of  Kipling,  that  were  lifting  the  spirits  of  the 
English-speaking  world  with  their  freshness  and  daring. 
Stevenson,  too,  with  his  polished  optimism  delighted  Lane. 
"I  can  remember,"  says  one  of  the  group,  "just  how  I 
heard  him  read  aloud  the  last  words  from  Stevenson's  essay, 
Aes  Triplex,  in  those  melancholy  Tacoma  days  —  *  those 
happy  days  when  we  were  so  miserable !'"  :  — 

"All  who  have  meant  good  work  with  their  whole  hearts, 
have  done  good  work,  although  they  may  die  before  they 
have  the  time  to  sign  it.  ...  Does  not  life  go  down  with  a 
better  grace,  foaming  in  full  body  over  a  precipice,  than  mis 
erably  straggling  to  an  end  in  sandy  deltas?  When  the 
Greeks  made  their  fine  saying  that  those  whom  the  Gods 
love  die  young,  I  cannot  help  believing  they  had  this  sort 
of  death  also  in  their  eye.  For  surely,  at  whatever  age  it 
overtake  the  man,  this  is  to  die  young.  Death  has  not  been 


30  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

suffered  to  take  so  much  as  an  illusion  from  his  heart.  In 
the  hot-fit  of  life,  a-tip-toe  on  the  highest  point  of  being,  he 
passes  at  a  bound  on  to  the  other  side.  The  noise  of  the 
mallet  and  chisel  is  scarcely  quenched,  the  trumpets  are 
hardly  done  blowing,  when,  trailing  with  him  clouds  of 
glory,  this  happy-starred,  full-blooded  spirit  shoots  into 
the  spiritual  land." 

Still  believing  in  the  good  work  he  had  meant  with  his 
whole  heart,  Lane  turned  from  the  bankruptcy  of  his  paper, 
sold  at  auction,  to  write  to  his  friend  of  new  adventures. 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Tacoma,  October  25,  1894 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  I  have  not  heard  from  you  for  a 
year.  You  are  in  my  debt  at  least  one,  and  I  think  two, 
letters.  I  have  sent  you  an  occasional  paper,  just  to  let 
you  know  I  was  alive  and  I  am  hazarding  this  letter  to  the 
old  address.  .  .  . 

My  affairs  here  have  not  prospered  and  I  am  thinking  of 
going  somewhere  else.  .  .  .  Do  you  think  Japan  has  any 
thing  to  offer  a  man  such  as  myself?  Would  there  be  any 
chance  there  for  a  newspaper  run  by  an  American?  Are 
there  any  wealthy  Americans  there  who  would  be  likely  to 
put  up  a  few  thousands  for  such  an  enterprise?  .  .  . 

Life  is  not  the  "giddy,  reeling  dream  of  love  and  fame" 
that  it  once  was,  and  I  have  decided  on  gathering  a  few 
essential  dollars.  Now  Japan  may  not  be  the  place  I  am 
looking  for,  .  .  .  but  unless  I  am  greatly  mistaken,  a  man 
who  is  up  on  American  affairs  and  alive  to  business  oppor 
tunities  could  do  well  in  Japan.  But  then  this  is  all  a  guess, 
and  I  want  you  to  put  me  right.  .  .  .  Yours  very  truly, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


Ill 

LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES 

1894-1906 

Law  —  Drafting  New  City  Charter  —  Elected  as  City  and  County  Attorney  — 
Gubernatorial  Campaign  —  Mayoralty  Campaign  —  Earthquake  —  Ap 
pointment  as  Interstate  Commerce  Commissioner 

LATE  in  the  fall  of  1894  Lane  returned  to  San  Francisco 
and  for  some  months  associated  himself  with  Arthur 
McEwen,  on  Arthur  McEwen's  Letter,  a  lively  political  weekly 
which  attacked  various  forms  of  civic  corruption  in  San 
Francisco,  and  made  an  especial  target  of  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railroad,  then  in  practical  control  of  the  State. 

He  also  formed  a  law  partnership  with  his  brother,  George 
W.  Lane,  under  the  firm  name  of  Lane  and  Lane.  In  1895 
a  curious  case,  estimated  as  involving  about  sixty  million 
dollars  worth  of  property,  was  brought  to  the  young  at 
torneys.  The  Star,  of  San  Francisco,  described  the  issue 
at  stake  by  saying,  "One  Jose  Noe  and  four  alleged  grand 
children  of  Jose  Noe  appear,  who  pretend  that  they  can  show 
a  clear  title  to  an  undivided  one-half  interest  in  nearly  forty- 
five  hundred  acres  within  the  city,  on  which  land  reside  some 
five  thousand  or  more  owners,  mostly  men  of  small  means." 

Upon  investigation  Lane  and  his  brother  became  con 
vinced  that  the  suit  had  been  instituted  as  a  blackmailing 
scheme,  in  an  attempt  to  force  the  owners  to  pay  for  quit 
claim  deeds ;  they  took  and  energetically  fought  the  case  for 
the  defendants,  without  asking  for  a  retainer.  Their  clients 
formed  themselves  into  what  they  called  the  San  Miguel 

31 


32  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Defense  Association.  In  a  year  the  title  of  the  householders 
to  their  little  homes  was  established  beyond  peradventure. 

With  the  warmth  of  Latin  gratitude  this  service  was  re 
membered.  In  1898  when  Lane  ran  for  his  first  political 
office,  as  City  and  County  Attorney,  the  San  Miguel  Defense 
Association  revived  its  energies,  formed  a  Franklin  K.  Lane 
Campaign  Club  and  sent  out  vivid  circulars  about  Franklin 
K.  Lane,  "who  nobly  fought  for  us.  ...  It  is  now  our 
turn  to  stand  by  him  and  see  that  he  is  elected  by  a  very 
large  majority."  Their  proclamation  ended  with  the  ap 
peal,  "Vote  for  Franklin  K.  Lane,  the  Foe  to  Blackmailers." 

As  Lane's  plurality  in  this  first  election  was  eight  hundred 
and  thirty-two  votes,  there  is  little  doubt  that  his  grateful 
clients  played  a  real  part  in  that  success. 

The  Tacoma  printers  had  also  sent  a  testimonial,  which 
was  widely  distributed  in  the  campaign,  as  to  Lane's  friend 
ship  to  labor,  saying  that  they,  in  gratitude,  had  made  him 
an  honorary  member  of  their  Typographical  Union.  The 
campaign  was  made  on  the  rights  of  the  plain  people,  for 
its  chief  issue. 

In  the  letter  that  follows,  Lane,  in  1913,  tells  of  his  formal 
entry  into  politics,  in  1898. 


To  P.  T.  Spufgeon 
Herald,  McClure  Newspaper  Syndicate 

Washington,  December  30,  1913  , 

DEAR  MR.  SPURGEON,  —  In  reply  to  your  inquiry  of 
December  29,  permit  me  to  say  that  I  got  into  politics  in 
this  way :  — 

One  day,  while  on  my  way  to  lunch,  I  met  Mayor  Phelan, 
of  San  Francisco,  who  asked  me  if  I  would  become  a  member 
of  the  committee  to  draft  a  charter  for  the  city.  I  said  I 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    33 

would,  and  was  appointed.  At  that  time  I  was  practising 
law  and  had  no  idea  whatever  that  I  would  at  any  time  run 
for  public  office,  or  take  any  considerable  part  in  public 
affairs.  I  helped  to  draft  the  charter,  and  as  it  had  to  be 
submitted  to  the  people  for  ratification,  I  stumped  the  city 
for  it.  Later,  when  the  first  election  was  held  under  it, 
my  friends  on  the  charter  committee  insisted  that  I  should 
accept  the  Democratic  nomination  for  City  Attorney. 
Under  the  charter,  the  City  Attorney  was  the  legal  adviser 
of  all  the  city  and  county  officials,  and  it  was  his  business 
to  define  and  construe  this  organic  law,  and  the  friends  of 
the  charter  wished  some  one  who  was  in  sympathy  with 
the  instrument  to  give  it  initial  construction. 

I  was  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party  by  an 
independent  movement  and  was  elected ;  later  re-elected, 
and  elected  for  a  third  term.  After  an  unsuccessful  candi 
dacy  for  the  governorship,  I  was  appointed  a  member  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  by  President  Roose 
velt.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

San  Francisco,  November  14,  1898 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  This  is  a  formal  note  of  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  service  rendered  me  in  the  campaign,  which 
has  just  closed  successfully.  There  were  only  three  Demo 
crats  elected  on  the  general  ticket,  the  Mayor,  Assessor,  and 
myself.  I  ran  four  thousand  five  hundred  votes  ahead 
of  my  ticket.  It  was  a  splendid  tribute  to  worth  !  I  never 
before  realized  how  discriminating  the  American  public  is. 
A  man  who  scoffs  at  Democratic  institutions  must  be  a 
tyrant  at  heart,  or  a  defeated  candidate.  I  tell  you  the 
people  know  a  good  man  when  they  see  one. 


34  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

My  opponent  was  the  present  Attorney  General  of  the 
State,  W.  F.  Fitzgerald,  a  very  capable  man,  and  probably 
the  best  man  on  the  Republican  ticket.  He  has  been 
steadily  in  office  for  thirty  years,  in  Mississippi,  Arizona, 
and  California,  and  this  is  his  first  defeat;  and  I  sincerely 
regret  that  I  had  to  take  a  fall  out  of  such  a  gentleman. 

Now,  the  perplexing  problem  arises  as  to  how  long  I  shall 
hold  office.  The  term  is  for  two  years.  The  new  charter 
comes  up  before  the  coming  Legislature  for  approval  in 
January,  and  that  instrument  provides  for  another  election 
next  fall,  to  fill  all  City  and  County  offices.  .  .  . 

I  don't  want  to  stay  in  politics,  two  years  in  the  office  will 
be  long  enough  for  me.  I  hope  that  I  shall  make  a  credit 
able  record.  I  can  foresee  that  strong  pressure  will  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  me  to  act  with  the  Examiner  in  making 
things  disagreeable  for  the  corporations,  and  I  will  have 
no  easy  task  in  gaining  the  approval  of  my  own  party,  and 
of  my  conscience  and  judgment  at  the  same  time. 

Let  me  thank  you  again  very  earnestly  for  what  you  did, 
and  believe  me.  Yours  sincerely, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

The  City  Charter  that  Lane  had  helped  to  draft,  with 
its  many  new  provisions,  never  before  adjudicated,  made 
his  first  term  as  City  and  County  Attorney  one  requiring 
an  especial  amount  of  laborious  legal  study.  To  meet  the 
pressing  need,  Lane  organized  his  corps  of  assistants  to  in 
clude  several  men  of  marked  legal  ability  and  the  industry 
that  the  task  demanded,  appointing  his  brother,  George  W. 
Lane,  as  his  first  assistant. 

It  was  partly  due  to  the  good  team-work  of  the  office  that 
his  opinions  rendered  in  four  years  were  as  "numerous  as 
those  heretofore  rendered  by  the  department  in  about  sixteen 


FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 
AS  CITY  AND  COUNTY  ATTORNEY 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES   35 

years,"  and  that  during  one  of  the  years  of  his  incumbency 
"not  a  dollar  of  damages  was  obtained  against  the  city." 


To  John  H.  Wigmore 

San  Francisco,  September  25,  [1899] 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  .  .  .  As  an  evidence  of  what  I  am  do 
ing  I  sent  you  a  brief  three  or  four  days  ago  in  the  Charter 
case.  I  have  another  just  filed  on  the  question  of  county 
officers  holding  over  under  the  Charter,  a  third  on'  the  new 
primary  law  which  is  a  grand  thing  if  we  can  make  it  stick, 
and  a  fourth  on  the  taxation  of  bonds  of  quasi-public  corpora 
tions,  and  a  fifth  on  the  taxation  of  National  Bank  stock. 

I  have  hardly  seen  my  baby  for  six  weeks;  have  been 
at  the  office  from  nine  A.M.  to  eleven  P.M.  regularly.  And 
now  that  I  am  nearly  dead  a  new  campaign  is  on  and  I  must 
run  again.  And,  of  course,  I  have  enemies  now  which  I 
hadn't  last  year. 

Thank  you  once  again  for  so  kindly  remembering  me. 

Yours  sincerely, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Lane's  first  child,  a  son,  was  born  in  the  spring  of  1898. 
He  is  the  "Ned"  of  the  letters  —  Franklin  K.  Lane,  Jr. 
Lane's  attitude  toward  children  is  shown  in  many  of 
his  letters.  His  own  boy  gave  a  strong  impetus  to  his 
most  disinterested  social  ideals.  In  writing  of  the  birth 
of  a  friend's  baby  he  said,  "For  the  child  we  act  nobly,  its 
call  to  us  is  always  to  our  finer  side." 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

San  Francisco,  November  10 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  This  is  to  be  a  mere  bulletin.  I 
am  elected  once  again  —  10,500  majority,  the  largest  re- 


36  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

ceived  by  any  candidate.  You  expected  me  to  run  for 
Mayor  I  know.  Well,  it  was  offered  me  —  the  nomination, 
I  mean  —  and  all  my  campaign  expenses  promised.  But 
I  couldn't  accept,  having  told  the  Labor  Union  people  that 
I  was  a  candidate  for  City  Attorney  and  not  for  Mayor. 
This  Labor  Union  Party  is  a  new  one,  the  outgrowth  of 
the  recent  strike.  They  have  elected  their  Mayor,  a 
musician  named  Schmitz,  a  decent,  conservative  young 
man,  who  will  surprise  the  decent  moneyed  people  and  anger 
the  laboring  people  with  his  conservatism.1  I  didn't  have 
one  single  word  of  praise  from  a  newspaper  in  the  campaign. 
They  hardly  mentioned  the  fact  that  I  was  a  candidate. 
It  was  jolly  good  therefore  to  win  as  I  did. 

And  my  congratulations  to  you,  my  honored  friend,  Dean 
Wigmore.  Next  year  I  am  to  publish  my  Opinions,  a 
copy  of  which,  of  course,  will  go  to  you,  but  not  by  virtue  of 
your  office,  old  man.  You  are  arriving,  of  course,  but  there 
is  something  better  in  store.  A  Federal  Judgeship  is  the 
thing  for  you ;  and  when  I  get  into  the  Cabinet  you  shall 
have  it.  But  don't  wait  till  then.  I'm  gray  and  bald  now 
and  my  boy  patronizes  me.  So  don't  wait,  but  get  your 
lines  out,  and  one  of  these  days  you'll  make  it.  Where  next 
I  shall  land  I  don't  know,  probably  in  a  law  office,  praying 
for  clients.  .  .  .  Always  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

Lane's  first  majority  in  1898  of  832  votes  was  increased 
to  10,500  in  1899,  when  he  was  re-elected;  and  two  yeap 
later  he  won  by  a  still  larger  majority.  A  number  of  his 
opinions,  as  City  Attorney,  were  collected  and  bound  in  a 
volume,  as  none  of  them  had  been  reversed  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State. 

1  Lane  lived  to  smile  at  his  too  charitable  characterization  of  this  San  Francisco 
Mayor. 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    37 

He  took  much  pleasure  in  a  dinner  club  that  he  helped 
to  form.  The  members  were  University  professors,  lawyers, 
newspaper  men,  and  a  few  business  men.  "But,'*  says  one 
of  them,  "  in  spirit  they  were  poets,  philosophers  and 
prophets.  They  were  aware  that  their  solutions  of  problems 
vexing  to  the  brains  of  other  men,  would  be  Utopian,  but 
as  they  were  not  willing  to  be  classed  with  ordinary  Uto 
pians  they  named  their  club  Amaurot,  after  the  capital  of 
Utopia,  thus  signifying  that  while  they  dwelt  in  Utopia, 
they  were  not  subject  to  it  but  were  lords  of  it  —  the 
teachers  of  its  wisdom  and  the  makers  of  its  laws." 

His  home  life  absorbed  much  of  his  leisure.  He  and  his 
family  had  moved  into  a  modest  house  on  Gough  Street, 
in  San  Francisco,  with  a  view  of  the  bay,  Alcatraz  Island, 
and  the  Marin  Hills  from  the  upstairs  living-room 
window  —  for  no  house  was  a  home  to  Lane  that  had  no 
view  —  and  in  the  back-yard,  among  its  red  geraniums 
and  cosmos  bushes,  he  played  Treasure  Island  and  Wild 
West  with  his  boy. 

In  the  summer  of  IQQ^rLane  was  nominated  as  the  Demo 
cratic  and  Non-Partisan  candidate  for  Governor  of  Cali 
fornia.  At  the  .Democratic  Convention  at  Sacramento, 
an  onlooker  described  the  excitement  among  the  delegates 
before  a  selection  was  made,  "Throughout  the  night  until 
late  afternoon  of  the  second  day,  without  any  clear  solution 
of  the  problem,  came^the  roll-call  of  the  counties,  then  a 
wild  stampede  for  the  young  City  and  County  Attorney 
of  San  Francisco,  who  was  borne  to  the  platform.  .  .  . 

"It  was  Franklin-K*-I»ane  who  stood  a  goodly  and  con 
fident  figure,  waving  a  palm-leaf  fan  for  quiet.  He  said  :  — 

" 'I  was  in  the  rear  of  the  hall  when  Governor  Budd  made 
his  speech  and  voiced  the  call  of  the  party  for  a  winner,  and, 
in  response  to  his  call,  I  have  taken  this  platform/  " 


38  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

This  note  of  joyous  truculence,  with  the  little  out-thrust 
of  the  underlip,  brought,  as  so  often  before  and  since, 
laughter  and  applause. 

A  hot  and  spirited  campaign  followed.  California  is 
naturally  Republican,  and  Lane  had  many  times  challenged 
and  attacked  the  great  powers  of  the  State.  He  made 
as  his  chief  issues,  Irrigation,  Prison  Reform,  and  a  fairer 
share  in  the  world's  goods  for  all  the  people.  He  traveled 
far  and  fast,  often  speaking  six  times  in  a  day,  at  different 
places,  and  sometimes  riding  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in 
twenty-four  hours,  over  the  rough  roads  of  remote  counties. 

While  campaigning  he  outlined  his  notion  of  public  service 
in  this  way,  "No  man  should  have  a  political  office  because 
he  wants  a  job.  A  public  office  is  not  a  job,  it  is  an  oppor 
tunity  to  do  something  for  the  public.  Once  in  office  it 
remains  for  him  to  prove  that  the  opportunity  was  not 
wasted.  .  .  ."  And  again  he  said,  —  "There  is  nothing 
that  touches  me  so,  in  the  little  that  I  have  seen  in  political 
life,  as  this,  that  while  it  is  a  game  in  which  men  can  be 
mean,  contemptible  and  dastardly,  it  is  a  game  also  that 
brings  out  the  finer,  better,  and  nobler  qualities.  I  know 
why  some  men  are  in  politics  to  their  own  financial  loss. 
Because  they  find  it  is  a  great  big  man's  game,  which  calls 
for  men  to  fight  it,  and  they  want  to  stand  beside  their  fel 
lows  and  do  battle." 

In  regretting  that  he  could  not  attend  a  Democratic 
meeting,  at  Richmond,  California,  he  sent  this  letter,  — 


To  Lyman  N angle 

MY  DEAR  MR.  NAUGLE, —  .  .  .  The  cause  of  Democracy  is 
being  given  more  sincere  and  thoughtful  interest  this  campaign 
than  for  many  years.  \  One  of  its  cardinal  principles  is  that 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    39 

the  individual  is  more  important  to  the  State  than  mere 
property,  and  that  the  welfare  of  the  majority  of  our  citizens 
must  always  be  paramount  and  their  rights  prevail,  no  mat-i 
ter  what  the  weight  of  influence  in  the  other  side  of  the  bal 
ance.  It  is  work  and  personal  worth  which  make  a  State 
great  both  politically  and  industrially , I  and  in  my  estimation 
they  are  to  be  found  in  largest  proportions  in  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  For  these  reasons  I  believe  there  will  be  a 
very  large  change  in  the  vote  of  this  State  in  our  coming 
election.  Reports  have  reached  me  from  many  parts  of 
the  State,  and  I  am  entirely  satisfied  that  we  shall  win 
this  fight  provided  that  we  do  our  full  share  of  earnest  work, 
if  that  be  lacking  we  don't  deserve  it.  ...  Yours  for  hon 
est  victory, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

At  first  Hearst's  powerful  paper,  the  San  Francisco 
Examiner,  took  a  negative  tone  toward  Lane's  candidacy 
but  soon  became  dangerously,  if  covertly,  antagonistic. 
Of  Hearst's  methods  of  attack  Lane  wrote,  in  detail,  on 
July  3,  1912,  to  Governor  Woodrow  Wilson,  then  Demo 
cratic  nominee  for  the  Presidency.  After  enumerating  one 
specific  count  after  another  against  the  Examiner  Lane 
said :  — 

"When  a  boy  putting  myself  through  college  I  was  busi 
ness  manager  of  a  temperance  paper  which  advocated  pro 
hibition.  He  [Hearst]  published  extracts  from  this  paper 
and  credited  them  to  me,  and  on  the  morning  of  election 
day  sent  a  special  train  throughout  the  whole  of  Northern 
California  containing  an  issue  of  his  paper,  appealing  to  the 
saloon-keepers  and  wine-growers  for  my  defeat. 

.  .  .  No  editorial  word  of  his  disfavor  appeared,  but 
in  every  news  article  there  was  in  the  headline  a  cunning 


I 


40  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

turn  or  twist,  calculated  to  arouse  prejudice  against  me.  I 
notice  in  this  morning's  issue  of  the  American  the  same 
policy  is  being  pursued  regarding  you. 

"Now  the  great  mistake  I  made  was  in  not  boldly  telling 
the  public  just  what  I  knew.  ...  I  felt  that  it  was  a  personal 
matter  with  which  the  public  was  not  concerned,  but  I  know 
now,  as  I  have  gotten  older  and  seen  more  of  politics,  that 
it  was  a  public  matter  of  the  first  importance,  as  to  which 
the  public  should  have  had  knowledge. 

"Later  when  he  [Hearst]  budded  as  a  candidate  for  Pres 
ident,  in  1904,  he  sought  an  interview  with  me  and  said 
that  he  was  not  to  blame  for  the  policy  that  had  been 
pursued.  Our  interview  closed  with  this  dialogue : — 

" '  Mr.  Lane,  if  you  ever  wish  anything  that  I  can  do,  all 
you  will  have  to  do  will  be  to  send  me  a  telegram  asking, 
and  it  will  be  done.' 

"To  which  I  responded,  'Mr.  Hearst,  if  you  ever  get  a 
telegram  from  me  asking  you  to  do  anything,  you  can  put 
that  telegram  down  as  a  forgery." 

In  a  State  like  California,  one  of  whose  chief  industries  was 
the  growing  of  wine-grapes,  and  where  the  Examiner  was 
the  farmer's  paper,  at  least  one  phase  of  the  attack  upon 
Lane  bore  heavy  fruit.  Upon  election  day  the  count  be 
tween  Lane  and  Dr.  George  Pardee,  the  Republican  can 
didate,  was  found  to  be  close.  In  the  end  several  thousand 
votes,  unmistakably  intended  for  Lane,  were  thrown  out 
upon  technicalities.  Lane  was  defeated,  and  Dr.  Pardee 
took  office.  It  was  a  bitter  blow. 

The  night  when  the  final  bad  news  was  brought  to  Laiie 
in  his  home,  he  called  his  son,  of  four,  to  him,  leaning  down 
he  put  his  arm  around  the  boy  very  gravely  and  tenderly, 
and  said,  "Ned,  it  isn't  my  little  son,  it  is  Dr.  Pardee's  little 
boy  that  is  going  to  have  that  white  pony." 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    41 

The  boy  caught  the  emotion  in  his  father's  voice,  and  said 
cheerily,  "O,  that's  all  right,  Dad.  That's  all  right." 

Lane  found  that  in  spite  of  the  loss  of  the  Governorship 
his  circle  of  personal  contacts  had  been  greatly  widened  by 
his  campaign.  He  had  come  to  know,  and  be  known  by, 
the  men  most  prominent  in  California  public  affairs  and  he 
had  made,  and  confirmed,  many  friendships  with  men  who 
had  given  themselves  whole-heartedly  to  his  advancement. 
Of  these  friendships  he  wrote,  in  1920,  to  his  friend  Timothy 
Spellacy,  "Eighteen years  I  have  known  you  and  never  a  word 
or  act  have  I  heard  of,  or  seen,  that  did  not  make  me  feel 
that  the  campaign  for  Governor  was  worth  while  because  it 
gave  me  your  acquaintance,  friendship,  affection.  .  .  .  When 
I  get  mad,  as  I  do  sometimes,  over  something  that  the  Irish  do, 
I  always  am  tempted  to  a  hard  generalization  that  I  am  com 
pelled  to  modify  because  of  you  and  Mike  and  Dan  O'Neill, 
in  San  Francisco — and  a  few  more  of  the  Great  Irish." 

Lane's  second  child,  Nancy,  was  born  January  4,  1903. 

Early  in  that  year  Lane  was  given  the  complimentary 
vote  of  his  party  in  the  California  Legislature  for  United 
States  Senator. 

He  was  chosen  in  April  to  go  to  Washington  to  argue 
the  case  of  the  need  of  the  City  of  San  Francisco  for  a  pure 
water  supply  from  the  Hetch-Hetchy  Valley,  an  unused 
part  of  the  Yosemite  Park. 

A  curious  opposition  to  this  measure  had  been  worked  up 
in  the  East  by  a  small  group  of  well-intentioned  nature  lovers 
who  did  not,  perhaps,  realize  that  this  was  one  of  many 
thousand  valleys  in  the  Sierras,  and  one  not,  in  any  sense, 
unique  in  its  beauty.  The  plan  proposed  to  convert  a  re 
mote,  mosquito-haunted  marsh,  dreaded  even  by  hunters 


42  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

because  of  the  "bad-going,"  into  a  large  lake-reservoir  to 
feed  the  city  of  San  Francisco.  This  was  the  first  of  Lane's 
fights  to  assure  to  man  the  use  of  neglected  resources,  and 
at  the  same  time,  by  great  care,  to  protect  natural  beauty 
for  his  delight. 

While  in  Washington  on  this  errand,  he  met  President 
Roosevelt  several  times.  Their  informal  talks  served  to 
increase  Lane's  strong  liking  for  the  vigorous  man  of  action, 
then  at  the  height  of  his  powers. 

To  his  friend  he  writes  of  all  this. 


To  John  H.  Wigmore 

San  Francisco,  May  9,  1903 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  My  trip  East  was  a  great  success. 
After  leaving  you  I  stayed  three  or  four  days  in  Washington, 
where  I  found  the  Department  of  the  Interior  pretty  well 
stacked  against  me ;  I,  however,  succeeded  in  having  a  day 
fixed  upon  which  an  argument  would  be  listened  to,  and 
after  this  victory  went  to  New  York,  where  I  met  many  old 
friends  and  made  some  new  ones.  .  .  . 

Upon  my  return  to  Washington  I  had  several  days  of 
argument  before  the  Department,  saw  the  President  [Roose 
velt]  twice  and  lunched  with  him,  and  then  went  South; 
was  invited  by  the  Legislature  of  Texas  to  speak  before 
them,  which  I  did  with  much  satisfaction,  especially  as  there 
were  but  two  Republicans  in  both  houses. 

I  stopped  with  my  old  friend  Mezes,  in  Austin,  who^is 
the  dean  of  the  University,  .  .  .  and  easily  the  most  influ 
ential  man  socially,  politically,  and  educationally  in  the  insti 
tution.  .  .  . 

I  am  having  an  extremely  disagreeable  time.  The  Demo 
crats  here  insist  upon  my  running  for  Mayor,  urging  it  as 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    43 

a  duty  which  I  owe  to  the  party,  because  they  say  I  am  the 
only  man  who  can  be  elected;  and  as  a  duty  to  the  city, 
because  they  say  that  the  scoundrels  who  are  now  in  office 
will  continue,  and  worse  ones  come  in,  unless  we  can  elect 
some  clean  Democrat.  I  urge  everything  against  the  thing, 
that  comes  to  my  mind,  including  my  poverty,  the  fact  that 
I  made  four  campaigns  in  five  years,  my  personal  aversion 
to  the  office  of  Mayor,  the  inability  of  any  one  to  please  the 
people  of  San  Francisco  as  Mayor,  the  conspiracy  of  the 
newspapers  that  exists  against  a  government  that  is  not 
controlled  by  them,  and  the  fact  that  to  insist  upon  my  taking 
this  office  would  be  an  act  of  political  murder  on  the  part  of 
my  friends.  .  .  .  Yours  as  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Heavy  and  continued  pressure,  through  the  spring  and 
summer,  was  brought,  by  his  party,  to  bear  upon  Lane  to 
accept  the  nomination  for  Mayor  of  San  Francisco.  His 
letters  show  his  reluctance  and  distress.  The  appeal  was 
made  personal,  with  reminders  of  sacrifices  made  for  him. 
He  at  last  agreed  to  run.  His  judgment  of  the  situation 
was  fully  confirmed  in  the  final  event.  His  defeat  was  un 
equivocal.  San  Francisco  had  no  idea  of  accepting  a 
Democratic  mayor  with  a  leaning  toward  reform.  Lane 
analysed  the  political  situation  in  this  letter :  — 


To  John  H.  Wigmore 

San  Francisco,  January  26,  1904 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  What  the  effect  of  my  defeat  for 
Mayor  will  be,  it  is  of  course  impossible  to  say.  Its  immedi 
ate  effect  has  been  to  throw  me  into  the  active  practice  of 
law,  and  thus  far  I  have  not  starved.  It  will,  of  course,  not 


44  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

lead  to  my  retirement  from  politics,  but  it  will  postpone 
no  doubt,  the  realization  of  some  ambitions.  I  think  I 
wrote  you  just  what  my  state  of  mind  was  previous  to  the 
nomination.  I  did  not  wish  to  make  the  fight,  did  every 
thing  that  was  in  my  power  to  avoid  the  nomination,  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  hold  up  the  convention  in  a  formal 
letter  which  I  addressed  to  it,  telling  them  that  I  did  not 
wish  to  be  Mayor  of  San  Francisco  and  begging  them  to  get 
some  one  else. 

The  fight  was  along  class  lines  entirely;  the  employers 
on  one  side  and  the  wage  earners  on  the  other.  The 
Republican  nominee  represented  the  employers,  the 
Union  Labor  nominee,  the  wage  earners.  I  stood  for  good 
government,  and  in  the  battle  my  voice  could  hardly  be 
heard.  It  was  a  splendid  old  fight  in  which  every  interest 
that  was  vicious,  violent,  or  corrupt  was  solidly  against  me. 
And  while  I  did  not  win  the  election,  I  lost  nothing  in  prestige 
by  the  defeat,  save  among  politicians  who  are  always  look 
ing  for  availability.  It  was  not,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
up  to  me  to  run  for  Mayor,  but  my  people  all  believed 
that  I  was  assured  of  election  and  felt  that  I  was  the  only 
man  who  could  possibly  be  elected.  I  acted  out  of  a  sense 
of  loyalty  to  my  party  and  a  desire  to  do  something  to  rid 
the  city  of  its  present  cursed  administration.  However,  it 
may  in  the  end  be  a  very  fortunate  thing,  for  I  know  no 
career  more  worthless  than  that  of  a  perpetual  office-seeker. 

I  received  a  letter  from  a  friend  in  New  York  yesterday 
telling  me  that  Senator  Hill l  had  told  him  that  the  Nefy 
York  delegation  would  cast  its  vote  for  me  for  Vice-President 
at  the  Democratic  National  Convention,  and  that  he  regarded 
me  as  the  most  available  man  to  nominate ;  but,  of  course, 
I  sent  back  word  that  that  was  not  to  be  considered. 

1  In  campaigning  New  York  for  Cleveland,  Lane  had  met  David  B.  Hill. 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    45 

I  should  judge  from  the  Examiner  here,  that  Hearst  was 
making  a  very  strong  fight  for  a  delegation  from  Illinois. 
His  boom  seems  to  me  to  be  increasing.  That  it  is  possible 
for  such  a  man  to  receive  the  nomination,  is  too  humiliating 
to  be  thought  of.  ...  Very  sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

The  day  after  his  defeat  Lane  had  written  to  thank  a 
generous  friend :  — 

To  William  R.  Wheeler 

San  Francisco,  Wednesday  [November,  1903] 

MY  DEAR  WILL,  —  I  can't  go  to  the  country  without  saying 
to  you  once  more  that  your  self-sacrifice  and  manliness 
throughout  this  campaign  have  endeared  you  to  me  to  a  de 
gree  that  words  cannot  convey. 

I  had  hoped  the  last  day  or  two  that  I  would  be  able  to 
make  your  critics  ashamed  to  look  you  in  the  face,  and  that 
they  would  in  time  come  pleading  to  you  for  recognition. 
But  now  you  must  be  content  with  knowing  that  you  did  a 
man's  part,  and  set  a  standard  in  friendship  and  loyalty 
which  my  boy  shall  be  taught  to  strive  for. 

I  earnestly  hope  that  your  business  relations  will  not  be 
disturbed  by  this  trouble  Into  which  I  got  you.  Had  I 
been  out  of  it  Crocker  couldn't  have  won.  My  vote  would 
largely  have  gone  for  Schmitz. 

Give  my  love  to  Mrs.  Wheeler  and  believe  me,  always 
your  friend, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Wheeler,  himself  a  Republican,  belonged,  at  the  time,  to 
a  firm  of  irreconcilable  Republicans,  who  had  expressed 
sharp  disapproval  of  his  activity  in  Lane's  behalf. 


46  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Out  of  office  and  back  to  the  practise  of  the  law,  Lane 
soon  built  his  private  practise  on  a  firmer  basis  than  before. 
His  close  identification  with  the  Democratic  Party  was  not 
impaired,  but  the  frequent  demands  for  attendance  at 
public  conventions  and  meetings  he  could  not  leave  his 
practise  to  accept.  In  declining  one  of  these  invitations 
he  replied :  — 


To  Orva  G.  Williams 
Iroquois  Club,  Chicago,  Illinois 

San  Francisco,  April  7,  1904 

.  .  .  Permit  me  to  say  that  we  of  the  West  look  to  you 
who  are  closer  to  the  center  of  things  for  leadership.  .  .  . 
This  means  only  that  we  must  be  true  to  the  principles  that 
make  us  Democrats.  .  .  .  The  law  must  not  be  severe  or 
lenient  with  any  man  simply  because  he  is  rich  nor  because 
he  is  poor.  It  must  not  become  the  tool  of  class  antagonism 
for  either  the  persecution  of  the  well-to-do  or  for  the  repres 
sion  of  the  masses  of  the  people.  \ 

.  .  .  We  must  resist  the  base  opportunism  which  would 
abandon  our  strong  position  of  devotion  to  these  fun 
damental  principles  of  good  government  for  the  sake  of 
gaining  temporary  strength  from  some  passing  passion 
of  the  hour.  To  identify  our  party  with  an  idea  which 
springs  from  class  distrust  or  class  hatred  is  to  gain  tem 
porary  stimulation  at  the  expense  of  permanent  weakness. 
If  we  are  to  heed  the  voice  which  bids  us  cease  to  be  Denl- 
ocrats  in  order  that  we  may  win,  we  shall  find  that  we  have 
lost  not  only  the  victory  of  being  true,  but  also  the  vic 
tory  at  the  polls,  which  can  be  ours  only  in  case  we  are  true. 

.  .  .  Our  creed  is  simple  and  clear,  but  it  cannot  be  re 
cited  by  those  who  would  make  our  organization  an  annex 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    47 

to  the  Republican  party  by  catering  to  that  conservatism 
which  seeks  only  to  bring  greater  benefit  to  the  already 
wealthy,  nor  by  those  who  would  make  it  an  annex 
to  the  Socialist  party  by  joining  in  every  attack,  no  matter 
how  unjust,  upon  the  wealthy.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  the  Iroquois  Club  of  Los  Angeles  on  the  same  day  he 
wrote,  —  "It  becomes  us  to  consider  well  the  meaning  of 
the  signs  of  the  times.  Miracles  may  not  be  worked  with 
these  waves  of  prosperity.  It  is  in  no  man's  power  to  say 
*  Peace,  be  still,'  and  quiet  the  troubled  sea  of  panic.  But 
we  may  make  sure  that  men  of  steady  nerve,  of  clear  head 
and  highest  purpose  are  at  the  helm.  I  expect  to  see  the 
time  when  the  Democratic  party  will,  by  fixed  adherence 
to  a  well-defined  course,  gain  and  hold  the  approval  and  sup 
port  of  the  majority  of  our  people,  not  for  a  single  election 
but  for  a  long  series  of  elections,  and  if  we  begin  now  with 
this  end  in  view  we  certainly  will  be  prepared  for  whatever 
may  happen  —  victory  or  defeat ;  and  in  both  alike  we  will 
be  proud  of  our  party  and  give  a  guarantee  for  the  future." 

While  campaigning  California  for  Governor,  in  1902, 
Isadore  B.  Dockweiler  ran  on  Lane's  ticket,  for  the  office  of 
Lieutenant  Governor,  and  Dockweiler  still  looked  to  him 
for  counsel. 


To  Isadore  B.  Dockweiler 

San  Francisco,  April  16,  1904 

MY  DEAR  DOCKWEILER,  —  You  ask  in  your  favor  of  the 
14th  whether  California  will  send  a  delegation  to  St.  Louis 
pledged  to  Mr.  Hearst  and  if  this  program  has  been  agreed 
upon,  as  is  the  report  in  Los  Angeles, 


48  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  cannot  tell  what  the  Democrats  of  California  will  do, 
but  I  know  what  they  should  do.  A  delegation  should  go 
from  this  state  that  is  free,  unowned,  unpledged,  made  up 
of  men  whose  prime  interest  is  that  of  their  party  and  whom 
the  party  does  not  need  to  bind  with  pledges.  To  pledge 
the  delegation  is  to  make  the  delegates  mere  pawns,  pup 
pets,  counters,  coins  to  trade  with,  —  so  much  political 
wampum. 

The  object  in  holding  a  national  convention  is  not  to 
please  the  vanity  nor  gratify  the  ambition  of  any  individual, 
but  to  select  a  national  standard  bearer  who  will  proudly 
lead  the  party  in  the  campaign  and  be  a  credit  to  the  party 
and  an  honor  to  the  nation,  if  elected.  Surely  the  De 
mocracy  of  California  can  select  candidates  who  can  be  de 
pended  upon  to  be  guided  by  these  considerations.  To  tie 
the  delegates  hand  and  foot,  toss  them  into  a  bag,  and  sling 
them  over  the  shoulder  of  one  man  to  barter  as  he  may 
please,  is  not  consistent  with  my  notion  of  the  dignity  of 
their  position,  nor  does  it  appeal  to  me  as  the  most  certain 
manner  of  making  them  effective  in  enlarging  and  empha 
sizing  the  power  of  the  state.  .  .  . 

As  to  your  suggestion  of  a  program  to  deliver  this  state 
to  one  candidate  —  if  there  is  such  a  program  —  I  am  not 
a  party  to  it,  never  have  been,  and  never  will  be.  .  .  .  The 
Democrats  of  California  .  .  .  will  do  much  for  the  sake  of 
harmony  so  long  as  party  welfare  and  public  good  are  not 
sacrificed ;  but  they  must  be  permitted  to  make  their  own 
program  irrespective  of  the  personal  alliances,  affiliatidns, 
or  ambitions  of  politicians. 

Personally,  I  am  not  in  active  political  life.  My  views 
upon  party  questions  I  do  not  attempt  to  impose  upon  my 
party,  yet  I  know  of  no  reason  why  I  should  hesitate  to  give 
them  expression.  I  cannot  but  believe  that  if  many  a  man 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    49 

were  more  indifferent  to  his  future,  he  would  be  more  certain 
to  have  a  future. 

There  is  one  reason  which  to  my  mind  should  forbid  my 
active  direction  of  any  organized  movement  against  Mr. 
Hearst,  namely  the  attitude  of  his  paper  during  my  recent 
campaign  for  the  governorship.  I  do  not  wish  it  to  be  said 
or  thought  that  I  am  seeking  to  use  our  party  for  purposes 
of  personal  retaliation.  Whatever  reasons  for  bitterness  I 
may  have  because  of  that  campaign  I  am  persuaded  it  does 
not  affect  my  judgment  that  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  to  send 
an  unpledged  delegation  to  the  national  convention. 

The  Democrats  of  California  should  determine  with  calm 
ness  and  without  passion  what  course  will  be  most  likely 
to  prove  a  matter  of  pride  to  themselves,  their  state,  and 
the  nation,  and  in  that  sober  judgment  act  fearlessly. 
Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

The  Pacific  Coast,  in  1904,  still  suffered  from  transporta 
tion  problems  of  great  complexity.  The  railroads,  whose 
terminals  were  here,  were  few  and  extraordinarily  powerful 
and  had,  heretofore,  controlled  rail  traffic,  to  a  large  extent, 
in  their  own  interest.  They  wanted  no  regulation  or  inter 
ference  from  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  and  no 
Pacific  Coast  representative  on  that  Commission.  The 
fruit,  wheat,  and  lumber  producers  of  the  Western  Coast,  on 
the  other  hand,  felt  the  need  of  a  strong  representative  to 
protect  their  interests  against  the  railroads,  and  to  stabilize 
freight  rates.  Lane's  record  for  independence  of  sinister 
control,  his  legal  training  and  energy  made  him  the  natural 
choice  of  the  shippers  for  this  position. 

Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler,  President  of  the  University  of 
California,  was  a  friend  of  Lane's  and  also  a  friend  of  Presi- 


50  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

dent  Roosevelt's.  While  in  the  East,  in  the  spring  of  1904, 
Wheeler  had  a  talk  with  Roosevelt,  about  Lane's  qualifica 
tions  for  the  Interstate  Commerce  appointment.  He  told 
Roosevelt  why  the  producers  in  California  needed  a  man 
that  they  could  trust  to  be  fair  to  their  interests  on  the 
Commission.  Roosevelt  heartily  concurred,  and  promised 
to  name  Lane  for  the  next  vacancy. 

When  the  vacancy  occurred,  however,  just  after  an  over 
whelming  Republican  victory,  Roosevelt  impulsively  gave 
the  appointment  to  an  old  friend  —  Senator  Cockrill  of 
Missouri,  a  Democrat.  Wheeler  at  once  telegraphed  the 
President  reminding  him  of  the  oversight,  and  to  this  Roose 
velt  telegraphed  this  reply  :  — 

"Am  exceedingly  sorry,  had  totally  forgotten  my  promise 
about  Lane  and  have  nothing  to  say  excepting  that  I  had 
totally  forgotten  it  when  Senator  Cockrill  was  offered  the 
position.  I  can  only  say  now  that  I  shall  put  him  in  some 
good  position  suitable  to  his  great  talents  and  experience 
when  the  chance  occurs.  Of  course  when  I  made  the  prom 
ise  about  Lane  the  idea  of  getting  Cockrill  for  the  position 
could  not  be  in  any  one's  head.  This  does  not  excuse  me 
for  breaking  the  promise,  which  I  should  never  have  done, 
and  of  course,  if  I  had  remembered  it  I  should  not  have 
offered  the  position  to  Cockrill.  I  am  very  sorry.  But  as 
fortunately  I  have  another  term,  I  shall  make  ample  amends 
to  Lane  later." 

In  September,  1905,  while  matters  were  in  this  position, 
Lane  went  to  Mexico,  as  legal  adviser  for  a  western  rubber 
company.  In  October,  Roosevelt  announced  his  intention 
to  place  Lane  on  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission, 
to  fill  the  annual  vacancy  that  occurred  in  December.  The 
announcement  caused  much  newspaper  comment,  especially 
in  the  more  partisan  Republican  press,  as  the  coming  va- 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    51 

cancy  would  leave  two  Republicans  and  two  Democrats  on 
the  Commission. 

When  Lane  reached  the  United  States  he  wrote :  — 


To  Edward  B.  Whitney 

San  Francisco,  November  13,  1905 

MY  DEAR  WHITNEY,  —  I  have  just  returned  from  a  two 
months'  trip  through  Mexico,  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Gua 
temala,  and  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Pacific,  and  know  nothing 
whatever  concerning  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission- 
ership,  save  what  I  have  seen  in  the  papers  since  my  return. 

...  I  have  not  put  myself  in  the  position  of  soliciting, 
either  directly  or  indirectly,  this  appointment ;  I  have  never 
even  stimulated  to  a  slight  degree  the  activity  ...  of  my 
friends  on  my  behalf.  There  is  some  misgiving  in  my  own 
mind  as  to  whether  acceptance  of  the  position  would  be  of 
benefit  to  me  either  politically,  or  otherwise.  I  have  no 
doubt  the  nomination  for  Governor  can  be  mine  next  year 
without  effort,  and  what  the  outcome  of  an  election  would 
be  in  1906,  even  in  a  Republican  State,  is  not  now  to  be 
prophesied,  in  view  of  the  somersaults  in  Ohio  and  Penn 
sylvania  of  a  week  ago.  Of  course,  .  .  .  it  is  a  great  oppor 
tunity  to  prove  or  disprove  the  capacity  of  this  government 
to  control  effectively  the  corporations  which  seem  deter 
mined  to  be  its  master. 

It  does  look  to  me  as  if  the  problem  of  our  generation  is 
to  be  the  discovery  of  some  effective  method  by  which  the 
artificial  persons  whom  we  have  created  by  law  can  be 
taught  that  they  are  not  the  creators,  the  owners,  and  the 
rightful  managers  of  the  government.  The  real  greatness 
of  the  President's  policy,  to  my  notion,  is  that  he  has  de 
termined  to  prove  to  the  railroads  that  they  have  not  the 


52  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

whole  works,  and  the  policy  that  they  have  followed  is  as 
short-sighted  as  it  can  be.  It  will  lead,  if  pursued  as  it  has 
been  begun,  to  the  wildest  kind  of  a  craze  for  government 
ownership  of  everything.  Just  as  you  people  in  New  York 
City  were  forced,  by  the  delinquency  and  corruption  of  the 
gas  combine,  to  undertake  the  organization  of  a  municipal 
ownership  movement,  so  it  may  be  that  the  same  qualities 
in  the  railroads  will  create  precisely  the  same  spirit  through 
out  the  country. 

I  appreciate  thoroughly  your  position  in  New  York.  .  .  . 
[Hearst]  knows  public  sentiment  and  how  to  develop  it  very 
well,  and  will  be  a  danger  in  the  United  States,  I  am  afraid, 
for  many  years  to  come.  He  has  great  capacity  for  dis 
organization  of  any  movement  that  is  not  his  own,  and  an 
equal  capacity  for  organization  of  any  movement  that  is  his 
personal  property.  He  feels  with  the  people,  but  he  has  no 
conscience.  ...  He  is  willing  to  do  whatever  for  the  minute 
the  people  may  want  done  and  give  them  what  they  cry 
for,  unrestrained  by  sense  of  justice,  or  of  ultimate  effect. 
He  is  the  great  American  Pander. 

Reverting  again  to  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission- 
ership,  I  think  the  railroads  here  are  determined  that  no 
Pacific  Coast  man  shall  be  appointed.  That  has  been  the 
policy  of  the  Southern  Pacific  since  the  creation  of  the  Com 
mission.  .  .  . 

One  of  the  amusing  reports  that  has  come  to  me  is  tha^t 
the  railroad  feels  friendly  toward  me.  I  think  probably 
the  extent  of  their  friendliness  is  in  acknowledging  that  I 
am  not  a  blackmailer.  They  know  that  I  would  not  hold 
them  up,  just  as  well  as  they  know  that  I  could  not  be  held 
up.  In  the  various  campaigns  that  I  have  made,  it  has 
never  been  suggested  that  the  railroads  had  any  more  in 
fluence  with  me  than  they  ought  to  have,  or  that  anybody 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    53 

else  had,  and  in  my  fight  for  the  Governorship  they  did  not 
contribute  so  much  as  a  single  postcard,  nor  did  an  indi 
vidual  railroad  man  contribute  a  dollar  to  the  campaign  fund. 
I  say  this  because  I  heard  yesterday  that  word  had  gone  to 
the  President  that  I  was  something  of  a  railroad  man,  which 
is  about  the  most  amusing  thing  that  I  have  heard  for  some 
time.  The  charge  never  was  made  in  any  of  my  five  cam 
paigns,  and  certainly  is  made  only  for  foreign  consumption, 
and  not  for  home  consumption. 

Do  not  in  any  way  put  yourself  out  regarding  this  matter. 
I  am  satisfied  that  the  President  will  do  just  what  he  wants 
to  do  and  just  what  he  thinks  right,  without  much  respect 
to  what  anybody  says  to  him,  and  I  don't  want  to  bring 
pressure  to  bear  upon  him ;  but,  of  course,  I  want  him  to 
know  that  I  have  friends  who  think  well  of  me.  I  am  very 
appreciative  of  your  offer  and  efforts,  and  hope  that,  whether 
I  am  given  this  position  or  not,  I  shall  before  very  long  have 
the  opportunity  of  seeing  you  in  New  York.  Very  sincerely, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Hon.  Theodore  Roosevelt 
The  White  House 

San  Francisco,  December  9,  [1905] 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  I  have  not  written  you  before 
because  of  my  expectation  that  I  would  see  you  soon,  but 
as  there  now  seems  some  doubt  as  to  immediate  confirma 
tion  I  will  not  longer  delay  expressing  the  deep  gratification 
which  the  nomination  gave  me.  You  gave  the  one  answer 
I  could  have  wished  to  the  whispered  charge  that  I  was 
bound  by  obligation  of  some  sort  to  the  railroads  —  a  charge 
never  made  in  any  form  here,  not  even  in  the  hottest  of  my 
five  campaigns.  My  honor  stood  pledged  to  you  —  by  the 
very  fact  of  my  willingness  to  accept  the  post  —  that  I  was 


54  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

free,  independent,  self-owned,  capable  of  unbiased  action 
And  that  pledge  remains. 

As  to  my  confirmation,  it  has  been  suggested  that  it  wi 
the  customary  and  expected  thing  for  me  to  go  to  Washing, 
ton  and  help  in  the  fight.  This  I  feel  I  should  not  do  an< 
have  so  written  to  Senator  Perkins  and  others.  I  do  not 
wish  to  appear  indifferent  in  the  slightest  degree  to  the  honor 
you  have  done  me,  or  to  the  office  itself,  but  I  feel  that  you 
will  appreciate  without  my  setting  them  forth  on  paper  the 
many  reasons  which  hold  me  here.  This  is  no  time  for  an 
Interstate  Commerce  Commissioner  to  be  on  his  knees  be 
fore  a  United  States  Senator  or  to  be  thought  to  be  in  that 
position.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 

President,  University  of  California 

San  Francisco,  December  15,  1905 

MY  DEAR  MR.  WHEELER,  —  I  enclose  copy  of  a  letter  sent 
this  morning  to  Mr.  Smythe  of  San  Diego,  who  is  tempora 
rily  with  Senator  Newlands  in  Washington. 

I  wanted  to  tell  you  last  night  that  I  had  written  to  the 
President  thanking  him  for  the  confidence  he  had  shown  in 
me,  and  telling  him  that  I  did  not  think  it  was  the  right 
thing  for  me  to  go  to  Washington  under  present  circum 
stances.  He  may  have  a  different  notion  in  this  respect, 
and  of  course  I  should  be  guided  by  his  judgment.  .  .  .  '  I 
have  no  doubt  that  many  of  the  Senators  would  be  quite 
willing  to  let  the  President  have  the  law  if  they  could  have 
the  Commission.  .  .  . 

Personally  I  should  be  most  pleased  to  meet  these  critical 
gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  give  them  a  very  full  account 
of  my  eventful  career.  But  the  fact  that  I  am  a  Democrat 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    55 

could  not  be  disproved  by  my  presence  in  Washington,  and 
I  am  not  likely  to  apologize  for  what  one  of  my  kindly  Repub 
lican  critics  calls  "this  error  of  his  boyhood."  I  am  con 
cerned  in  this  matter  because  I  do  not  wish  to  cause  the 
President  any  embarrassment.  He  is  fighting  for  far  larger 
things  than  this  appointment  represents.  He  knows  his 
own  game,  and  I  am  quite  willing  to  stand  on  a  side  line 
and  see  him  play  it  to  a  finish,  or  get  in  and  buck  the  center 
if  I  am  needed. 

I  must  apologize  for  troubling  you  with  this  matter,  but 
I  do  not  wish  you  to  regard  me  as  indifferent  or  unappre- 
ciative.  And  if  you  think  that  I  am  too  far  up  in  the  clouds 
I  want  you  frankly  to  tell  me  so.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  E.  Smythe 

San  Francisco,  December  15,  1905 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SMYTHE,  —  I  have  been  out  of  town  for  a 
few  days,  else  I  would  have  acknowledged  your  kind  letter 
of  congratulation  sooner.  I  sent  a  note  the  other  day 
to  our  friend  Senator  Newlands  in  recognition  of  the  effort 
he  has  been  making  to  secure  action  upon  my  appoint 
ment,  .and  I  certainly  regard  myself  as  very  fortunate  in 
having  one  who  knows  me  upon  that  Committee.1 

According  to  the  press  despatches  here  I  am  regarded  as 
something  of  a  monster  by  the  more  conservative  Senators, 
a  sort  of  cross  between  Dennis  Kearney  and  Eugene  Debs 
with  a  little  of  Herr  Most  thrown  in.  ...  I  wish  for  con 
firmation,  but  not  at  the  price  of  having  it  thought  that  I  in 
any  way  compromised  myself  to  obtain  the  Senate's  favor 
able  action.  I  know  that  you  are  not  alone  in  this  view  as 
to  the  wisdom  of  my  going  on,  for  I  have  received  other 

1  The  Interstate  Commerce  Committee. 


56  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K  LANE 

messages  to  the  same  effect.  But,  as  you  know,  the  Presi 
dent  made  this  appointment  upon  grounds  quite  superior 
to  those  of  political  expediency  and  upon  recommenda 
tions  not  at  all  political  in  their  nature.  .  .  .  Very  truly 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

San  Francisco,  December  21,  [1905] 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  Your  letter  bore  good  fruit.  .  .  . 
As  for  confirmation  it  is  not  as  likely  as  I  could  wish.  How 
ever,  I  am  enjoying  the  situation  hugely,  and  if  the  fight  is 
kept  up  I  may  enlarge  into  a  national  issue. 

The  Press  of  California  (notice  the  respectful  capital)  is 
practically  a  unit  for  me.  .  .  .  My  information  is  that  the 
President  will  stand  pat.  But  the  fight  with  the  Senate  is 
growing  so  large  that  no  one  can  tell  what  will  happen.  I 
have  been  urged  to  go  to  Washington  and  meet  the  Sena 
tors,  but  I  have  refused.  .  .  .  Am  I  not  right  ? 

Remember  me  very  kindly  to  your  wife,  and  to  you  both 
a  Merry  Christmas.  As  always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 

President,  University  of  California 

San  Francisco,  December  22,  [1905]    • 

MY  DEAR  MR.  WHEELER,  —  It  was  mighty  good  of  you  to' 
bring  me  that  message  of  good  cheer  last  night.  I  have  not 
told  you,  and  cannot  now  tell  you  the  very  great  pleasure 
and  gratification  you  have  given  me  by  the  many  evidences 
of  your  personal  friendship.  To  me  it  is  better  to  have  that 
kind  of  friendship  than  any  office. 

I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  the  President  (Roose- 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    57 

velt]  that  is  so  fine  I  want  you  to  know  of  it  at  once  —  but 
the  original  I  keep  for  home  use.     Here  it  is  :  — 

"...  I  thank  you  for  your  frank  and  manly  letter. 
It  is  just  the  kind  of  a  letter  I  should  have  expected  from 
you.  You  are  absolutely  right  in  refraining  from  coming 
here.  I  shall  make  and  am  making  as  stiff  a  fight  as  I  know 
how  for  you.  I  think  I  shall  carry  you  through;  but  of 
course  nothing  of  this  kind  is  ever  certain.  .  .  ." 

Please  remember  me  most  kindly  to  Mrs.  Wheeler  and 
believe  me  always,  faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

The  California  earthquake,  of  April  18,  1906,  occurred  at 
about  five  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Lane  was  living  in 
North  Berkeley,  across  the  bay  from  San  Francisco.  His 
house  built  of  light  wood  and  shingles,  rocked,  and  his 
chimneys  flung  down  bricks,  in  the  successive  shocks,  but 
with  no  serious  damage.  Meanwhile  San  Francisco  sprang 
into  flames  from  hundreds  of  broken  gas  mains.  Lane 
reached  the  city  early  in  the  morning,  and  was  at  once 
put,  by  the  Mayor,  upon  the  Committee  of  Fifty  to  look  to 
the  safety  of  the  City. 

Will  Irwin  wrote  this  picturesque  story  of  the  episode 
after  having  heard  his  friend  describe  this  adventure :  —  > 

"Lane  has  said  since  that,  although  he  was  brought  up  in 
the  old  West,  his  was  a  city  life  after  all.  He  had  never 
tested  himself  against  primitive  physical  force,  tried  him 
self  out  in  an  emergency,  and  he  had  always  longed  for  such 
a  test  before  he  died.  When  the  test  came  it  was  a  supreme 
one:  the  San  Francisco  disaster.  .  .  .  .  •'-, 

"On  the  last  day  but  one  of  this  visitation  the  fire,  smol- 


58  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

dering  slowly  in  the  redwood  houses,  had  taken  virtually 
all  the  district  east  of  Van  Ness  Avenue,  a  broad  street 
which  bisects  the  residence  quarter.  ...  By  this  time  the 
authorities  had  given  up  dynamiting.  Chief  Sullivan,  the 
one  man  among  them  who  understood  the  use  of  explosives 
in  fire  fighting,  was  dead.  The  work  had  been  done  by 
soldiers  from  the  Presidio,  who  blew  up  buildings  too  close 
to  the  flames  and  so  only  scattered  them.  Lane  stood  on 
the  slope  of  Russian  Hill,  watching  the  fire  approach  Van 
Ness  Avenue,  when  a  contractor  named  Anderson  came 
along.  'That  fire  always  catches  at  the  eaves,  not  the 
foundations,'  said  Lane.  'It  could  be  stopped  right  here 
if  some  one  would  dynamite  all  the  block  beyond  Van  Ness 
Avenue.  It  could  never  jump  across  a  strip  so  broad.' 
*  But  they've  forbidden  any  more  dynamiting,'  said  Ander 
son.  *  Never  mind ;  I'd  take  the  chance  myself  if  we  could 
get  any  explosive,'  replied  Lane.  '  Well,  there's  a  launch 
full  of  dynamite  from  Contra  Costa  County  lying  right 
now  at  Meigs's  Wharf,'  said  Anderson.  Just  then  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Tom  Magee  arrived,  driving  an  automobile  on  the 
wheel  rims.  Lane  despatched  them  to  Meigs's  Wharf  for 
the  dynamite.  He  and  Anderson  found  an  electric  bat 
tery,  and  cut  some  dangling  wires  from  a  telephone  pole. 
By  this  time  the  Magees  were  back,  the  machine  loaded 
with  dynamite ;  Mrs.  Magee  carrying  a  box  of  detonators 
on  her  lap.  Lane,  Anderson,  and  a  corps  of  volunteers  laiti 
the  battery  and  strung  the  wires.  'How  do  you  want  this 
house  to  fall  ? '  asked  Anderson,  who  understands  explosives. 
'Send  her  straight  up,'  replied  Lane. 

"  'And  I've  never  forgotten  the  picture  which  followed,' 
Lane  has  told  me  since.  'Anderson  disappeared  inside, 
came  out,  and  said :  "All  ready."  I  joined  the  two  ends  of 
wire  which  I  held  in  my  hands.  The  house  rose  twenty  feet 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    59 

in  the  air  —  intact,  mind  you  !  It  looked  like  a  scene  in  a 
fairy  book.  At  that  point  I  rolled  over  on  my  back,  and 
when  I  got  up  the  house  was  nothing  but  dust  and  splinters.' 
"They  went  down  the  line,  blowing  up  houses,  schools, 
churches.  Then  came  bad  news.  To  the  south  sparks  were 
catching  on  the  eaves  of  the  houses.  Down  there  was  a 
little  water  in  cisterns.  Volunteers  under  Lane's  direction 
made  the  householders  stretch  wet  blankets  over  the  roofs 
and  eaves.  Then  again  bad  news  from  the  north.  There 
the  fire  had  really  crossed  the  avenue.  It  threatened  the 
Western  Addition,  the  best  residence  district.  The  cause 
seemed  lost.  Lane  ran  up  and  looked  over  the  situation. 
Only  a  few  houses  were  afire,  and  the  slow-burning  redwood 
was  smoldering  but  feebly.  'Just  a  little  water  would  stop 
this ! '  he  thought.  The  whole  water  system  of  San  Fran 
cisco  was  gone,  or  supposedly  so,  through  the  breaking  of 
the  mains.  'But  I  had  a  hunch,  just  a  hunch/  said  Lane, 
*that  there  was  water  somewhere  in  the  pipes.'  He  had 
learned  that  a  fire  company  which  had  given  up  the  fight 
was  asleep  on  a  haystack  somewhere  in  the  Western  Addi 
tion.  He  went  out  and  found  them.  They  had  been  work 
ing  for  thirty-six  hours;  they  lay  like  dead  men.  Lane 
kicked  the  soles  of  the  nearest  fireman.  He  returned  only  a 
grunt.  The  next  fireman,  however,  woke  up;  Lane  man 
aged  to  get  him  enthusiastic.  He  found  a  wrench,  and  to 
gether  he  and  Lane  went  from  hydrant  to  hydrant,  turning 
on  the  cocks.  The  first  five  or  six  gave  only  a  faint  spurt 
and  ceased  to  flow.  Then,  and  just  when  the  fireman  was 
getting  ready  to  go  on  strike,  they  turned  a  cock  no  more 
promising  than  the  others,  and  out  spurted  a  full  head  of 
water.  No  one  knows  to  this  day  where  that  water  came 
from,  but  it  was  there !  They  shut  off  the  stream.  'It  will 
take  three  engines  to  pump  it  to  that  blaze,'  said  the  fireman. 


60  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

He,  Lane,  and  Anderson  scattered  in  opposite  directions 
looking  for  engines.  When  twenty  minutes  later,  Lane 
returned  with  an  engine  and  company  two  others  had  already 
arrived.  But  they  had  not  yet  coupled  the  hose  up.  The 
companies  were  quarreling  as  to  which,  under  the  rules  of  the 
department,  should  have  the  position  of  honor  close  to  the  hy 
drant  !  Lane  settled  that  question  of  etiquette  with  speed 
and  force.  They  got  a  stream  on  the  incipient  fire,  and  the 
water  held  out.  The  other  side  of  Van  Ness  Avenue  gradually 
burned  out  and  settled  down  into  red  coals.  The  Western 
Addition  was  saved,  and  the  San  Francisco  disaster  was  over." 
A  few  days  later  Lane  started  to  Washington  in  an  at 
tempt  to  raise  money  for  the  rebuilding  of  San  Francisco. 
When  he  found  that  Congress  would  not  act  in  this  matter, 
he,  with  Senator  Newlands,  of  Nevada,  and  some  others, 
went  to  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
see  if  Federal  help  could  be  secured  for  the  ruined  city. 


To  William  R.  Wheeler 

New  York,  June  23,  [1906] 

MY  DEAR  WILL,  —  I  have  just  returned  from  Washington, 
where  I  hope  we  have  accomplished  some  good  for  San 
Francisco,  although  it  was  mighty  hard  to  move  anyone 
except  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
But  I  did  not  intend  to  write  of  anything  but  your  personal 
affairs.  Yesterday,  on  the  train,  I  discovered  that  you  had 
met  with  another  fire.  This  is  rubbing  it  in,  hitting  a  man 
when  he  is  down.  The  Gods  don't  fight  fair.  The  decent 
rules  of  the  Marquis  of  Queensberry  seem  to  have  no  recog 
nition  on  Olympus,  or  wherever  the  Gods  live.  I  can 
quite  appreciate  the  strain  you  are  under  and  the  monu 
mental  difficulties  of  your  situation,  dealing  as  you  are  with 


LAW  PRACTICE  AND  POLITICAL  ACTIVITIES    61 

disspirited  old  men  and  indifferent  young  ones.  I  hope 
this  last  blow  will  have  some  benefit  which  I  cannot  now 
perceive,  else  it  must  come  like  almost  a  knock-out  to  the 
concern.  Brave,  strong,  bully  old  boy,  no  one  knows  better 
than  I  do  what  a  fight  you  have  been  making  these  last  few 
years  and  how  many  unkindnesses  fortune  has  done  you. 
There  is  not  much  use  either  in  preaching  to  one's  self  or  to 
another,  the  advantages  of  adversity.  I  don't  believe  that 
men  are  made  by  fighting  relentless  Fate,  the  stuff  they 
have  is  sometimes  proved  by  struggle,  —  that  is  the  best 
that  can  be  said  for  such  philosophy. 

More  power  to  you  my  dear  fellow !  I  took  occasion  to 
give  M  .  .  .  a  warm  dose  of  Bill  Wheeler.  He  is  an  old 
sour-ball  who  thinks  he  is  alive  but  evidently  has  been  in 
the  cemetery  a  long  time.  He  talked  all  right  about  you, 
but  all  wrong  about  San  Francisco.  .  .  . 

Give  my  regards  to  the  dear  wife  whose  heart  is  stout 
enough  to  meet  any  calamity,  and  remember  me  most 
warmly  to  the  Boy.  Sincerely  and  affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

!  The  Hepburn  Bill  provided  for  seven  men  on  the  Inter 
state  Commerce  Commission,  instead  of  five.  Roosevelt 
intimated  that  he  would  appoint  two  Republicans.  All 
opposition  to  Lane  was  then  withdrawn. 


To  John  H.  Wigmore 

New  York,  June  27,  [1906] 

MY  DEAR  WIGMORE,  —  Thanks,  and  again  thanks,  for  your 
letter  to  Senator  Cullom  and  yours  to  me.  It  looks  now 
as  if  with  a  seven  man  Commission  the  objection  to  my 
Democracy  would  cease.  Senator  Cullom's  letter  is  very 


62  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

reassuring,  and  I  wish  that  I  had  met  him  when  in  Wash 
ington.  .  .  . 

Before  another  week  this  business  of  mine  will  have  come 
to  a  head,  and  I  hope  soon  after  to  start  West,  via  Chicago. 

If  the  report  to-day  is  true  that  Harlan  of  Chicago  is  to  go 
on  the  Commission,  you  will  have  two  friends  on  the  body. 
I  personally  think  most  highly  of  Harlan  and  would  be 
mighty  proud  to  sit  beside  him.  His  political  fortune  seems 
to  have  been  akin  to  mine,  and  we  have  one  dear  and  cher 
ished  enemy  in  common. 

Remember  me  most  kindly  to  your  wife  and  believe  me, 
faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Telegram.     To  John  H.  Wigmore 

New  York,  June  30,  [1906] 

Confirmation  has  to-day  arrived  thanks  to  a  friend  or  two 
like  Wigmore. 

LANE 

To  William  R.  Wheeler 

Washington,  July  2,  [1906] 

MY  DEAR  BILL,  —  I  have  waited  until  this  minute  to  write 
you,  that  I  might  send  you  the  first  greeting  from  the  new 
office.  I  have  just  been  sworn  in  and  signed  the  oath,  and 
to  you  I  turn  first  to  express  gratitude,  appreciation,  and 
affection. 

My  hope  is  to  leave  here  tomorrow  and  go  to  Chicago  at 
once  on  your  affair,  and  then  West. 

Remember  me  most  affectionately  to  your  wife,  and  be 
lieve  me  always  most  faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

At  the  same  time  an  affectionate  letter  of  appreciation 
went  to  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler, 


IV 

RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES 

1906-1912 

Increased  powers  of  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  —  Harriman 
Inquiry  —  Railroad  Regulation  —  Letters  to  Roosevelt 

DURING  the  late  summer  of  1906,  Lane  was  in  Washington  or 
traveling  through  the  South  and  West  to  attend  the  hear 
ings  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission.  The  Hep 
burn  Act  of  1906,  among  other  extensions  of  power  to  the 
Commission,  brought  the  express  companies  of  the  United 
States  under  its  jurisdiction,  and  the  Commission  began 
the  close  investigation  into  the  rates,  rules,  and  practises, 
that  finally  resulted  in  a  complete  reorganization  and  zoning 
of  the  companies.  The  new  powers  given  the  Commission, 
by  this  Act,  inspired  fresh  hope  of  righting  old  abuses,  as 
sociated  with  railroad  finance,  over-capitalization  and 
stock-jobbing.  The  Commission  set  itself  to  finding  a  way 
out  of  the  ancient  quarrel  between  shippers  and  railroads 
in  the  matters  of  rebating  and  demurrage  charges. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year,  President  Roosevelt  called 
n  important  meeting  at  the  White  House,  for  the  purpose 
of  deciding  whether  an  inquiry  should  not  be  made  into  the 
merging  of  the  Western  railroads,  then  under  the  control 
of  E.  H.  Harriman.  Elihu  Root,  then  Secretary  of  State ; 
William  H,  Taft,  Secretary  of  War;  Charles  Bonaparte, 

63 


64  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Attorney  General,  were  present;  Chairman  Martin  A. 
Knapp  and  Franklin  K.  Lane  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  and  the  special  Counsel  for  the  Commission  — 
Frank  B.  Kellogg.  The  matter  of  the  proposed  inquiry  was 
discussed,  each  man  being  asked,  in  turn,  to  express  his 
opinion.  Root  and  Knapp  were  not  in  favor  of  beginning 
an  investigation  of  the  railroad  merger,  Buonaparte,  Kellogg, 
and  Lane  favored  an  immediate  inquiry.  Lane  declared 
that,  in  a  few  weeks,  when  the  report  of  the  Interstate  Com 
merce  Commission  was  published,  it  would  be  impossible 
to  avoid  making  the  inquiry. 

At  this  point,  President  Roosevelt  turned  to  William  H. 
Taft,  who  as  yet  had  expressed  no  opinion,  saying,  "  Will, 
what  do  you  think  of  this?"  Mr.  Taft  said  quietly,  "It's 
right,  isn't  it?  Well,  damn  it,  do  it  then."  And  the  plans 
for  the  famous  Harriman  Inquiry,  the  first  real  step  taken 
toward  curbing  the  power  of  public  utilities,  were  then  taken 
under  consideration. 

During  the  inquiry,  when  E.  H.  Harriman  was  on  the 
stand  for  hours,  the  Commissioners  trying  to  extract,  by  round 
about  questioning,  the  admission  from  him  that  he  would 
like  to  extend  his  control  over  the  railroads  of  the  country, 
Lane,  who  had  been  silent  for  some  time,  suddenly  turned 
and  asked  Harriman  the  direct  question.  What  would  he 
do  with  all  the  roads  in  the  country,  if  he  had  the  power? 
With  equal  candor  and  simplicity,  Harriman  replied  that  lie 
would  consolidate  them  under  his  own  management.  This 
answer  rang  through  the  country. 

To  Edward  F.  Adams 

Washington,  February  16,  1907 

MY  DEAR  ADAMS,  — ...  I  think  the  standpoint  taken  by 
our  railroad  friends  in  1882  is  that  which  possesses  their 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         65 

souls  to-day.  I  am  conscious  each  time  I  ask  a  question  that 
there  is  deep  resentment  in  the  heart  of  the  railroad  official 
at  being  compelled  to  answer,  but  that  he  is  compelled  to, 
he  recognizes.  The  operating  and  traffic  officials  of  the  rail 
roads  are  having  a  very  hard  time  these  days  with  the  law 
departments.  They  can  not  understand  why  the  law  de 
partment  advises  them  to  give  the  information  we  demand, 
and  I  have  heard  of  some  most  lively  conferences  in  which 
the  counsel  of  the  companies  were  blackguarded  heartily  for 
being  cowards,  in  not  fighting  the  Commission.  You  cer 
tainly  took  advanced  ground  in  1882,  ...  —  there  can  be 
no  such  thing  as  a  business  secret  in  a  quasi-public  cor 
poration.  .  .  .  Very  truly  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 
President,  University  of  California 

Washington,  March  31,  1907 

MY  DEAR  MR.  WHEELER,  — ...  I  have  taken  the  liberty 
of  giving  Mr.  Aladyin,  leader  of  the  Group  of  Toil  in  the 
Russian  Duma,  a  note  of  introduction.  He's  an  immensely 
interesting  young  man,  a  fine  speaker  and  comes  from  plain, 
peasant  stock.  He  will  talk  to  your  boys  if  you  ask  him. 

During  these  days  of  panic  in  Wall  Street  the  President 
[Roosevelt]  has  called  me  in  often  and  shown  in  many  ways 
that  he  in  no  way  regrets  the  appointment  you  urgedy  I 
have  been  much  interested  in  studying  him  in  time  of  stress. 
He  is  one  of  the  most  resolute  of  men  and  at  the  same  time 
entirely  and  altogether  reasonable.  No  mail  I  know  is  more 
willing  to  take  suggestion.  No  one  leads  him,  not  even  Root, 
but  no  one  need  fear  to  give  suggestion.  He  lives  up  to  his 
legend,  so  far  as  I  can  discover,  and  that's  a  big  order.  J 

The  railroad  men  who  are  wise  will  rush  to  the  support  of 


66  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

the  policies  he  will  urge  before  the  next  Congress,  or  they 
will  have  national  ownership  to  face  as  an  immediate  issue, 
or  a  character  of  regulation  that  they  will  regard  as  intoler 
able. 

You  will  be  here  again  soon  and  I  hope  that  you  will  come 
directly  to  our  house  and  give  us  the  pleasure  of  a  genuine 
visit.  .  .  .  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Elihu  Root 

Washington,  February  14,  1908 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SECRETARY,  —  I  have  lately  been  engaged 
in  writing  an  opinion  upon  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission  over  ocean  carriers  engaged  in 
foreign  commerce,  and  it  has  occurred  to  me  that  an  ex 
tensive  American  merchant  marine  might  be  developed  by 
some  legislation  which  would  permit  American  ships  to 
enjoy  preferential  through  routes  in  conjunction  with  our 
railroad  systems.  The  present  Interstate  Commerce  Law, 
as  I  interpret  it,  gives  to  the  Commission  jurisdiction  over 
carriers  to  the  seaboard.  It  is  the  assumption  of  the  law 
that  rates  will  be  made  to  and  from  the  American  ports  and 
that  at  such  ports  all  ships  may  equally  compete  for  foreign 
cargo. 

Might  it  not  be  possible  to  extend  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Commission  over  all  American  vessels  engaged  in  foreigii 
trade,  and  with  such  ships  alone  —  they  alone  being  fully 
amenable  to  our  law  —  permit  the  railroad  which  carries 
to  the  port  to  make  through  joint  rates  to  the  foreign  point 
of  destination  ?  There  is  so  vast  a  volume  of  this  through 
traffic  that  the  preference  which  could  thus  be  given  to  the 
American  ship  would  act  as  a  most  substantial  subsidy. 
There  may  be  objections  to  this  suggestion  arising  either 


RAILROAD   AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         67 

out  of  national  or  international  policy  which  render  it  un 
worthy  of  further  consideration.  It  has  appealed  to  me, 
however,  as  possibly  containing  the  germ  of  what  Mr.  Web 
ster  would  have  termed  a  "respectable  idea."  Faithfully 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  E.  B.  Beard 

Washington,  December  19,  1908 

MY  DEAR  MR.  BEARD,  —  I  have  not  seen  the  article  in  the 
Call,  to  which  you  refer,  but  have  heard  of  it  from  a  couple 
of  Californians,  much  to  my  distress.  Of  course  I  appre 
ciate  that  at  a  time  of  strain  such  as  that  which  you  shippers 
and  business  men  of  California  are  now  undergoing,  it  is  to 
be  expected  that  the  most  conservative  language  will  not  be 
used.  .  .  .  The  trouble  is  with  the  law.  ...  It  is  only 
upon  complaint  that  an  order  can  be  made  reducing  a  rate, 
and  I  understand  that  such  complaints  are  at  present  being 
drafted  in  San  Francisco  and  will  in  time  come  before  us 
but  such  matters  cannot  be  brought  to  issue  in  a  week  nor 
heard  in  a  day,  and  when  I  tell  you  that  we  have  on  hand 
four  hundred  cases,  at  the  present  time,  you  will  appreciate 
how  great  the  volume  of  our  work  is,  and  that  you  are  not 
alone  in  your  feeling  of  indignation  or  of  distress.  If  you 
will  examine  the  docket  of  the  Commission,  you  will  find  that 
the  cases  of  the  Pacific  Coast  have  been  taken  care  of  more 
promptly  within  the  last  two  years  than  the  cases  in  any 
other  part  of  the  United  States.  I  have  seen  to  this  my 
self,  because  of  the  long  neglect  of  that  part  of  the  coun 
try.  .  .  . 

I  want  to  speak  one  direct  personal  word  to  you.  You 
are  now  protesting  against  increased  rates.  I  have  outlined 
to  you  the  only  remedy  [a  change  in  the  law]  that  I  see 


68  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

available  against  the  continuance  of  just  such  a  policy  on 
the  part  of  the  railroads,  and  I  think  it  might  be  well  for 
you  to  see  that  the  Senators  and  Representatives  from 
California  support  this  legislation.  It  is  not  calculated 
in  any  way  to  do  injustice  or  injury  to  the  railroads.  .  .  . 
This  is  a  plan  which  I  have  proposed  myself,  and  for 
which  I  have  secured  the  endorsement  of  the  Commis 
sion.  The  San  Francisco  Chamber  of  Commerce  has  en 
dorsed  it.  The  whole  Pacific  Coast  should  follow  suit  en 
thusiastically. 

Please  remember  that  I  am  not  the  Commissioner  from 
California ;  that  I  am  a  Commissioner  for  the  United  States ; 
and  that  it  is  not  my  business  to  fight  the  railroads,  but  to 
hear  impartially  what  both  sides  may  have  to  say  and  be  as 
entirely  fair  with  the  railroads  as  with  the  shippers.  I  am 
flattered  to  know  that  the  railroad  men  of  the  United  States 
do  not  regard  me  as  a  deadhead  on  this  Commission.  My 
aggressiveness  on  behalf  of  the  shipping  public  has  brought 
upon  my  head  much  criticism,  and  it  would  be  the  greatest 
satisfaction  for  those  who  have  been  prosecuted  for  rebating 
or  discovered  in  illegal  practises  to  feel  that  they  were  able 
in  any  degree  to  raise  in  the  minds  of  the  shippers  any  ques 
tion  of  my  loyalty  to  duty. 

I  expect  to  be  in  California  during  January,  for  a  few  days, 
and  hope  that  I  may  see  you  at  that  time.  Very  sincerely 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  February  13,  1909 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  — ...  I  suppose  you  haven't  seen  my 
interview  on  the  Japanese  question.  I  gave  it  at  the  re 
quest  of  the  President  [Roosevelt],  because  he  said  that  the 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES        69 

Republican  Senators  and  Congressmen  would  not  stand  by 
him  if  it  was  going  to  be  a  partisan  question  in  California 
politics/} So  I  said  that  I  would  give  the  value  of  my  name  and 
influence  to  the  support  of  his  policy,  so  that  Flint,  Kahn, 
et  al.,  could  quote  me  as  against  any  attack  by  the  Democrats. 
The  President  has  done  great  work  for  the  Coast.  Congress 
never  would  have  done  anything  at  this  time,  and  by  the 
time  it  is  willing  to  do  something  the  problem  will  practically 
be  solved.  I  am  expecting  to  be  roasted  somewhat,  in 
California,  but  I  felt  that  it  was  only  right  to  stand  by  the 
man  who  was  really  making  our  fight  without  any  real 
backing  from  the  East,  and  without  many  friends  on  the 
Pacific  —  so  far  as  the  "pollies"  are  concerned. 

.  .  .  The  Harriman  crowd  seems  to  think  that  they  will 
all  be  on  good  terms  with  Taft,  but  unless  I'm  mistaken 
in  the  man  they  will  be  greatly  fooled.  .  .  . 

Have  you  noticed  that  nice  point  of  constitutional  law, 
dug  up  by  a  newspaper  reporter,  which  renders  Knox  in 
eligible  as  Secretary  of  State  ?  He  voted  for  an  increase  in 
the  salary  of  the  Secretary  of  State  three  years  ago.  They 
will  try  to  avoid  the  effect  of  the  constitutional  inhibition 
by  repealing  the  act  increasing  the  salary.  Technically 
this  won't  do  Knox  any  good,  altho'  it  will  probably  be  up 
held  by  the  Courts,  if  the  matter  is  ever  taken  into  the 
Courts. 

Roosevelt  is  very  nervous  these  days  but  as  he  said  to 
me  the  other  day,  "They  know  that  I  am  President  right 
up  to  March  fourth."  I  took  Ned  and  Nancy  to  see  him 
and  he  treated  them  most  beautifully.  Gave  Ned  a  pair  of 
boar  tusks  from  the  Philippines  and  told  him  a  story  about 
the  boar  ripping  up  a  man's  leg  just  before  he  was  shot,  and 
to  them  both  he  gave  a  personal  card. 

F.  K.  L. 


70  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

With  this  letter  he  sent  a  copy  of  a  verse  written  by  his 
daughter,  not  yet  seven. 

"  On  through  the  night  as  the  willows  go  weeping 
The  daffodils  sigh, 
As  the  wind  sweeps  by 
Right  through  the  sky.'* 

To  Charles  K.  McClatchy 

Sacramento  Bee 

Washington,  March  20,  1909 

MY  DEAR  MCCLATCHY,  —  I  am  just  in  receipt  of  your  letter 
of  March  15th,  with  reference  to  my  running  for  Governor 
next  year. 

There  is  nothing  in  this  rumor  whatever.  I  have  been 
approached  by  a  good  many  people  on  this  matter,  and 
perhaps  I  have  not  said  as  definitely  as  I  should  that  I  had 
no  expectation  of  re-entering  California  politics.  When  I  was 
last  in  California  some  of  my  friends  pointed  out  to  me  the 
great  opening  there  would  be  for  me  if  I  would  become  a 
Republican  and  lead  the  Lincoln-Roosevelt  people.  There 
does  not  seem  to  be  any  line  of  demarcation  between  a  Dem 
ocrat  and  a  Republican  these  days,  so  that  such  a  change 
would  not  in  itself  be  an  act  of  suicide.  My  own  personal 
belief  is  that  the  organization  in  California  on  the  Repub 
lican  side  could  be  rather  easily  beaten,  and  we  could  do 
with  California  what  La  Follette  did  with  Wisconsin.  But  J 
am  trying  not  to  think  of  politics,  and  I  told  those  people 
who  came  to  me  that  I  thought  my  line  of  work  for  the  next 
few  years  was  fixed. 

.  .  .  No  one  yet  knows  from  Mr.  Taft's  line  of  policy 
what  kind  of  a  President  he  will  make.  Everybody  is  giving 
him  the  benefit  of  the  doubt.  The  thing,  I  find,  that  hangs 
over  all  Presidents  and  other  public  men  here  to  terrify  them 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES        71 

is  the  fear  of  bad  times.  /  The  greatness  of  Roosevelt  lay,  in  a 
sense,  in  his  recklessness^  These  people  undoubtedly  have  the 
power  to  bring  on  panics  whenever  they  want  to  and  to  de 
press  business,  and  they  will  exercise  that  power  as  against 
any  administration  that  does  not  play  their  game,  and  the 
"money  power,"  as  we  used  to  call  it,  allows  the  President 
and  Congress  a  certain  scope  —  a  field  within  which  it  may 
move  but  if  it  goes  outside  that  field  and  follows  policies 
or  demands  measures  which  interfere  with  the  game  as 
played  by  the  high  financiers,  they  do  not  hesitate  to  use 
their  "big  stick,"  which  is  the  threat  of  business  depres 
sion.  .  .  . 

There  are  a  lot  of  things  to  be  done  in  our  State  yet  before 
we  both  pass  out.  ...      As  always,  very  truly  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott 

Outlook 

Washington,  September  22,  1909 

MY  DEAR  ABBOTT,  —  ...  President  Taft's  suggestion  of  a 
Commerce  Court  is  a  very  sensible  one.  We  suggested  the 
institution  of  such  a  Court  some  years  ago,  so  that  the  ques 
tion  of  nullifying  our  order  will  be  brought  up  before  men 
who  have  special  experience.  .  .  .  The  trouble  with  the 
Courts  is  that  they  know  nothing  about  the  question. 
Fundamentally  it  is  not  .  .  .  law  but  economics  that  we  deal 
with.  The  fixing  of  a  rate  is  a  matter  of  politics.  That  is 
the  reason  why  I  have  always  held  that  the  traffic  manager 
is  the  most  potent  of  our  statesmen.  So  that  we  should 
have  a  Court  that  will  pass  really  upon  the  one  question  of 
confiscation  —  the  constitutionality  of  the  rates  fixed  — 
and  leave  experienced  men  to  deal  with  the  economic  ques 
tions.  .  .  . 


n  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  have  long  wanted  to  see  you  and  have  a  talk  about  our 
work.  At  times  it  is  rather  disheartening.  The  problem 
is  vast,  and  we  pass  few  milestones.  The  one  great  ac 
complishment  of  the  Commission,  I  think,  in  the  last  three 
years,  has  been  the  enforcement  of  the  law  as  against  re 
bating.  We  have  a  small  force  now  that  is  used  in  this 
connection  under  my  personal  direction,  and  I  think  the 
greatest  contribution  that  we  have  made,  perhaps,  to  the 
railroads  has  been  during  he  time  of  panic  when  they 
were  kept  from  cutting  rates  directly  or  indirectly  and 
throwing  each  other  into  the  hands  of  receivers.1 

The  great  volume  of  our  complaints  comes  from  the  ter 
ritory  west  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  practically  all  of 
the  larger  cities  in  the  inter-mountain  country  have  com 
plaints  pending  before  us  attacking  the  reasonableness  of 
the  rates  charged  them,  and  it  is  to  give  consideration  to 
these  that  the  Commission,  as  a  body,  goes  West  the  first 
of  the  month.  .  .  . 

I  have  just  returned  from  a  trip  to  Europe,  and  I  find 
that  what  I  said  two  or  three  years  ago  about  the  United 
States  being  the  most  conservative  of  the  civilized  countries 
is  absolutely  true. 

By  the  way,  at  the  Sorbonne  at  Paris  they  are  exhibiting 
the  chair  in  which  President  Roosevelt  will  sit  when  he  comes 
to  deliver  his  address  and  I  am  thinking  that  he  will  have 
quite  as  hearty  a  reception  in  Paris  as  in  any  of  our  citie^. 
Very  truly  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  December  3,  1909 

MY  DEAR  DOCTOR,  —  ...  I  think  there  is  but  little  doubt 
that  De  Vries  will  receive  the  appointment,  though  of  course 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES        73 

everything  here  is  in  absolute  chaos.  .  .  .  The  best  symp 
tom  in  my  own  case  is  that  I  have  been  called  in  twice  to 
consult  over  proposed  amendments  to  the  law,  and  the 
President's  [Taft's]  reference  thereto  in  his  forthcoming 
message.  He  seems  to  think  my  judgment  worth  something 
—  more  than  I  do  myself,  in  fact  —  for  down  in  my  heart, 
though  I  do  not  let  anybody  see  it,  I  am  really  a  modest 
creature. 

Since  my  return  from  the  West  we  have  had  one  merry 
round  of  sickness  in  the  house  .  .  .  but  all  are  on  their  feet 
once  more  and  as  gay  as  they  can  be  with  a  more  or  less 
grumpy  head  of  the  household  in  the  neighborhood,  (as 
suming  for  the  nonce  that  I  am  the  head  of  the  house 
hold). 

The  President  is  going  to  appoint  Lurton.1  He  should 
have  said  so  when  he  made  up  his  mind  to  do  it,  which  was 
immediately  after  Peckham's  death.  He  would  have  saved 
himself  an  immense  amount  of  trouble.  Lurton  seems  to 
have  been  very  hostile  to  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com 
mission,  and  is  too  old,  but  otherwise  I  hear  nothing  said 
against  him.  I  really  would  like  to  see  Bowers  put  on  the 
bench  very  much.  He  has  made  a  very  favorable  impression 
here,  and  is  a  clear  lawyer,  a  very  strong  man,  and  in  sym 
pathy  with  Federal  control  that's  real. 

By  the  way,  I  had  a  talk  the  other  day  with  Attorney 
General  Wickersham  regarding  the  treatment  of  criminals, 
and  I  believe  you  can  secure  through  him  the  initiation  of 
an  enlightened  policy  in  this  matter.  He  told  me  that  he 
was  going  to  make  some  recommendations  in  his  report, 
and  perhaps  the  President  may  deal  with  the  matter  slightly 
in  his  message.  Wickersham  is  a  thoroughly  modern  proposi 
tion,  and  as  he  has  charge  of  all  the  penitentiaries,  and  his 

^  l  To  the  Supreme  Bench. 


74  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

recommendations,  with  relation  to  parole  and  such  things, 
absolutely  go  with  the  President,  I  believe  you  could  do 
more  good  in  an  hour's  talk  with  him  than  you  could  effect 
in  a  year  otherwise.  If  you  could  run  down,  during  the  holi 
day  vacation,  I  would  bring  you  two  together  for  a  talk  on 
this  matter,  and  you,  also,  might  take  up  the  very  live  ques 
tion  with  the  President  of  cutting  off  red-tape  in  the  courts. 
Give  my  love  to  Mrs.  Wigmore,  and  tell  her,  too,  that  we 
would  be  most  delighted  to  see  her  here.  Faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

On  December  9, 1909,  President  Taft  reappointed  Frank 
lin  K.  Lane  as  a  member  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com 


mission. 


m 


To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane 

En  route  to  California,  Monday,  March  [1910] 

...  I  have  spent  a  rather  pleasant  day  reading,  and 
looking  at  this  great  desert  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona. 
No  one  on  board  that  I  know  or  care  to  know,  but  the  big 
sky  and  my  books  keep  me  busy.  Do  you  remember  that 
picture  in  the  Corcoran  Gallery  with  a  wee  line  of  land  at 
the  bottom  and  a  great  high  reach  of  blue  sky  above,  cover 
ing  nine-tenths  of  the  canvas?  I  have  thought  of  it  often 
to-day  —  "the  high,  irrepressible  sky."  It  is  moonlight  and 
the  rare  air  gives  physical  tone,  so  that  I  feel  a  bit  more  likfc 
myself,  as  was,  than  is  ordinary.  .  .  . 

I  have  thought  of  a  lecture  to-day  and  you  must  keep 
this  letter  as  a  reminder  and  make  me  do  it  one  of  these  days  : 
The  Problems  of  Railroad  Regulation.  The  Traffic  Manager 
as  a  Statesman :  The  Unearned  Increment  of  our  Railroads. 

And  another :  The  Need  of  a  World  Bank :  International 
and  Independent  Financial  Authority,  which  shall  fix  stand- 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES        75 
I 

ards  of  value,  based  on  no  one  metal  or  commodity,  but  on 
a  great  number  of  staples. 

I  have  thought  much  of  the  farm.  It  will  be  so  far  away 
and  so  impracticable  of  use !  But  such  an  anchor  to  wind 
ward,  for  two  most  hand-to-mouth  spendthrifts !  .  .  . 


To  Theodore  Roosevelt 

Washington,  April  29,  1910 

MY  DEAR  MR.  ROOSEVELT,  —  Mr.  Kellogg  tells  me  that  he 
expects  to  see  you  in  Europe,  and  I  avail  myself  of  his  offer 
to  carry  a  word  of  welcome  to  you,  inasmuch  as  I  must 
leave  for  Europe  the  day  after  your  arrival  in  New  York, 
the  President  having  appointed  me  as  a  delegate  to  the 
International  Railway  Congress  at  Berne. 

The  country  is  awaiting  you  anxiously  —  not  out  of  mere 
curiosity  to  know  what  your  attitude  will  be,  but  to  lead  it, 
to  give  it  direction.  The  public  opinion  which  you  developed 
in  favor  of  the  "square  deal"  is  stronger  to-day  than  when 
you  left,  and  your  personal  following  is  larger  to-day  than 
it  ever  has  been.  There  is  no  feeling  (or  if  there  is  any  it 
is  negligible)  that  the  President  [Taft]  has  been  consciously 
disloyal  to  the  policies  which  you  inaugurated  or  to  his  pub 
lic  promises.  He  is  patriotic,  conscientious,  and  lovable. 
This  was  your  own  view  as  expressed  to  me,  and  this  view 
has  been  confirmed  by  my  personal  experience  with  him.  It 
is  also,  I  believe,  the  judgment  of  the  country  at  large. 
But  the  people  do  not  feel  that  they  control  the  government 
or  that  their  interests  will  be  safeguarded  by  a  relationship 
that  is  purely  diplomatic  between  the  White  House  and 
Congress.  In  short  we  have  a  new  consciousness  of  Democ 
racy,  largely  resulting  from  your  administration,  and  it  is 
such  that  the  character  of  government  which  satisfied  the 


: 


76  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

people  of  twenty  years  ago  is  found  lacking  to-day.  Prac 
tically  all  the  criticism  to  which  this  administration  has  been 
subjected  arises  out  of  the  feeling  of  the  people  that  their 
opinions  and  desires  are  not  sufficiently  consulted,  and  they 
are  suspicious  of  everything  and  everybody  that  is  not  open 
and  frank  with  them. 

Outside  of  a  few  of  the  larger  states  the  entire  country 
is  insurgent,  and  insurgency  means  revolt  against  taking 
orders.  The  prospect  is  that  the  next  House  will  be  Demo 
cratic,  but  the  Democrats  apparently  lack  a  realization  of 
the  many  new  problems  upon  which  the  country  is  divided. 
Their  success  would  not  indicate  the  acceptance  of  any 
positive  program  of  legislation ;  it  would  be  a  vote  of  lack  of 
confidence  in  the  Republican  party  because  it  has  allowed 
apparent  party  interest  to  rise  superior  to  public  good.  The 
prospect  is  that  every  measure  which  Congress  will  pass  at 
this  session  will  be  wise  and  in  line  with  your  policies,  but 
the  people  do  not  feel  that  they  are  passing  the  bills. 

I  have  presumed  to  say  this  much,  thinking  that  perhaps 
you  would  regard  my  opinion  as  entirely  unbiased,  and  in 
the  hope  that  I  might  throw  some  light  upon  what  I  regard 
as  the  fundamental  trouble  which  has  to  be  dealt  with. 
Whether  you  choose  to  re-enter  political  life  or  not,  men  of 
all  parties  desire  your  leadership  and  will  accept  your  advice 
as  they  will  that  of  none  other. 

Pardon  me  for  this  typewriting,  but  I  thought  that  yoti 
might  prefer  a  letter  in  this  form  which  you  could  read  to 
one  in  my  own  hand  which  you  could  not  read.  Believe  me, 
as  always,  faithfully  yours. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

From  Berlin,  Lane  received  from  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
dated  May  13,  1910,  these  lines,  — 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         77 

"...  I  think  your  letter  most  interesting.  As  far  as  I 
can  judge  you  have  about  sized  up  the  situation  right.  With 
hearty  good  wishes,  faithfully  yours, 

THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  March  2,  1911 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  No  other  letter  that  I  have  received  has 
done  me  as  much  good  or  given  me  as  much  pleasure,  or  has 
been  as  much  of  a  stimulus,  as  has  yours.  The  fact  that  you 
took  the  time  to  go  through  the  Report  so  carefully  is  an 
evidence  of  a  friendship  that  is  beyond  all  price,  and  of 
which  I  feel  most  unworthy.  I  have  had  the  figures  checked 
over,  resulting  in  some  slight  changes,  and  will  send  you  a 
revised  copy  as  soon  as  it  is  printed.  The  newspaper  criti 
cisms  are  generally  very  friendly,  although  the  Financial 
Chronicle,  the  Wall  Street  Journal,  and  other  railway  organs 
are  extremely  bitter.  The  Western  papers  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  very  much  elated  over  the  decision.  It  has  ap 
peared  to  me  from  the  beginning  as  if  they  had  been  "  fixed" 
in  advance  and  that  their  reports  were  always  biased  for 
the  railroads,  but  the  country  at  large  will  realize,  I  think, 
before  long,  that  the  decisions  are  sound,  sensible,  and  in  the 
public  interest.  Some  of  the  least  narrow  of  the  railroad 
men  also  take  this  view.  The  best  editorial  I  have  seen  is 
in  the  New  York  Evening  Post.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

P.  S.  I  got  this  note  from  Roosevelt  this  morning,  headed 
The  Outlook. -  — 

"Fine!  I  am  really  greatly  obliged  to  you,  and  I  shall 
read  the  Report  with  genuine  interest.  More  power  to  your 
elbow !  Faithfully  yours." 


78  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  "This  report  was  known,"  Commissioner  Harlan  explains, 
"as  the  Western  Advance  Rate  Case.  It  was  one  of  the 
first  of  the  great  cases  covering  many  commodities  and 
applying  over  largely  extended  territories.  In  his  opinion 
denying  the  rate  advances  proposed  by  the  carriers,  Com 
missioner  Lane  discussed  the  Commission's  new  powers  of 
suspending  the  operation  of  increased  rates  pending  inves 
tigation  and  the  burden  of  proof  in  such  cases.  He  mar 
shalled  a  vast  array  of  facts  and  figures  and  announced  con 
clusions  that  were  accepted  as  convincing  by  the  public  at 
large.  He  then  pointed  out  that  the  laws  enforced  by 
the  Commission  sought  dominion  over  private  capital  for  no 
other  purpose  than  to  secure  the  public  against  injustice  and 
thereby  make  capital  itself  more  secure." 

To  William  R.  Wheeler 

Traffic  Bureau,  Merchants'  Exchange 
San  Francisco,  California 

Washington,  June  27,  1911 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Adverting  to  yours  of  June  22,  in  re  express 
rates,  I  beg  to  advise  that  nothing  can  be  added  to  my  pre 
vious  letter  unless  it  is  the  expression  of  my  personal 
opinion  that  a  rate  should  not  be  made  for  the  carriage  of 
20,000-pound  shipments  by  express. 

We  are  receiving  daily  similar  complaints  to  yours,  re 
specting  the  nonadjustment  of  express  rates,  and  if  you  wilj 
call  at  this  office  we  shall  be  pleased  to  reveal  the  reason 
for  our  failure,  hitherto,  to  grant  the  relief  desired.  It  is 
extremely  warm  in  Washington  at  the  present  time,  but  if 
anything  could  add  to  the  disagreeableness  of  life  in  the  city 
it  is  the  unreasoning  insistence  on  the  part  of  the  traffic 
bureaus  of  the  country  that  express  rates  shall  be  fixed  over 
night. 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         79 

I  desire  to  say  that  I  have  given  some  year  or  two  of  more 
or  less  profane  contemplation  to  this  question,  and  have 
now  engaged  a  large  corps  of  men,  under  the  direction  of 
Mr.  Frank  Lyon  as  attorney  for  the  Commission,  to  seek  a 
way  out  of  the  inextricable  maze  of  express  company  figures. 
Whether  we  will  be  able  to  find  the  light  before  the  Infinite 
Hand  that  controls  our  destinies  cuts  short  the  cord,  is  a 
question  to  which  no  certain  answer  can  be  given.  Would 
you  kindly  advise  the  importunate  members  of  a  most  worthy 
institution,  that  express  rates  to  San  Francisco  possess  me 
as  an  obsessment.  My  prayer  is  at  night  interfered  with  by 
consideration  of  the  question  —  "What  should  the  100 
pound  rate  be  by  Wells  Fargo  &  Co.  from  New  York  to 
San  Francisco  ? "  And  at  night  often  I  am  aroused  from 
sleep,  feeling  confident  in  my  dreams  that  the  mystic 
figure  of  "a  just  and  reasonable  rate,"  under  Section  One, 
on  100-pound  shipments  to  San  Francisco,  had  been  de 
termined,  and  awaken  with  a  joyous  cry  upon  my  lips,  to 
discover  that  life  has  been  made  still  more  unhappy  by  the 
torture  of  the  subconscious  mind  during  sleep. 

No  doubt  your  shippers  are  being  treated  unfairly,  both 
by  the  express  companies  and  by  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission.  This  is  a  cruel  world.  Congress  itself  adds 
to  the  torture,  by  almost  daily  referring  to  us  some  bill 
touching  express  rates  or  parcels  post,  or  some  such  similar 
service,  and  while  the  thermometer  stands  at  117  degrees 
in  the  shade  we  are  requested  to  advise  as  to  whether  ex 
press  companies  should  not  be  abolished.  It  has  only  been 
by  the  exercise  of  a  rare  and  unusual  degree  of  self-control 
on  my  part,  and  by  long  periods  of  prayer,  that  I  have  re 
frained  from  advising  Congress  that  I  thought  express  com 
panies  should  be  abolished  and  designating  the  place  to 
which  they  should  be  relegated. 


80  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

As  perhaps  you  may  have  heard,  I  shall  visit  the  Pacific 
Coast  in  person  during  the  next  few  weeks,  and  there  I 
trust  I  may  have  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you  and  your  noble 
Governing  Committees,  to  whom  I  shall  explain  in  person 
and  in  detail  the  difficulties  attaching  to  the  solution  of 
this  problem.  .  .  .  Sincerely  yours, 

FKANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott 

Outlook 

Washington,  December  4,  1911 

MY  DEAR  ABBOTT,  — ...  We  are  making  history  fast 
these  days,  and  at  the  bottom  of  it  all  lies  the  idea,  in  the 
minds  of  the  American  people,  that  they  are  going  to  use  this 
machine  they  call  the  Government.  For  the  centuries 
and  centuries  that  have  passed,  government  has  been  some 
thing  imposed  from  above,  to  which  the  subject  or  citizen 
must  submit.  For  the  first  century  of  our  national  life  this 
idea  has  held  good.  Now,  however,  the  people  have  grown 
in  imagination,  so  that  they  appreciate  the  fact  that  the 
government  is  very  little  more  than  a  cooperative  institution 
in  which  there  is  nothing  inherently  sacred,  excepting  in  so 
far  as  it  is  a  crystallization  of  general  sentiment  and  is  a  good 
working  arrangement.  And  the  feeling  with  relation  to 
big  business,  when  we  get  down  to  the  bottom  of  it,  is  that 
if  men  have  made  these  tremendous  fortunes  out  of  prh*- 
ileges  granted  by  the  whole  people,  we  can  correct  this  by 
a  change  in  our  laws.  They  do  not  object  to  men  making 
any  amount  of  money  so  long  as  the  individual  makes  it, 
but  if  the  Government  makes  it  for  him,  that  is  another 
matter. 

I  have  been  meeting  .  .  .  with  some  of  the  commit 
tees,  in  Congress  and  out,  that  are  drafting  bills  regulating 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES        81 

trusts,  and  I  expect  something  by  no  means  radical  as  a 
starter. 

You  ask  as  to  leadership  in  both  Houses.  There  is  not 
much  in  the  Lower  House  that  can  be  relied  upon  to  do 
constructive  work,  so  far  as  I  can  discover.  Our  Demo 
cratic  leaders  all  wear  hobble  skirts.  But  in  the  Senate 
there  is  some  very  good  stuff. 

I  expect  to  be  in  New  York  in  January,  and  then  I  hope 
to  see  you.  Very  truly  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

When  he  was  running  for  Governor  in  1902,  Lane  made 
prison  reform  one  of  the  foremost  issues  of  his  campaign. 
Several  years  later  when  a  movement  was  started  petitioning 
the  Governor  to  parole  Abraham  Ruef,  who  had  served  a 
part  of  his  term  in  the  penitentiary  for  bribery  in  San  Fran 
cisco,  Lane  signed  the  petition.  This  brought  a  letter  of 
remonstrance  from  his  friend  Charles  McClatchy,  editor 
and  owner  of  the  Sacramento  Bee,  who  felt  that  such  a  move 
ment  was  ill-timed  and  not  in  the  interest  of  the  public  good. 


To  Charles  K.  McClatchy 
Sacramento  Bee 

Washington,  December  12,  1911 

MY  DEAR  CHARLES,  —  I  have  your  letter  regarding  the 
paroling  of  Abraham  Ruef,  and,  far  from  taking  offense 
at  what  you  say,  I  know  that  it  expresses  the  opinion  of 
probably  the  great  body  of  our  people,  but  I  have  long 
thought  that  we  dealt  with  criminals  in  a  manner  which 
tended  to  keep  them  as  criminals  and  altogether  opposed  to 
the  interests  of  society.  I  am  not  sentimental  on  this  propo 
sition,  but  I  think  I  am  sensible.  We  are  dealing  with  men 


82  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

convicted  of  crime  more  harshly  and  more  unreasonably  than 
we  deal  with  dogs.  Our  fundamental  mistake  is  that  we  ut 
terly  ignore  the  fact  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  psychology. 
We  are  treating  prisoners  with  the  methods  of  five  hundred 
years  ago,  before  anything  was  known  about  the  nature  of 
the  human  mind.  .  .  .  There  are,  of  course,  certain  kinds 
of  men  who  should  for  society's  sake  be  kept  in  prison  as 
long  as  they  live,  just  as  there  are  kinds  of  insane  people  that 
should  be  kept  in  insane  asylums  until  they  die.  .  .  . 

I  think  if  you  will  get  the  thought  into  your  mind  that  our 
present  penal  system  is  Silurian  and  unscientific  —  the  same 
to-day  as  it  was  10,000  years  ago  —  you  will  see  my  stand 
point.  Our  penitentiaries  develop  criminals,  they  make 
criminals  out  of  men  who  are  not  criminals  to  begin  with  — 
boys,  for  instance.  They  debase  and  degrade  men.  The 
state  by  its  system  of  punishment  reaches  into  the  heart  of 
a  man  and  plucks  out  his  very  soul.  I  am  speaking  of  men 
who  are  when  they  enter  responsive  to  good  impulses.  .  .  . 

I  thoroughly  appreciate  the  spirit  in  which  you  have 
written  me,  and  I  hope  that  you  will  get  my  point  of  view. 
I  have  known  Abe  Ruef  for  over  twenty -five  years.  He  was 
a  perfectly  straight  young  man  and  anxious  to  help  in  San 
Francisco.  I  do  not  know  the  influences  that  turned  him 
into  the  direction  that  he  took,  but  I  am  absolutely  certain 
that  that  man  has  suffered  mental  tortures  greater  than  any 
that  he  would  have  ever  suffered  if  he  had  gone  to  a  physical 
hell  of  fire.  He  may  appear  brave,  but  he  is  in  fact,  I  will 
warrant  you,  a  heart-broken  man,  because  he  has  failed  of 
realizing  his  own  decent  ideals.  ...  He  never  was  my 
friend,  politically,  socially,  or  otherwise,  but  my  judgment 
is  that  society  will  be  better  off  if  he  is  allowed  the  limited 
freedom  that  a  parole  gives  and  given  an  opportunity  to 
live  up  to  his  own  ideal  of  Abe  Ruef. 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         83 

Regards   to   Val,   your   wife,    and   family.     As    always, 
faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Charles  K.  McClatchy 
Sacramento  Bee 

[Washington,  January,  1912] 

MY  DEAR  CHARLES,  —  I  have  your  note  regarding  Ruef . 
...  It  seems  to  me  you  have  made  one  good  point  against 
me,  and  only  one,  —  that  there  are  poor  men  in  jail  who 
ought  to  be  paroled  at  the  end  of  a  year.  Very  well,  why 
not  parole  them  ?  If  they  are  men  who  have  been  reached 
by  public  opinion  and  are  subject  to  it,  I  see  no  reason  why 
they  should  be  kept  in  jail.  Every  case  must  be  dealt 
with  by  itself  and  to  each  case  should  be  given  the  same 
kind  of  treatment  that  I  give  to  Ruef.  You  will  be  ad 
vocating  this  thing  yourself  one  of  these  days,  calling  it 
Christian  and  civilized  and  denouncing  those  who  do  not 
agree  with  you  as  being  barbarians.  It  may  be  that  Ruef 
fooled  me  when  he  was  just  out  of  college,  but  I  was  a  member 
of  the  Municipal  Reform  League  which  John  H.  Wigmore, 
now  Dean  of  the  Northwestern  University  Law  School,  Ruef 
and  myself  started.  It  did  not  last  very  long,  but  I  think 
that  Ruef  was  as  zealous  as  any  of  us  for  good  government. 
With  many  wishes  for  the  New  Year,  believe  me  always, 
my  dear  Charles,  yours  faithfully, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  Crawford  Burns 
London,  England 

December  13,  1911 

MY  DEAR  BURNS,  —  I  have  felt  grievously  hurt,  at  hearing 
from  Pfeiffer  several  times,  that  you  had  written  him,  and 


84  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

nary  a  word  to  me.  The  idea  that  I  should  write  to  you 
when  you  had  nothing  in  the  world  to  do  but  write  me, 
never  entered  my  head.  I  want  you  to  understand  distinctly 
the  position  which  you  now  occupy  in  the  minds  of  your 
friends.  You  are  a  gentleman  of  leisure,  traveling  in  Europe 
with  an  invalid  wife,  necessarily  bored,  and  anxious  to  meet 
with  anything  that  will  give  you  an  interesting  life.  Under 
the  circumstances,  you  may  relieve  your  mind  at  any  time, 
of  any  intellectual  bile,  by  correspondence.  ...  If  you 
wish  something  serious  to  do,  I  will  formally  direct  you  to 
make  a  report  upon  Railway  Rates  and  Railway  Service 
in  Europe.  This  will  give  you  some  diversion  in  between 
your  attacks  of  religion  and  architecture. 

Pfeiffer,  I  presume,  has  returned  from  the  Far  West,  but 
so  far  I  have  not  heard  from  him.  The  last  letter  I  got 
was  from  the  Yosemite.  He  seems  to  have  been  enchanted 
with  that  country.  He  says  there  is  nothing  in  Europe 
to  compare  with  it.  It  is  splendid  to  see  a  fellow  of  his 
age,  and  with  all  of  his  learning,  keep  up  his  enthusiasm. 
It  seems  to  me  that  he  is  more  appreciative  and  buoyant 
than  he  was  twenty  years  ago,  and  he  is  really  very  sane. 
His  sympathies,  unlike  yours,  are  with  the  present  and  not 
with  the  dead  past. 

You  will  be  interested  in  knowing  that  Mr.  T.  Roosevelt 
is  likely  to  be  the  next  Republican  nominee  for  President. 
Within  the  last  six  weeks  it  has  become  quite  manifest  th^t 
Taft  cannot  be  elected.  .  .  .  And  so  you  see,  the  whirligig 
of  time  has  made  another  turn.  Big  Business  in  New  York 
is  looking  to  Roosevelt  as  a  statesman  who  is  practical.  The 
West  regards  him  as  the  champion  of  the  plain  people.  He 
is  keeping  silent,  but  no  doubt  like  the  negro  lady  he  is 
quite  willing  to  be  "fo'ced." 

On  the  Democratic  side  all  of  the  forces  have  united  to 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         85 

destroy  Wilson,  who  is  the  strongest  man  in  the  West.     The 
bosses  are  all  against  him.     They  recently  produced  an  ap 
plication  which  he  had  made  for  a  pension,  under  the  Car 
negie   Endowment    Fund    for    Teachers,    which    had    been 
allowed  to  lie  idle,  unnoticed  for  a  year  or  so  after  its  re 
jection,  but  owing  to  campaign  emergencies  was  produced,  at 
this  happy  moment,  to  show  that  Wilson  wanted  a  pension. 
As  a  Philadelphia  poet  whom  you  never  heard  of  says :  — 
"  Ah,  what  a  weary  travel  is  our  act, 
Here,  there,  and  back  again,  to  win  some  prize, 
Those  who  are  wise  their  voyage  do  contract 
To  the  safe  space  between  each  others'  eyes." 

This  line  is  in  keeping  with  my  reputation  as  an  early  Vic 
torian.  .  .  .  Do  write  me  some  good  long  letters.  You 
have  a  better  literary  style  than  any  man  who  ever  wrote 
a  letter  to  me,  and  I  love  you  for  the  prejudices  that  are 
yours.  Give  my  love  to  your  wife.  As  always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Theodore  Roosevelt 

Washington,  December  20,  1911 

MY  DEAR  COLONEL,  —  I  have  been  thinking  over  what  I  said 
yesterday,  and  I  am  going  to  presume  upon  my  friendship 
and,  I  may  say,  my  affection  for  you  to  make  a  suggestion  : 

Even  though  the  call  comes  from  a  united  party  and 
under  circumstances  the  most  flattering,  do  not  accept  it 
unless  you  are  convinced  of  two  things:  (1)  that  you  are 
needed  from  a  national  standpoint  and  not  merely  from  a 
party  standpoint ;  (2)  that  you  are  certain  of  election. 

Sacrifice  for  one's  country  is  splendid,  but  sacrifice  for 
one's  party  is  foolish. '  You  must  feel  assured  before  ac 
ceding  to  the  call,  which  I  believe  will  certainly  come,  that 
it  is  more  than  party-wide,  and  that  it  is  sufficiently  strong 


86  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

to  overcome  the  trend  toward  Democratic  success.  If  I 
were  asked  I  would  say  that  I  think  both  of  these  conditions 
are  present  —  that  the  desire  to  have  you  again  is  much 
broader  than  any  party,  and  so  large  that  it  would  insure 
your  victory ;  —  but  no  man  is  as  wise  a  judge  of  these  things 
as  the  man  himself  whose  fortunes  are  at  stake. 

Thanking  you  again  for  the  pleasure  of  a  luncheon,  believe 
me,  as  always,  faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Roosevelt  in  a  letter  marked  private  and  confidential 
replied :  — 

.  .  .  "That  is  a  really  kind  and  friendly  letter  from  you, 
and  I  appreciate  it.  Now  I  agree  absolutely  with  you  that 
I  have  no  business  under  any  circumstances  to  accept  any 
such  call,  even  in  the  greatly  improbable  event  of  its  coming, 
unless  I  am  convinced  that  the  need  is  National,  a  need  of 
the  people  and  not  merely  a  need  of  the  Party.  But  as  for 
considering  my  own  chances  in  any  such  event,  my  dear 
fellow,  I  simply  would  not  know  how  to  go  about  it.  I  am 
always  credited  with  far  more  political  sagacity  than  I 
really  possess.  I  act  purely  on  public  grounds  and  then 
this  proves  often  to  be  good  policy  too.  I  assure  you  with 
all  possible  sincerity  that  I  have  not  thought  and  am  not 
thinking  of  the  nomination,  and  that  under  no  circumstances 
would  I  in  the  remotest  degree  plan  to  bring  about  niy 
nomination.  I  do  not  want  to  be  President  again,  I  am  not 
a  candidate,  I  have  not  the  slightest  idea  of  becoming  a 
candidate,  and  I  do  not  for  one  moment  believe  that  any 
such  condition  of  affairs  will  arise  that  would  make  it  necessary 
to  consider  me  accepting  the  nomination.  But  as  for  the 
effect  upon  my  own  personal  fortunes,  I  would  not  know  how 
to  consider  it,  because  I  would  not  have  the  vaguest  idea 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         87 

what  the  effect  would  be,  except  that  according  to  my  own 
view  it  could  not  but  be  bad  and  unpleasant  for  me  person 
ally.  From  the  personal  standpoint  I  should  view  the 
nomination  to  the  Presidency  as  a  real  and  serious  mis 
fortune.  Nothing  would  persuade  me  to  take  it,  unless 
it  appeared  that  the  people  really  wished  me  to  do  a  given 
job,  which  I  could  not  honorably  shirk.  .  .  ." 


To  Samuel  G.  Blythe 

Washington,  January  6,  1912 

MY  DEAR  SAM,  —  ...  I,  too,  have  been  reading  William 
James.  His  Varieties  of  Religious  Experience  is  the  only 
philosophic  work  that  I  was  ever  able  to  get  all  the  way 
through.  This  thing  gave  me  real  delight  for  a  week. 

Have  just  read  Mr.  John  Bigelow's  Reminiscences,  or  bits 
thereof,  and  find  that  the  aforesaid  John  is  much  like  another 
John  that  we  know  in  this  city,  the  fine  friend  of  the  Pan- 
American  Bureau.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  dignified  and 
solemn  gentleman  who  carried  on  correspondence  with  a 
great  many  men  for  a  number  of  years,  without  .  .  .  hav 
ing  indulged  in  a  flash  of  humor  in  all  his  respectable 
days.  .  .  . 

Will  you  support  me  for  Supreme  Court  Justice?  I  see 
that  I  am  mentioned.  Between  us,  I  am  entirely  ineligible, 
having  a  sense  of  humor.  As  always  yours, 

LANE 

To  Sidney  E.  Mezes 
President,  University  of  Texas 

Washington,  February  15,  1912 

MY  DEAR  SID,  —  Your  weather  has  been  no  worse  than  ours, 
I  want  you  to  understand ;  in  fact,  not  so  bad.  I  think  the 


88  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

glacial  period  is  returning  and  the  ice  cap  is  moving  down 
from  the  North  Pole. 

The  Supreme  Bench  I  could  not  get  because  I  am  a  Demo 
crat,  and  the  President  could  not  afford  to  appoint  another 
Democrat  on  the^Bench.  I  do  not  know  when  McKenna  goes 
out,  and  I  am  not  going  to  be  disturbed  about  it  anyway.  If  I 
had  not  been  unlucky  enough  to  be  born  in  Canada  I  could 
be  nominated  for  President  this  year.  Things  are  in  a 
devil  of  a  condition.  We  could  have  elected  Wilson,  hands 
down,  if  it  had  not  been  for  Hearst's  malevolent  influence. 
He  is  at  the  bottom  of  all  this  deviltry.  His  aim  is  to 
kill  Wilson  off  and  nominate  Clark,  and  Clark  is  in  the  lead 
now,  I  think.  God  knows  whether  he  can  beat  Taft  or 
not.  It  looks  to  me  as  if  Taft  will  be  nominated.  I  have 
a  feeling  somehow  that  the  Roosevelt  boom  won't  materi 
alize. 

My  love  to  the  Missis  and  to  Mr.  House.  As  always 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  February  19,  1912 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  For  two  weeks  there  has  been  standing 
on  my  desk  a  most  elegantly  bound  set  of  your  Cases  on 
Torts  sent  to  me  by  Little,  Brown  &  Co.  at  your  request. 
You  do  not  need  to  be  told,  I  know,  how  much  I  appreciate 
a  thing  that  comes  from  you  and  how  poverty  stricken 
I  am  when  it  comes  to  making  adequate  return.  I  can 
prove  that  I  have  been  working  hard,  but  my  work  does 
not  crystallize  into  anything  which  is  worth  sending  to  a 
friend. 

The  fact  is  that  I  have  never  worked  as  hard  in  my  life  as 

I  have  lately.     I  get  to  my  office  about  nine,  and  without 

*  \ 
i 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         89 

going  out  of  my  room  (for  I  take  my  lunch  at  my  desk), 
stay  until  six,  and  work  at  home  every  night  until  half  past 
eleven,  and  then  take  a  volume  of  essays  or  poems  to  bed 
with  me  for  half  or  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  and  so  to 
sleep. 

If  the  man  in  the  White  House  had  as  much  sense  as  I 
have,  he  would  name  you  for  the  Supreme  Bench  without 
asking,  and  "draft"  you,  as  Roosevelt  says.  By  the  way, 
I  gave  the  suggestion  of  "draft"  in  a  talk  I  had  with  him  a 
month  or  so  ago. 

The  political  situation  is  interesting,  but  altogether  un 
lovely.  ...  It  looks  as  if  Clark  might  be  the  nominee  on 
the  Democratic  side.  Taft  is  gaining  in  strength,  and  some 
how  I  cannot  feel  that  Roosevelt  will  ever  be  in  it,  although 
you  know  how  I  like  him.  The  situation  seems  a  bit  arti 
ficial. 

Give  my  love  to  Mrs.  John.     As  always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  February  23,  1912 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  ...  Yesterday  I  delivered  an  address 
before  the  University  of  Virginia  on  A  Western  View  of 
Tradition  —  which  when  it  is  printed  I  will  send  out  to 
you  —  and  in  the  afternoon  was  taken  up  to  Jefferson's 
home,  Monticello.  It  is  on  a  mountain,  the  top  of  which 
he  scraped  off.  It  overlooks  the  whole  surrounding  country, 
most  of  which  at  that  time  he  owned.  He  planned  the  whole 
house  himself,  even  to  the  remotest  details,  the  cornices  and 
the  carvings  on  the  mantels,  the  kind  of  lumber  of 
which  the  floors  were  to  be  made,  the  character  of  the 
timbers  used,  the  carving  of  the  capitals  on  the  columns, 
the  folding  ladder  that  was  used  to  wind  up  the  clock 


90  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

over  the  doorway,  the  registers  on  the  porch  that  recorded 
the  direction  in  which  the  wind  was  coming,  as  moved  by 
the  weather-vane  on  the  roof,  the  little  elevator  beside 
the  fireplace  .  .  .  and  a  thousand  other  details. 

...  I  would  like  nothing  better  if  I  had  any  kind  of  skill 
in  using  my  hands  than  to  take  a  year  off  and  build  a  house. 
It  is  a  real  religion  to  create  something,  and  you  do  not  need 
a  great  deal  of  money  to  make  a  very  beautiful  little  place. 
You  must  have  one  large  room,  and  the  house  must  be  on 
some  elevation,  and  you  must  get  water,  water,  and  water. 
...  It  is  water  that  makes  land  valuable  in  California  or 
anywhere  else.  Affectionately  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Carl  Snyder 

Washington,  March  6,  1912 

MY  DEAR  CARL,  —  I  have  this  minute  for  the  first  time  seen 
the  copy  of  Collier's,  for  February  24,  1912,  and  therefore 
for  the  first  time  my  eyes  lighted  upon  your  most  delicious 
roast  of  the  Commerce  Court.  .  .  . 

I  do  not  know  what  the  outcome  of  this  movement  will 
be.  The  only  settled  policy  of  government  is  inertia.  The 
House  of  Representatives  Committee  on  Appropriations, 
I  believe,  proposes  to  abolish  the  appropriation  for  the 
Court,  which  looks  like  a  cowardly  way  to  get  at  the  thing, 
but  perhaps  it  is  most  effective.  However,  I  really  doujbt 
if  they  will  have  the  nerve  to  do  this.  It  is  a  mighty  critical 
year,  I  think,  in  our  history.  It  looks  to  me  as  if  the  reac 
tionaries  were  going  to  get  possession  of  both  parties,  and 
that  a  third  party  will  be  needed  and  nobody  will  have  the 
nerve  to  start  it.  Roosevelt  has  got  everything  west  of  the 
Mississippi  excepting  Utah  and  Wyoming,  in  my  judgment. 
That  he  will  be  able  to  get  the  nomination  I  am  not  so  sure ; 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         91 

but  he  does  not  care  a  tinker's  damn  whether  he  gets  it 
himself  or  not.  That  is  the  worst  of  it  because  the  people 
won't  give  anything  to  a  man  that  he  does  not  want.  .  .  . 
Well,  we  are  living  in  mighty  interesting  times  anyway. 
As  always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

On  February  22,  1912,  Lane  delivered  the  annual  address 
at  the  University  of  Virginia.  He  spoke  on  American  Tra 
dition,  saying  that  as  Americans  are  physically,  industrially, 
and  socially  the  "heirs  of  all  the  ages"  our  supreme  tradi 
tion  is  a  "hatred  of  injustice."  That  one  of  the  great  ex 
periments  that  a  Democracy  should  make  is  to  find  a  more 
equitable  distribution  of  wealth  "without  destroying  in 
dividual  initiative  or  blasting  individual  capacity  and 
imagination."  This  address  brought  a  letter  from  Oliver 
Wendell  Holmes,  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court. 


To  Franklin  K.  Lane 

March  17,  1912 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  Let  me  thank  you  at  once  for  your  Vir 
ginia  address,  which  I  have  just  received  and  just  read  - 
read  with  the  greatest  pleasure.  I  admire  its  eloquence, 
its  imagination,  its  style.  I  sympathize  with  its  attitude 
and  with  most  of  its  implications.  I  gain  heart  from  its  tone 
of  hope.  I  am  old  —  by  the  calendar  at  least  —  and  at  times 
am  more  melancholy,  so  that  it  does  me  good  to  hear  the 
note  of  courage.  One  implication  may  carry  conclusions 
to  which  I  think  I  ought  to  note  my  disagreement,  —  the 
reference  to  unequal  distribution.  I  think  the  prevailing 
fallacy  is  to  confound  ownership  with  consumption  of  prod 
ucts.  Ownership  is  a  gate,  not  a  stopping  place.  You  tell 


92  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

me  little  when  you  tell  me  that  Rockefeller  or  the  United 
States  is  the  owner.  What  I  want  to  know  is  who  consumes 
the  annual  product,  and  for  many  years  I  have  been  saying 
and  believing  that  to  think  straight  one  should  look  at  the 
stream  of  annual  products  and  ask  what  change  one  would 
make  in  that  under  any  rSgime.  The  luxuries  of  the  few  are 
a  drop  in  the  bucket  —  the  crowd  now  has  all  there  is.  The 
difference  between  private  and  public  ownership,  it  seems 
to  me,  is  mainly  in  the  natural  selection  of  those  most  com 
petent  to  foresee  the  future  and  to  direct  labor  into  the 
most  productive  channels,  and  the  greater  poignancy  of 
the  illusion  of  self-seeking  under  which  the  private  owner 
works.  The  real  problem,  under  socialism  as  well  as  under 
individualism,  is  to  ascertain,  under  the  external  economic 
and  inevitable  conditions,  the  equilibrium  of  social  desires. 
The  real  struggle  is  between  the  different  groups  of  pro 
ducers  of  the  several  objects  of  social  desire.  The  bogey 
capital  is  simply  the  force  of  all  the  other  groups  against  the 
one  that  is  selling  its  product,  trying  to  get  that  product  for 
the  least  it  can.  Capital  is  society  purchasing  and  consum 
ing  —  Labor  is  society  producing.  The  laborers  unfortu 
nately  are  often  encouraged  to  think  capital  something  up 
in  the  sky  which  they  are  waiting  for  a  Franklin  to  bring 
down  into  their  jars.  I  think  that  is  a  humbug  and  lament 
that  I  so  rarely  hear  what  seem  to  me  the  commonplaces 
that  I  have  uttered,  expressed.  Your  fine  address  has  set 
me  on  my  hobby  and  you  have  fallen  a  victim  to  the  charm 
of  your  own  words.  Very  truly,  yours, 

O.  W.  HOLMES 

P.  S.  Of  course  I  am  speaking  only  of  economics  not  of 
political  or  sentimental  considerations  —  both  very  real, 
but  as  to  which  all  that  one  can  say  is,  if  you  are  sure  that 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES         93 

you  want  to  go  to  the  show  and  have  money  enough  to  buy  a 
ticket,  go  ahead,  but  don't  delude  yourself  with  the  notion 
that  you  are  doing  an  economic  act.  I  make  the  only  re 
turn  I  can  in  the  form  of  the  single  speech  I  have  made  for 
the  last  nine  years. 

To  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes 

Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 

Washington,  March  20,  1912 

MY  DEAR  MR.  JUSTICE,  —  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the 
warmth  and  generosity  of  your  comment  on  my  Virginia 
speech.  Your  economic  philosophy  is  fundamentally,  I 
think,  the  same  as  mine  —  that  the  wealth  produced  is  a 
social  product.  And  men  may  honestly  differ  as  to  how  best 
that  stream  of  foods  and  other  satisfactions  may  be  in 
creased  in  volume,  or  more  widely  distributed.  May  I 
carry  your  figure  of  the  stream  further  by  suggesting  that 
the  riparian  owner  in  England  has  the  superior  right,  but 
in  an  arid  country  the  common  law  rule  is  abandoned  be 
cause  under  new  conditions  it  does  not  make  for  the  greatest 
public  good  ?  The  land  adjoining  feels  the  need  of  the  water, 
and  society  takes  from  one  to  give  to  the  other. 

The  last  century  was  devoted  to  steaming  up  in  produc 
tion.  This  century,  it  appears  to  me,  will  devote  itself  more 
definitely  to  distribution.  It  is  nonsense,  of  course,  to  say 
that  because  the  rich  grow  richer  the  poor  grow  poorer ; 
but  the  poor  are  not  the  same  poor,  they,  too,  have  found 
new  desires.  Civilization  has  given  them  new  wants. 
Those  desires  will  not  be  satisfied  with  largesse,  and  with  the 
machinery  of  government  in  their  hands  the  people  are  bound 
to  experiment  along  economic  lines.  They  will  certainly 
find  that  they  get  most  when  they  preserve  the  captain  of 
industry,  but  may  it  not  be  that  his  imagination  and  fore- 


94     LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

thought  may  be  commanded  by  society  at  a  lower  share  of 
the  gross  than  he  has  heretofore  received,  or  in  exchange  for 
something  of  a  different,  perhaps  of  a  sentimental  nature  ? 

.  .  .  Please  pardon  this  typewritten  note,  but  my  own 
hand,  unlike  your  copper-plate,  is  absolutely  illegible.  I 
have  been  raised  in  a  typewriter  age. 

Again  thanking  you  for  your  letter,  believe  me,  with  the 
highest  regard,  faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  April  3,  1912 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  -  -  You  overwhelm  me.  .  .  .  You  have 
no  right  to  say  such  nice  things  to  an  innocent  and  trusting 
young  thing  like  myself.  The  flat,  unabashed  truth  is 
that  I  appreciate  your  letter  more  than  any  other  that  I 
have  received  concerning  that  speech.  By  way  of  indicating 
the  interest  which  it  has  excited  I  send  you  copies  of  some 
correspondence  between  Mr.  Justice  Holmes  and  myself. 

Our  plans  for  the  summer  are  very  unsettled.  The  prob 
ability  is  that  we  will  go  up  to  Bras  D'Or  Lakes,  in  Cape 
Breton,  where  we  can  have  salt-water  bathing  and  sailing 
and  be  most  primitive.  I  should  like  greatly  to  run  over 
with  you  to  Europe,  and,  by  way  of  making  the  tempta 
tion  harder  to  resist,  let  me  know  how  you  expect  to  go, 
and  where. 

Give  my  love  to  the  Lady  Wigmore.     As  ever  yours,     ( 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Daniel  Willard 
President,  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  Company 

Washington,  June  19,  1912 

MY  DEAR  MR.  WILLARD,  —  That  was  a  warm  cordial  note 
that  you  sent  me  regarding  my  University  of  Virginia 


RAILROAD  AND  NATIONAL  POLICIES        95 

address,'  and  what  you  say  of  my  sentiments  confirms  my 
own  view  that  property  must  look  to  men  like  yourself  for 
protection  in  the  future  —  men  who  are  not  blind  to  public 
sentiment  and  whose  methods  are  frank.  The  worst  enemy 
that  capital  has  in  the  country  is  the  man  who  thinks 
that  he  can  "put  one  over"  on  the  people.  An  institution 
cannot  remain  sacred  long  which  is  the  creator  of  injustice, 
and  that  is  what  some  of  our  blind  friends  at  Chicago  do 
not  see.  Very  truly  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  McNaught 
New  York  World 

Washington,  March  23,  1912 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  am  very  glad  indeed  to  hear  from  you 
and  to  know  that  you  are  in  sympathy  with  my  "eloquent" 
address  at  the  University  of  Virginia.  You  give  me  hope 
that  I  am  on  the  right  track.  As  for  Harmon  and  repre 
sentative  government,  you  won't  get  either.  .  .  .  Please 
see  Mr.  R.  W.  Emerson's  Sphinx,  in  which  occurs  this  line : 

"  The  Lethe  of  Nature  can't  trance  him  again 
Whose  soul  sees  the  perfect,  which  his  eye  seeks  in  vain." 

Fancy  me  surrounded  by  maps  of  the  express  systems 
of  the  United  States,  digging  through  the  rates  on  uncleaned 
rice  from  Texas  to  the  Southeast,  dribbling  off  poetry  to  a 
man  who  sits  in  a  tall  tower  overlooking  New  York,  who 
once  had  poetry  which  has  per  necessity  been  smothered ! 
Dear  John,  read  your  Bible,  and  in  Second  Kings  you  will 
find  the  story  of  one  Rehoboam,  that  son  of  Solomon,  who 
was  also  for  Harmon  and  representative  government. 

I  am  looking  out  of  the  window  at  the  funeral  procession 
for  the  Maine  dead,  and  it  strikes  me  that  our  dear  friend 


96  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Cobb  has  overlooked  one  trick  in  his  campaign  against  T.  R. 
Of  course  he  has  other  arrows  in  his  quiver,  and  no  doubt 
this  one  will  come  later,  but  why  not  charge  T.  R.  with 
having  blown  up  the  Maine?  No  one  can  prove  that  he 
did  not  do  it.  He  then  undoubtedly  was  planning  to  be 
come  President  and  knew  that  he  never  could  be  unless  he 
was  given  a  chance  to  show  his  ability  as  a  soldier-patriot. 
He  stole  Panama  of  course,  and  is  there  any  reason  to  be 
lieve  that  a  man  who  would  steal  Panama  would  hesitate 
at  blowing  up  a  battleship  ? 

I  hope  you  .  .  .  are  giving  over  the  life  of  a  hermit  — 
not  that  I  would  advise  you  to  take  to  the  Great  White  Way, 
but  the  side  streets  are  sometimes  pleasant.  As  always, 
devotedly  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


V 
EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS 

1912-1913 

Politics  —  Democratic  Convention  —  Nomination  of  Wilson  —  Report  on 
Express  Case  —  Democratic  Victory  —  Problems  for  New  Administration 
—  On  Cabinet  Appointments 

To  Albert  Shaw 
Review  of  Reviews 

Washington,  April  30,  1912 

MY  DEAR  DOCTOR,  —  ...  You  certainly  are  very  much 
in  the  right.  Everything  begins  to  look  as  if  the  Republi 
can  party  would  prove  itself  the  Democratic  party  after  all. 
Our  Southern  friends  are  so  obstinate  and  so  traditional, 
and  so  insensible  to  the  problems  of  the  day,  that  while  they 
are  honest  they  are  too  often  found  in  alliance  with  the 
Hearsts  and  Calhouns.  The  Republican  party,  on  the  other 
hand,  seems  to  have  courage  enough  to  take  a  purgative 
every  now  and  then. 

We  must  find  ways  of  satisfying  the  plain  man's  notion 
of  what  the  fair  thing  is,  or  else  worse  things  than  the  recall 
of  judges  will  come  to  pass.  Every  lawyer  knows  that  the 
law  has  been  turned  into  a  game  of  bridge  whist.  People 
are  perfectly  well  satisfied  that  they  can  submit  a  question 
to  a  body  of  fair-minded  and  honest  men,  take  their  con 
clusion,  and  get  rid  of  all  our  absurd  rules  of  evidence  and 
our  unending  appeals. 

97 


98  LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

And  as  to  economic  problems,  people  are  going  to  solve 
a  lot  of  these  along  very  simple  lines.  I  think  I  see  a  great 
body  of  opinion  rising  in  favor  of  the  appropriation  by  the 
Government  of  all  natural  resources. 

We  saw  a  lot  of  the  Severances  while  they  were  here. 
Cordy  made  a  great  argument  in  the  Merger  Case,  but  if  he 
wins,  we  won't  get  anything  more  than  a  paper  victory  — 
another  Northern  Securities  victory. 

Please  remember  me  very  kindly  to  Mrs.  Shaw,  and  be 
lieve  me,  as  always  sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Curt  G.  Pfei/er 

Washington,  May  21,  1912 

MY  DEAR  PFEIFFER,  —  I  am  acknowledging  your  note 
on  the  day  when  Ohio  votes.  This  is  the  critical  day,  for 
if  T.  R.  wins  more  than  half  the  delegation  in  Ohio,  .he  is 
nominated  and,  I  might  almost  say,  elected.  But  I  find  that 
the  Democrats  feel  more  sure  of  his  strength  than  the  Re 
publicans  do.  Have  you  noticed  how  extremely  small  the 
Democratic  vote  is  at  all  of  the^primaries,  not  amounting 
to  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  Republican  vote  ? 

.  .  .  The  Democrats  are  in  an  awkward  position.  If 
Roosevelt  is  nominated,  one  wing  will  be,fighting  for  Under 
wood,  to  get  the  disaffected  conservative  strength,  while 
the  other  wing  will  be  fighting  for  Bryan,  so  as  to  hold  as 
large  a  portion  of  the  radical  support  as  possible.  Oh,  well, 
we  have  all  got  to  come  to  a  real  division  of  parties  along 
lines  of  tendency  and  temperament  and  have  those  of  us 
who  feel  democratic- wise  get  into  the  same  wagon,  and  those 
who  fear  democracy,  and  whose  first  interest  is  property, 
flock  together  on  the  tory  side.  As  always,  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


EXPRESS  CASE  — CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     99 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  July  2,  1912 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  I  am  off  tomorrow  for  Baddeck, 
Cape  Breton,  where  I  shall  probably  be  until  the  1st  of  Sep 
tember  or  thereabouts  —  if  I  can  endure  that  long  period 
of  country  life  and  absence  from  the  political  excitement 
of  the  United  States. 

It  looks,  as  I  am  writing,  as  if  Wilson  were  to  be  nominated 
at  Baltimore.  If  he  is  he  will  sweep  the  country ;  Taft 
won't  carry  three  states.1  Wilson  is  clean,  strong,  high- 
minded  and  cold-blooded.  To  nominate  him  would  be  a 
tremendous  triumph  for  the  anti-Hearst  people.  I  have 
been  over  at  the  convention  several  times.  Hearst  defeated 
Bryan  for  temporary  chairman  by  making  a  compact  with 
Murphy,  Sullivan  and  Taggert.  .  .  .  Bryan  has  fought  a 
most  splendid  fight.  I  had  a  talk  with  him.  He  was  in 
splendid  spirits  and  most  cordial.  The  California  delega 
tion  headed  by  Theodore  Bell  has  been  made  to  look  like  a 
lot  of  wooden  Indians.  Bell  himself  was  shouted  down  with 
the  cry  of  "Hearst !  Hearst !",  the  last  time  he  rose  to  speak. 
The  delegation  is  probably  the  most  discredited  one  in  the 
entire  convention.  .  .  . 

My  summer,  I  presume,  will  be  put  in  chiefly  in  sailing  a 
small  yawl  with  Gilbert  Grosvenor,  rowing  a  boat,  fishing  a 
little,  and  walking  some.  My  diet  for  the  next  two  months 
will  consist  exclusively  of  salmon  and  potatoes,  cod-fish 
and  potatoes,  and  mutton  and  potatoes. 

I  have  just  completed  my  report  in  the  Express  Case, 
a  copy  of  which  will  be  sent  you.  It  has  been  a  most 
tremendous  task,  and  the  work  has  not  yet  been  com 
pleted  for  we  have  to  pass  upon  the  rates  in  October; 
but  I  am  in  surprisingly  good  condition  —  largely,  per- 
1  Taft  carried  Vermont  and  Utah. 


100         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

haps,   because  the  weather  has  been  so  cool  for  the  last 
month.  .  . 

All  happiness,  old  man  !    Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

"Lane  had  a  long  look  ahead,"  says  James  S.  Harlan, 
"that  often  reminded  one  of  the  extraordinary  prevision 
of  Colonel  Roosevelt.  One  striking  instance  of  this  was  in 
connection  with  this  Express  Case. 

"Early  in  the  progress  of  the  investigation  of  express 
companies  undertaken  by  him  in  1911,  at  the  request  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  Lane  warned  a  group 
of  high  express  officials  gathered  around  him  that  unless 
they  promptly  coordinated  their  service  more  closely  to  the 
public  requirements,  revised  their  archaic  practices,  re 
adjusted  and  simplified  their  rate  systems  so  as  to  eliminate 
discriminations,  the  frequent  collection  of  double  charges 
and  other  evils,  and  gave  the  public  a  cheaper  and  a  better 
service,  the  public  would  soon  be  demanding  a  parcel  post. 

"The  suggestion  was  received  with  incredulous  smiles, 
one  of  the  express  officials  saying,  apparently  with  the  full 
approval  of  them  all,  that  a  parcel  post  had  been  talked  of 
in  this  country  for  forty  years  and  had  never  got  beyond 
the  talking  point,  and  never  would.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there 
was  little,  if  any,  movement  at  that  time  in  the  public  press 
or  elsewhere  for  such  a  service  by  the  government.  Bkit 
Lane's  alert  mind  had  sensed  in  the  current  of  public  thought 
a  feeling  that  there  was  need  of  a  quicker,  simpler,  and  cheaper 
way  of  handling  the  country's  small  packages,  and  he  saw 
no  way  out,  other  than  a  parcel  post,  if  the  express  companies 
stood  still  and  made  no  effort  to  meet  this  public  need. 

"Within  scarcely  more  than  a  year  Congress,  by  the  Act 
of  August  24,  1912,  had  authorized  a  parcel  post  and  such  a 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  .1PPCINT MENTS     101 

service  was  in  actual  operation  on  January  1,  1913.  It 
was  not  until  December  of  the  latter  year  that  the  express 
companies  were  ready  to  file  with  the  Commission  the  in 
genious  and  entirely  original  system  Lane  had  devised  for 
stating  express  rates.  The  form  was  so  simple  that  even 
the  casual  shipper  in  a  few  minutes'  study  could  qualify  him 
self  for  ascertaining  the  rates,  not  only  to  and  from  his  own 
home  express  station  but  between  any  other  points  in  the 
country.  But  by  that  time  the  carriage  of  the  country's  small 
parcels  had  permanently  passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the  express 
companies  into  the  hands  of  the  postal  service,  by  which 
Lane's  unique  form  for  stating  the  express  rates  was  adopted 
as  the  general  form  of  showing  its  parcel  post  charges." 

To  Oscar  S.  Straus 

Washington,  July  3,  1912 

MY  DEAR  MR.  STRAUS,  —  I  thank  you  heartily  for  your 
appreciative  note  regarding  my  University  of  Virginia  talk. 
I  wanted  to  say  something  to  those  people,  especially  to  the 
younger  men,  that  would  make  them  doubt  the  wisdom  of 
staying  forever  with  systems  and  theories  not  adapted  to 
our  day. 

As  I  write,  word  comes  that  Woodrow  Wilson  has  been 
nominated.  I  do  not  know  him,  but  from  what  I  hear  he 
promises  if  elected  to  be  a  real  leader  in  the  war  against  in 
justice.  The  world  wants  earnest  men  right  now  —  not 
cynics,  but  men  who  believe,  whether  rightly  or  wrongly; 
and  the  reason  that  the  East  is  so  much  less  progressive 
as  we  say,  than  the  West,  is  because  the  East  is  made  up  so 
largely  of  cynics. 

Thanking  you  once  more  for  your  appreciative  words, 
believe  me,  sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


102        .LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 
President,  University  of  California 

Baddeck,  Nova  Scotia,  July  31,  [1912] 

MY  DEAR  MR.  WHEELER,  —  Your  letter  followed  me  here, 
where  at  least  one  can  breathe.  This  really  is  a  most  beauti 
ful  country  filled  with  self-respecting  Gaelic-speaking  Scotch 
from  the  islands  of  the  north  —  crofters  driven  here  to  make 
place  for  sheep  and  fine  estates  on  their  ancestral  homes  in 
the  Highlands. 

I  am  proud  of  your  words  of  commendation.  The  express 
job  is  the  biggest  one  yet.  I  believe  we've  done  a  real  serv 
ice  both  to  the  country  and  to  the  express  companies.  The 
latter  will  probably  live  if  their  service  and  their  rates  im 
prove.  Otherwise  the  Government  will  put  them  out  of 
business,  requiring  the  railroads  to  give  fast  service  for  any 
forwarder,  as  in  Germany. 

Politically,  things  look  Wilson  to  me.  Taft  won't  be  in 
sight  at  the  finish.  It  will  be  a  run  between  Wilson  and 
T.  R.  I  can't  name  five  states  that  Taft  is  really  likely  to 
carry.  My  friends  in  Massachusetts  say  Wilson  will  win 
there,  and  so  in  Maine.  Well,  I  suppose  you  and  I  are  in 
the  same  sad  situation  —  eager  to  break  into  the  fight  but 
bound  not  to  do  it.  Do  you  know  I  believe  that  T.  R.  has 
discovered,  and  just  discovered,  that  it  is  our  destiny  to  be 
a  Democracy.  Hence  the  enthusiasm  which  Wall  Street 
calls  whiskey.  .  .  .  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  September  17,  1912 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  I  am  mighty  glad  to  get  your  Labor 
Day  letter,  but  sorry  that  its  note  is  not  more  cheerful  and 
gay.  I  can  quite  understand  your  position  though.  We 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     103 

are  all  obsessed  with  the  desire  to  be  of  some  use  and  un 
willing  to  take  things  as  they  are.  I  do  not  know  a  pair  of 
more  rankly  absurd  idealists  than  you  and  myself,  and  along 
with  idealism  goes  discontent.  We  do  not  see  the  thing 
that  satisfies  us,  and  we  can  not  abide  resting  with  the  thing 
that  does  not  satisfy  us.  We  are  of  the  prods  in  the  world, 
the  bit  of  acid  that  is  thrown  upon  it  to  test  it,  the  spur 
which  makes  the  lazy  thing  move  on. 

This  summer  I  saw  a  great  deal  of  a  man  .  .  .  [who  was] 
perfectly  complacent.  .  .  .  And  I  noticed  that  he  took  no 
acids  of  any  kind  —  never  a  pickle,  nor  vinegar,  nor  salad 
—  but  would  heap  half  a  roll  of  butter  on  a  single  sheet  of 
bread  and  eat  sardines  whole.  And  I  just  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  there  was  something  in  a  fellow's  stomach  that 
accounted  for  his  temperament.  If  I  ever  get  the  time  I  am 
going  to  try  and  work  out  the  theory.  The  contented  people 
are  those  who  generate  their  own  acid  and  have  an  appetite 
for  fats,  while  the  discontented  people  are  those  whose  crav 
ing  is  for  acids.  A  lack  of  a  sense  of  humor  and  a  love  for 
concrete  facts,  as  opposed  to  dreams,  goes  along  with  the 
first  temperament.  You  just  turn  this  thing  over  and  see 
if  there  is  not  something  in  it.  I  am  long  past  the  stage  of 
trying  to  correct  myself;  I  am  just  trying  to  understand  a 
lot  of  things  —  why  they  are.  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  July  3,  1912 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  Of  course  you  may  keep  the  Napoleon 
book.  It  is  intended  for  you.  Your  criticism  of  T.  R.'s 
literary  style  is  appreciated,  and  no  doubt  he  lacks  in  pre 
cision  of  thought. 

Now  we  shall  have  a  chance  to  see  what  a  college  president 


104         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

can  do  as  President  of  the  United  States.  I  believe  Wilson 
will  be  elected.  What  a  splendid  jump  in  three  years  that 
man  has  made !  They  tell  me  he  is  very  cold-blooded.  We 
need  a  cold-blooded  fellow  these  days.  .  .  . 

September  21,  1912 

.  .  .  You  will  by  this  time  have  picked  up  all  the  poli 
tics  of  the  time.  Wilson  is  strong,  but  not  stronger  than 
he  was  when  nominated.  T.  R.  is  gaining  strength  daily, 
that  is  my  best  guess.  He  has  the  laboring  man  with  him 
most  enthusiastically  but  not  unanimously,  of  course.  The 
far  West  —  Pacific  Coast  —  is  his.  All  the  railroad  men 
and  the  miners.  .  .  . 

I  am  not  sure  of  Wilson.  He  is  not  "wise"  to  modern 
conditions,  I  fear.  Tearing  up  the  tariff  won't  change 
many  prices.  Doesn't  he  seem  to  talk  too  much  like  a  pro 
fessor  and  too  little  like  a  statesman?  Hearst  is  knifing 
him  for  all  he  is  worth.  He  has  fixed  in  the  workingmen's 
minds  that  Wilson  favors  Chinese  immigration. 

Well,  when  am  I  to  see  you  again?  And  how  is  Mrs. 
John  ?  How  I  do  wish  you  were  here  !  As  always, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Timothy  Spellacy 

Washington,  September  30,  1912 

MY  DEAR  TIM,  —  I  have  your  fine,  long  letter  of  Septem 
ber  23,  and  this  is  no  more  than  just  an  acknowledgment. 
I  am  glad  to  know  that  you  are  taking  so  hearty  an  interest 
in  the  campaign.  It  is  really  too  bad  that  you  did  not  stay 
longer  in  Baltimore  and  see  Bryan  win  out  all  along  the 
line. 

I  don't  want  a  position  in  the  Cabinet.  I  am  not  look 
ing  for  any  further  honors,  but  I  want  to  help  Wilson  make 


EXPRESS  CASE  — CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     105 

a  success  of  his  administration,  for  I  think  he  will  be  elected. 
I  arn  afraid  that  he  will  become  surrounded  by  Southern 
reactionaries  —  men  of  his  own  blood  and  feeling,  who  are 
not  of  the  Northern  and  more  progressive  type.  We  have 
got  to  cut  some  sharp  corners  in  doing  the  things  that  are 
right.  By  this  I  don't  mean  that  we  will  do  anything  that 
is  wrong ;  but  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Southern  Demo 
crat  it  is  illegal  to  have  a  strong  central  government  —  one 
that  is  effective  —  and  we  have  got  to  have  such  a  govern 
ment  if  we  are  going  to  hold  possession  of  the  Nation.  The 
people  want  things  done.  Wilson  is  a  bit  too  conservative 
for  me,  but  maybe  when  he  realizes  the  necessity  for  strength 
he  will  be  for  it. 

I  am  sorry  for  B .     Poor  chap !     His  alliance  with 

Hearst  undid  years  of  good  work.  ...     As  always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller 

Washington,  October  18,  1912 

MY  DEAR  ADOLPH,  —  I  have  postponed  until  the  last  min 
ute  writing  you  regarding  my  proposed  visit  in  California. 
I  see  now  clearly  that  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  get  out  there 
this  fall.  The  Express  Case  ...  is  still  on  my  hands,  and 
with  all  of  my  energy  I  shall  not  be  able  to  get  rid  of  it  until 
the  first  of  the  year  at  least.  .  .  .  Moreover  (and  this  is  a 
personal  matter  that  I  wish  you  would  not  say  anything 
about)  ...  I  am  doing  my  work  in  a  great  deal  of  pain, 
and  have  been  for  the  last  three  or  four  weeks.  ...  I  can 
not  work  as  hard  as  I  did  some  time  ago.  .  .  . 

I  rebel  at  sickness  as  much  as  I  do  at  death.  The  scheme 
of  existence  does  not  appeal  to  me,  at  the  moment,  as  the 
most  perfect  which  a  highly  imaginative  Creator  could  have 
invented.  My  transcendental  philosophy  seems  a  pretty 


106         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

good  working  article  when  things  are  going  smoothly,  but 
it  is  not  quite  equal  to  hard  practical  strain,  I  fear. 

Politically  things  look  like  Wilson,  though  I  suppose  T.  R. 
will  get  California  and  a  lot  of  other  states.  I  think  he  will 
beat  Taft  badly.  The  new  party  has  come  to  stay,  and  it 
will  be  a  tremendous  influence  for  good.  I  don't  take  any 
stock  in  the  talk  about  T.  R's  personal  ambition  being  his 
controlling  motive.  I  think  that  he  has  found  a  religious  pur 
pose  in  life  to  which  he  can  devote  himself  the  rest  of  his 
days,  not  to  get  himself  into  office  but  to  keep  things 
moving  along  right  lines. 

Remember  me  most  kindly  to  your  wife  and  President 
Wheeler.  As  always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  F.  Me  Combs 
Chairman,  Democratic  National  Committee 

Washington,  October  19,  1912 

DEAR  MR.  McCoMBS,  —  I  cannot  go  to  California  and 
make  speeches  for  Governor  Wilson  without  resigning  from 
the  Commission.  Four  years  ago  two  Republican  members 
of  the  Commission  were  strongly  urged  at  a  critical  time  in 
the  campaign  to  get  into  Mr.  Taft's  fight  so  as  to  help  with 
the  labor  vote.  I  insisted  that  they  should  not  do  it,  and 
the  matter  was  brought  before  the  Commission,  and  we  then 
decided  that  no  member  of  the  Commission  should  take 
part  in  politics.  So  you  see  when  the  telegrams  began  to 
come  in  this  year,  urging  that  I  go  out  to  California  and  the 
other  Pacific  Coast  states,  I  was  compelled  to  say  that  I 
was  estopped  by  my  position  of  four  years  ago. 

I  have  never  wanted  to  get  into  a  campaign  as  much  as 
I  have  this  one.  Governor  Wilson  represents  all  that  I 
have  been  fighting  for,  for  the  last  twenty  years  in  my  State ; 


EXPRESS  CASE  — CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     107 

but  I  think  that  it  would  be  almost  fatal  to  the  independence 
and  high  repute  of  this  Commission  for  its  members  to  take 
part  in  a  national  campaign.  We  have  so  much  power  that 
we  can  exercise  upon  the  railroads  and  upon  railroad  men 
that  any  announcement  made  by  a  member  of  this  Com 
mission  could  properly  be  construed  as  a  threat  or  a  sugges 
tion  that  should  be  heeded  by  the  wise.  I  know  that  this 
view  of  the  matter  will  appeal  to  you  as  entirely  sensible 
when  you  reflect  upon  it,  and  to  my  impatient  friends  in 
California,  to  whom  it  has  been  very  hard  to  say  no. 

I  am  glad  to  see  that  you  are  holding  the  fight  up  so  hard 
at  the  tail  end  of  the  campaign.  That  is  when  Democratic 
campaigns  have  so  often  been  lost.  Governor  Wilson  is 
maintaining  himself  splendidly,  and  our  one  danger  has 
been  over-confidence.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

About  the  political  situation  he  wrote  to  one  of  his  former 
Assistants  in  the  City  and  County  Attorney's  office  in  San 
Francisco 

To  Hugo  K.  Asher 

Washington,  October  22,  1912 

MY  DEAR  HUGO,  —  I  have  your  long  letter  which  you  prom 
ised  in  your  telegram.  Now,  old  man,  I  want  to  have  a 
perfectly  open  talk  with  you.  I  understand  your  attitude 
of  affectionate  ambition  for  me,  and  I  am  mighty  proud  of 
it,  that  after  the  years  we  were  associated  together,  the  ups 
and  downs  we  had,  you  feel  the  way  you  do. 

Wilson  is  going  to  be  elected  unless  some  miracle  happens, 
and  I  would  tremendously  like  to  get  out  to  California  and 
speak  to  the  people  once  more.  You  do  not  know  just  how 
the  old  lust  for  battle  has  come  over  me.  Following  your 


108         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

telegram  came  a  letter  from  McCombs,  the  Chairman  of 
the  National  Committee,  saying  that  he  had  received  a  lot 
of  telegrams  urging  him  to  have  me  go  and  that  Governor 
Wilson  would  like  me  to.  But  I  wrote  him  precisely  as  I 
have  you.  If  the  members  of  this  Commission  once  get 
into  politics,  the  institution  is  gone  to  hell,  for  we  can  make 
or  unmake  any  candidate  we  wish.  This  is  the  most  power 
ful  body  in  the  United  States,  and  we  must  act  with  a  full 
sense  of  the  responsibility  that  is  on  us.  .  .  . 

As  for  being  a  member  of  Wilson's  Cabinet,  I  don't  want 
to  be.  In  the  first  place  I  can't  afford  it.  There  is  no  Cabi 
net  man  here  who  lives  on  his  salary,  and  as  you  know,  I 
have  got  nothing  else.  I  save  nothing  now  out  of  the  salary 
that  I  get,  and  if  the  social  obligations  of  a  Cabinet  position 
were  placed  upon  me  I  would  have  to  run  in  debt.  .  .  . 

Furthermore,  I  am  doing  just  as  big  work  and  as  satis 
factory  work  as  any  member  of  the  Cabinet.  The  work  that 
a  Cabinet  officer  chiefly  does  is  to  sign  his  name  to  letters  or 
papers  that  other  people  write.  There  is  very  little  con 
structive  work  done  in  any  Cabinet  office.  While  the  glam 
our  of  intimate  association  with  the  President  —  the  honor 
that  comes  from  such  a  position  —  appeals  to  me,  for  I  still 
have  all  my  old-time  vanity  and  love  of  dignity  and  appre 
ciation  ;  yet  the  position  that  I  occupy  is  one  of  so  much 
power,  and  I  am  conscious  so  thoroughly  of  its  usefulness, 
that  I  do  not  want  to  change  it.  I  should  be  more  or  legs 
close  to  the  President  anyway,  I  presume.  His  friends  are 
my  friends,  and  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  help  make 
his  administration  a  success  by  advising  with  him,  if  he 
desires  my  advice. 

Now,  old  man,  I  have  talked  to  you  very  frankly,  and  I 
know  that  you  will  understand  just  what  I  mean.  If  I  were 
out  of  office  I  would  have  been  in  Wilson's  campaign  a  year 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     109 

ago.  If  I  wanted  a  Cabinet  position  now  I  would  resign 
from  the  Commission  and  go  out  to  help  him.  I  think  prob 
ably  if  I  felt  that  California's  vote  was  necessary  to  Wilson's 
success  and  that  I  could  help  to  get  it,  I  would  take  the  latter 
course,  although  it  is  not  clear  that  that  would  be  my  duty, 
in  view  of  conditions  in  the  Commission. 

With  warmest  regards,  believe  me,  as  always,  faithfully 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Francis  G.  Newlands 
Reno,  Nevada 

Washington,  October  28,  1912 

MY  DEAR  SENATOR,  —  I  am  delighted  at  the  receipt  of 
your  long  letter,  for  I  have  been  very  anxious  to  know  how 
you  felt  about  your  own  State.  Of  course  it  has  been  a  fore 
gone  conclusion  for  some  time  that  Wilson  would  carry  the 
United  States,  but  I  was  desirous  that  you  should  carry 
Nevada  for  your  own  sake.  .  .  . 

In  my  judgment  the  Interstate  Trades  Commission  needs 
all  of  your  concentrated  energy  for  the  next  year.  The 
bill  should  be  your  bill,  and  you  should  be  the  leading  au 
thority  upon  the  matter. 

Wilson  should  look  to  you  for  advice  along  this  line  of 
dealing  with  the  trust  problem.  He  will,  if  you  have  the 
greater  body  of  information  upon  the  subject.  Of  course 
Roosevelt  did  not  know  where  he  was  going  as  to  his  Trades 
Commission,  and  he  would  not  have  had  any  opportunity 
were  he  elected  to  go  any  farther,  .  .  .  because  that  Com 
mission  has  got  to  feel  its  way  along.  Wilson,  you  can  see 
from  his  speeches,  has  swallowed  Brandeis'  theory  without 
knowing  much  about  the  problem,  but  he  certainly  has 
handled  himself  well  during  the  campaign.  .  .  .  What 


110         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

he  does  will  very  largely  depend,  I  think,  upon  those  who 
surround  him.  He  must  have  access  to  sources  of  informa 
tion  outside  of  the  formal  administrative  officers  who  make 
up  his  Cabinet.  This  is  a  very  delicate  way  of  saying  that 
he  must  have  a  sort  of  "kitchen  cabinet"  made  up  of  men 
like  you  and  myself  who  will  be  willing  to  talk  frankly  to 
him,  and  whom  he  will  listen  to  with  confidence  and  respect. 
If  he  can  get  the  Southerners  into  line  with  the  Northern 
Democrats  he  can  make  over  the  Democratic  Party  and 
give  it  a  long  lease  of  life.  If  he  cannot  do  this,  and  his  party 
splits,  Roosevelt's  party  will  come  into  possession  of  the 
country  in  four  years,  and  hold  it  for  a  long  time.  .  .  . 

I  am  glad  to  see  that  you  have  been  able  to  take  so  per 
sonal  and  direct  an  interest  in  the  campaign.  Faithfully 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Following  the  news  of  the  Democratic  victory,  in  the  elec 
tion  of  Woodrow  Wilson  to  the  Presidency,  Lane  sent  these 
letters :  — 

To  Woodrow  Wilson 
Trenton,  N.  J. 

Washington,  November  6,  1912 

MY  DEAR  GOVERNOR,  —  The  door  of  opportunity  has  opened 
to  the  Progressive  Democracy.  I  know  that  you  will  entfer 
courageously.  The  struggle  of  the  next  four  years  will  be 
to  persuade  our  timid  brethren  to  follow  your  leadership, 
"gentlemen  unafraid."  I  am  persuaded  from  my  experience 
here  that  no  President  can  be  a  success  unless  he  takes  the 
position  of  a  real  party  leader  —  the  premier  in  Parliament 
as  well  as  a  chief  executive.  The  theoretical  idea  of  the 
President's  aloofness  from  Congress  —  of  a  President  dealing 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     111 

with  the  National  Legislature  as  if  he  were  an  independent 
government  dealing  with  another  —  is  wrong,  because  it 
has  been  demonstrated  to  be  ineffective  and  ruinous.  We 
need  definiteness  of  program  and  cooperation  between 
both  ends  of  Pennsylvania  Avenue.  There  is  generally 
one  end  of  the  Avenue  that  does  not  know  its  own  mind, 
and  sometimes  it  is  one,  and  sometimes  the  other. 

Your  friends  have  been  made  happy  through  the  cam 
paign  by  the  manner  in  which  you  have  conducted  your 
self.  You  spoiled  so  many  bad  prophecies. 

With  heartiest  of  personal  congratulations,  believe  me> 
faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  Jennings  Bryan 

Washington,  November  6,  1912 

MY  DEAR  MR.  BRYAN,  —  The  unprecedented  heroism  of 
your  fight  at  Baltimore  has  borne  fruit,  and  every  man  who 
has  fought  with  you  for  the  last  sixteen  years  rejoices  that 
this  victory  is  yours.  Now  comes  the  time  when  it  is  to 
be  proved  whether  we  are  worthy  of  confidence.  We  shall 
see  whether  Democrats  will  follow  a  wise,  aggressive, 
modern  leadership.  Faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  James  D.  Phelan 

Washington,  November  6,  1912 

DEAR  PHELAN,  —  Hurrah  !  Hurrah  !  and  again  Hurrah  ! 
You  have  done  nobly.  The  victory  in  California  came  late, 
but  it  was  none  the  less  surprising  and  gratifying.  We  can 
dance  like  Miriam,  as  we  see  the  enemies  of  Israel  go  down 
in  the  flood. 
I  shall  expect  to  see  you  here  before  long.  With  warm- 


112         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

est  congratulations  to  you  personally.  As  always,  sincerely 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Herbert  Harley 

Washington,  November  18,  1912 

MY  DEAR  MR.  HARLEY,  — ...  There  are  many  hopeful 
signs,  as  you  say,  not  the  least  of  which  is  that  the  Su 
preme  Court  has  at  last  been  moved  to  amend  its  equity 
rules.  The  whole  agitation  for  judicial  recall  will  do  good 
because  it  will  not  lead  to  judicial  recall  but  to  the  securing 
of  a  superior  order  of  men  on  the  bench  and  to  simplified 
procedure.  I  find  that  it  is  better  to  decide  matters 
promptly  and  sometimes  wrongly  than  to  have  long  delays. 
The  people  have  very  little  confidence  in  our  courts,  and 
this  is  because  of  one  reason  :  Our  judges  are  not  self -owned ; 
either  they  are  dominated  by  a  political  machine  or  by  asso 
ciations  of  an  even  worse  character.  Few  men  on  the  bench 
are  corrupt;  many  of  them  are  lazy,  and  others  are  chosen 
from  the  class  who  feel  with  property  interests  exclusively. 
I  am  heartily  in  sympathy  with  a  movement  such  as  that 
you  are  promoting.  It  is  in  my  opinion  a  very  practical 
way  —  perhaps  the  only  practical  way  —  of  heading  off 
universal  judicial  recall.  This  is  a  Democracy  and  the  people 
are  going  to  have  men  and  methods  adopted  that  will  give 
them  the  kind  of  judicial  procedure  that  they  want.  Tl|ey 
are  not  going  to  be  unfair  unless  driven  to  be  radical  by 
intolerable  conditions.  .  .  .  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Immediately  after  Woodrow  Wilson's  election  in  Novem 
ber,  telegrams  and  letters  from  different  parts  of  the  country, 
and  especially  from  his  many  friends  in  California,  began 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     113 

to  reach  Lane  asking  that  he  should  consider  himself  avail 
able  for  a  Cabinet  position,  offering  support  and  requesting 
his  permission  for  them  to  make  a  strong  effort  in  his  behalf. 
This  he  emphatically  refused,  saying  that  he  was  not  a  can 
didate,  but  in  spite  of  his  refusals,  editorials  began  to  appear 
in  many  Western  papers. 


To  Charles  K.  McClatchy 
Sacramento  Bee 

Washington,  November  25,  1912 

MY  DEAR  CHARLES,  —  I  received  your  note  and  this  morning 
have  a  copy  of  the  paper  containing  the  cartoon  on  "Un 
finished  Business,"  the  original  of  which,  by  the  way,  I 
should  like  to  have  for  my  library.  .  .  . 

I  know  absolutely  nothing  about  the  suggestion  made 
by  the  Call  as  to  my  being  appointed  to  the  Cabinet.  I 
rather  think  that  it  was  Ernest  Simpson's  friendly  act, 
though  I  have  not  heard  from  him  at  all.  Three  men  have 
been  to  me  from  the  Coast  who  wanted  to  be  in  the  Cabinet, 
and  I  have  told  each  one  the  same  thing :  —  That  I  was  not 
a  candidate ;  that  no  one  would  speak  to  the  President  for 
me  with  my  consent ;  but  that  I  would  not  say  that  I  would 
not  accept  an  appointment,  because  I  would  do  almost  any 
thing  to  make  Wilson's  administration  a  success,  for  I  be 
lieve  that  he  has  faced  the  right  way  and  the  only  difficulty 
that  he  will  have  will  be  in  securing  strong  enough  sup 
port  to  carry  out  his  own  policies.  I  think  he  lacks  some 
what  in  adroitness  and  that  his  campaign  was  much  less 
radical  than  he  would  voluntarily  have  made  it.  I  do  not 
know  him  and  shall  not  go  near  him  unless  he  sends  forme. 
If  he  does  send  for  me  I  shall  tell  him  the  truth  regarding 
anybody  of  whom  he  speaks  to  me.  I  shall  advocate  no- 


114          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

body.  I  am  not  going  to  be  a  job  peddler  or  solicitor.  My 
present  position  makes  all  the  demand  upon  my  imagination, 
initiative,  and  capacity  that  my  abilities  justify.  I  could 
not  work  any  harder  or  do  any  better  work  for  the  people 
in  any  position  that  the  Government  has  to  give.  I  am 
not  at  all  enamored  of  the  honor  of  a  Cabinet  place. 

Now,  I  am  talking  to  you  in  the  utmost  frankness  as  if  you 
were  sitting  just  across  the  table  from  me.  Of  course  what 
I  am  saying  to  you  is  absolutely  private  and  personal.  .  .  . 

We  will  just  let  this  matter  rest  "on  the  knees  of  the  gods," 
and  I  shall  try  to  serve  with  as  little  personal  ambition 
moving  me  as  is  possible  with  a  man  who  has  some  tempera 
ment.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Ernest  S.  Simpson 
San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Washington,  November  26,  1912 

MY  DEAR  SIMPSON,  —  How  it  ever  entered  into  your  head 
to  give  me  so  splendid  a  boom  for  a  position  in  Wilson's 
Cabinet  I  do  not  know.  Someone  suggested  that  the  tip 
came  from  Ira  Bennett  at  this  end,  and  I  see  that  the  Sacra 
mento  Bee  suggests  that  the  railroads  wish  to  remove  me 
from  my  present  sphere  of  troublesomeness ;  but  my  own 
guess  is  that  your  own  good  heart  and  our  long-time  friend 
ship  was  the  sole  cause  of  this  most  kindly  act. 

Some  of  the  California  papers,  I  notice,  have  had  edi 
torials  saying  I  should  stay  where  I  am  (which  is  not  a  dis 
agreeable  fate  to  be  condemned  to,  barring  a  slight  surplus 
of  work),  but  of  course  Wilson  is  not  going  to  appoint  anyone 
to  his  Cabinet  because  of  pull.  He  has  a  more  difficult  job 
than  any  President  has  ever  had  since  Lincoln,  because  he 
has  to  reconcile  a  progressive  Northern  Democracy  with  a 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     115 

conservative  Southern  Democracy,  and  satisfy  one  with 
policies  and  another  with  offices.  My  guess  is  that  he  will 
have  to  turn  over  the  whole  question  of  patronage  practically 
to  his  Cabinet  and  that  he  will  become  the  actual  leader  of 
his  party  and  attempt  to  formulate  the  legislative  policies 
of  the  party.  He  has  a  distinct  ideal  of  what  the  Presi 
dency  may  be  made.  Whether  he  can  make  good  under 
conditions  so  apparently  irreconcilable  is  a  question  that 
time  only  can  answer.  His  political  family  he  will  choose 
for  himself.  They  ought  to  be  the  very  largest  men  that 
our  country  can  produce,  and  I  am  not  fool  enough  to  think 
that  I  am  entitled  to  be  in  such  a  group. 

With  the  warmest  thanks,  my  dear  Simpson,  for  your 
kindness,  believe  me,  as  always,  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Fairfax  Harrison 

Washington,  November  26,  1912 

MY  DEAR  MR.  HARRISON,  —  That  is  an  exceedingly  inter 
esting  and  philosophical  presentation  of  your  reason  for 
adherence  to  the  Progressive  Party.  I  understand  your 
point  of  view  and  I  sympathize  with  it  thoroughly.  I  had 
the  hope  that  Colonel  Roosevelt  would  carry  several  of  the 
Southern  states.  The  Democratic  party  of  the  North  is 
distinct  from  the  Democratic  party  of  the  South,  at  least 
I  fear  that  it  is.  The  next  four  years  will  demonstrate  the 
possibility  of  these  two  elements  living  together  in  effective 
cooperation.  If  Governor  Wilson  is  a  mere  doctrinaire 
the  present  victory  will  be  of  no  value  to  the  Democratic 
party,  but  may  be  of  great  value  to  the  country,  for  the 
horizontal  cleavage  in  the  two  parties  will  become  manifest, 
unmistakable,  and  open,  and  out  of  the  breaking  up  will 
come  a  re-alignment  upon  real  lines  of  tendency.  If  President 


116         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Wilson  attempts  to  do  anything  which  satisfies  the  reason 
able  demand  of  the  progressive  North  he  will  run  counter  to 
the  traditional  policy  of  the  South ;  that  is  to  say,  effective 
regulation  of  child  labor,  of  interstate  corporations — railroad 
and  industrial  —  flood  waters,  irrigation  projects.  [These,] 
and  a  multitude  of  other  matters  make  necessary  the  wiping 
out  of  state  lines  to  the  extent  that  a  national  policy  shall 
be  supreme  over  a  state  policy.  As  our  good  Spanish  friend 
said  some  centuries  ago,  "Where  two  men  ride  of  a  horse 
one  must  needs  ride  behind." 

This  fact  is  stronger  than  any  written  word,  and  facts 
are  the  things  which  statesmen  deal  with.  If  the  South 
is  large  enough  to  see  this  —  if  it  has  grown  to  have  national 
vision  —  the  hope  of  the  Northern  Democrat  can  be  real 
ized.  Otherwise  the  traditionalists  of  both  North  and  South 
will  make  a  party  by  themselves,  and  the  rest  of  the  country 
will  follow  in  your  lead  into  the  new  party  or  a  new  party. 

With  warm  regards,  believe  me,  cordially  yours,' 

FKANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  James  P.  Brown 

Washington,  November  27,  1912 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  I  see  your  point  of  view  and  am  glad  you 
have  taken  the  position  that  you  have,  because  you  can 
demonstrate  whether  there  is  anything  excepting  a  s  a  wed- 
off  shot-gun  that  will  compel  some  editors  to  tell  >the 
truth.  .  .  . 

I  shall  not  read  your  pamphlet  because  I  have  too  much 
other  reading  that  I  am  compelled  to  do.  My  own  guess, 
being  totally  ignorant  on  the  subject,  is  that  you  have  vio 
lated  the  Sherman  Law,  but  everybody  knows  that  the 
Sherman  Law  should  be  amended  and  the  conditions  stated 
upon  which  there  may  be  combination.  Do  get  out  of  your 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     117 

head,  however,  the  idea  that  a  railroad  corporation  and  an 
industrial  corporation  are  subject  to  the  same  philosophy, 
as  to  competition.  One  is  necessarily  a  monopoly  and  there 
fore  must  be  regulated ;  the  other  is  not  necessarily  a  mo 
nopoly,  and  the  least  regulation  that  it  can  be  subjected  to 
the  better.  We  have  let  things  go  free  for  so  long  that  we 
have  created  a  big  problem  that  sane  men  must  deal  with 
sensibly ;  not  admitting  all  there  is  to  be  right,  but  recog 
nizing  every  natural  and  legitimate  economic  tendency. 
With  warm  regards,  believe  me,  as  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller 

Washington,  December  4,  1912 

MY  DEAR  ADOLPH,  —  Hon.  J.  J.  London,  Minister  from 
the  Netherlands  to  the  United  States,  left  last  night  for 
San  Francisco  and  will  be  there  about  the  ninth  of  the  month. 
I  have  told  him  somewhat  of  you  and  I  want  you  to  call  on 
him.  He  is  one  of  the  most  charming  men  in  Washington, 
really  a  poet  in  nature.  He  loves  the  beautiful  and  good 
things  of  the  world  and  is  totally  unspoiled  by  success  and 
position.  .  .  . 

It  is  very  good  to  know  that  you  and  President  Wheeler 
have  a  sort  of  mutual  agreement  on  me  for  a  Cabinet  position, 
but  I  don't  think  of  it  for  myself.  ...  I  find  that  I  do 
not  have  the  ambition  that  I  once  had,  excepting  to  do  the 
work  in  hand  just  as  well  as  possible,  and  I  am  altogether  im 
patient  with  the  way  I  do  it.  I  should  like  to  see  you  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury.  There  is  to  be  some  change  made 
in  our  currency  laws  during  the  next  four  years,  and  a  man 
of  perfectly  sane,  level  mind  is  tremendously  needed  to  guide 
Wilson  in  this  matter,  for  I  guess  he  is  very  ignorant  upon 
the  subject.  Especially  is  this  true  if  Bryan  goes  into  the 


118         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Cabinet.  E.  M.  House,  who  is  Sid  Mezes'  brother-in-law, 
is  as  close  to  Wilson  as  any  other  man,  and  I  will  drop  him 
a  note,  telling  him  something  about  you,  for  I  know  that 
he  is  interested  in  selecting  Cabinet  officers  as  he  has  been 
talking  to  me  about  possible  Attorney  Generals.  I  have 
told  him  that  I  wanted  nothing.  .  .  . 

Mezes  is  the  same  adroit  diplomat  that  he  has  always 
been,  since  receiving  the  Presidency  at  Texas.  He  is  doing 
big  things  for  his  University  and  says  that  in  two  or  three 
years  he  will  be  in  a  position  to  retire,  and  will  retire  and 
spend  the  most  of  his  time  in  Europe ;  but  unless  my  guess 
is  wrong,  his  ambition  has  at  last  been  fired  and  he  will  look 
for  other  worlds  to  conquer  if  he  achieves  what  he  is  after 
in  Texas.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Edward  M.  House 

Washington,  December  13,  1912 

MY  DEAR  MR.  HOUSE,  —  Another  suggestion  as  to  the  At 
torney  Generalship.  .  .  .  Have  you  ever  heard  of  John  H. 
Wigmore  who  is  now  Dean  of  the  Law  Department  of  the 
Northwestern  University?  He  is  one  of  the  most  remark 
able  men  in  our  country.  .  .  .  He  has  written  the  greatest 
law  book  produced  in  this  country  in  half  a  century,  Wig- 
more  on  Evidence,  besides  several  minor  works.  There  is 
no  lawyer  at  the  American  bar  who  is  not  familiar  with>his 
name  and  his  work.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Wigmore  is  a  Progressive  democrat  with  a  capital 
P.  and  a  small  d;  can  give  reason  for  his  faith  based  on 
his  philosophy  of  government.  He  has  national  vision 
and  has  rare  good  common  sense.  The  man  who  can  write 
a  good  law  book  is  rarely  one  who  would  make  a  good  lob 
byist,  although  Judah  P.  Benjamin  was  this  sort  of  genius. 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     119 

So  with  Wigmore.  He  is  practical,  wise,  in  the  sense  that 
this  word  is  used  by  the  boys  on  the  street;  knows  men 
and  knows  how  to  deal  with  them ;  never  lets  theory  get 
the  better  of  judgment;  commands  as  much  respect  for 
his  strength  as  for  his  reasonableness;  has  the  enthusiasm 
of  a  boy  for  all  good  things;  and  has  infinite  capacity  for 
hard  work;  can  say  "No"  without  developing  personal 
bitterness ;  and  is  above  all  a  gentleman  in  face,  manner, 
and  nature.  All  this  I  have  said  with  enthusiasm,  but  every 
word  of  it  is  true.  I  have  known  him  for  thirty  years.  .  .  . 

He  would  not  thank  me  for  writing  this  letter,  I  know. 
The  only  way  he  could  be  had  to  serve  would  be  by  per 
suading  him  that  he  is  absolutely  needed.  .  .  . 

You  have  brought  this  long  letter  upon  your  own  head 
by  the  gracious  nature  of  your  invitation  to  me  to  advise 
with  you.  Very  truly  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 
President,   University  of  California 

Washington,  December  23,  1912 

DEAR  DR.  WHEELER,  —  What  you  say  regarding  the  Presi 
dent-to-be  is  extremely  interesting.  That  he  is  headstrong, 
arbitrary,  and  positive,  his  friends  admit.  These  are  real 
virtues  in  this  day  of  slackness  and  sloppiness.  I  have  just 
returned  from  New  York  where  I  have  talked  with  McAdoo 
and  House  who  are  extremely  close  to  him,  and  advising 
him  regarding  his  Cabinet,  and  they  tell  me  he  is  a  most 
satisfactory  man  to  deal  with.'}  He  listens  quite  patiently 
and  makes  up  his  mind,  and  then  "stays  put."  His  Cabinet 
will  be  his  advisers  but  no  one  will  control  him.  \ 

I  heard  him  make  that  speech  at  the  Southern  Society 
dinner,  which  was  really  much  larger  than  the  audience 


120         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

could  understand.  It  was  a  presentation  of  the  theory 
that  the  thought  of  the  nation  determined  its  destiny  and 
that  we  could  only  have  prosperity  if  our  ideal  was  one 
of  honor.  His  warning  to  Wall  Street,  that  an  artificial 
panic  should  not  be  created,  was  done  in  a  most  impressive 
way.  .  .  . 

I  was  asked  to  give  the  names  of  men  from  California 
who  would  make  good  Cabinet  material,  and  I  named  Phelan 
and  Adolph  Miller.  The  currency  question  will  be  the  big 
problem  in  the  next  two  or  three  years,  and  I  should  like 
Wilson  to  have  the  benefit  of  as  sane  a  mind  as  Miller's ; 
but  I  fancy  that  even  if  everything  else  was  all  right  there 
might  be  some  difficulty  in  getting  a  college  professor  to 
appoint  another  college  professor. 

I  hope  we  shall  see  you  here  soon.  WTith  holiday  greetings 
to  Mrs.  Wheeler  and  the  Boy,  believe  me,  as  always,  faith 
fully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Sidney  E.  Mezes 
President,  University  of  Texas 

Washington,  December  23,  1912 

MY  DEAR  SID,  —  I  have  your  letter  enclosing  a  telegram 
from  Miller.  I  received  a  note  from  him  acknowledging  the 
telegram.  He  was  evidently  extremely  delighted  at  being 
remembered.  The  sturdy,  strong  old  Dutchman  has  a  whole 
lot  of  sentiment  in  him ;  and  he  makes  few  friends,  has 
drawn  pretty  much  to  himself,  I  think,  and  falls  back  upon 
those  whom  he  has  known  in  earlier  days.  I  sent  a  note 
to  Mr.  House  regarding  him.  He  would  be  a  splendid  man 
to  have  here  in  some  capacity  connected  with  the  Govern 
ment,  now  that  we  are  to  deal  with  currency  matters.  I  told 
Mr.  House  that  he  could  find  out  all  about  Miller  from  you. 


EXPRESS  CASE  — CABINET  APPOINTMENTS 

I  saw  House  a  couple  of  times  in  New  York.  He  cer 
tainly  is  an  adroit  and  masterful  diplomat.  The  fact  is 
I  do  not  know  that  I  have  seen  a  man  who  is  altogether  so 
capable  of  handling  a  delicate  situation.  By  some  look 
of  the  eye  or  appreciative  smile  at  the  right  moment  he  gives 
you  to  understand  his  sympathy  with  and  full  comprehension 
of  what  you  are  saying  to  him.  They  tell  me  in  New  York 
that  he  is  really  the  man  closest  to  Wilson,  and  he  tells 
me  that  Wilson  is  a  delightful  man  to  deal  with  because  he 
has  got  a  mind  that  is  firm  as  a  rock.  .  .  . 

I  send  my  Christmas  greetings  to  you  both.  We  have  a 
sick  little  girl  on  our  hands,  but  she  is  coming  along  all  right 
now.  As  always  yours,  s 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  January  8,  1913 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  ...  You  may  not  know  it,  but  I  sug 
gested  your  name  to  Mr.  House,  an  intimate  of  President 
elect  Wilson,  for  Attorney  General.  .  .  .  He  told  me  that 
he  gave  the  letter  to  Governor  Wilson.  .  .  . 

Like  so  many  of  the  Southerners,  I  fear  that  Wilson's 
idea  is  that  he  can  declare  a  general  policy  and  be  indifferent 
as  to  the  men  who  carry  it  out.  There  is  a  certain  lack  of 
effectiveness  running  through  the  South  which  makes  for 
sloppiness  and  a  lack  of  precision.  I  have  found  that  gen 
eralizations  do  not  get  anywhere.  The  strength  of  any 
proposition  lies  in  its  application.  The  railroads  and  the 
trusts  and  the  packers,  and  all  the  others  who  are  violating 
the  statutes,  are  indifferent  as  to  how  big  the  law  is  and 
upon  what  sound  principles  it  is  based,  provided  they  have 
a  lot  of  speechmakers  to  enforce  the  law.  They  don't  care 
what  the  law  is ;  their  only  concern  is  as  to  its  enforcement. 


LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  am  going  to  give  the  Democratic  Party  four  years  of  honest 
trial,  and  then  if  it  has  not  more  precision,  definiteness,  and 
clearness  of  aim,  am  going  to  call  myself  a  Progressive,  or 
a  Republican,  or  something  else. 

Wilson  is  strong,  capable  of  keeping  his  own  counsel, 
and  capable  of  making  up  his  own  mind.  In  these  three 
respects  he  differs  materially  from  our  present  President 
whose  last  flop  on  the  arbitration  of  the  Panama  Canal  prop 
osition  is  characteristic.  .  .  . 

Now,  old  man,  let  me  say  to  you  that  you  must  take  the 
very  best  of  care  of  yourself,  for  we  need  you  more  than 
anybody  else  in  this  country,  right  at  this  time.  As  always 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  January  20,  1913 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  have  received  both  of  your  letters, 
and  I  am  very  glad  that  you  made  that  mistake  regarding 
my  address  for  it  brought  me  two  letters  instead  of  one. 

I  received  your  Continental  Legal  History  months  ago  and 
thought  that  I  had  acknowledged  it  with  all  kinds  of  appre 
ciation,  but  perhaps  I  only  thought  the  things.  ...  I 
turned  the  book  over  to  Minister  Loudon  of  the  Netherlands 
who  knew  the  Dutch  professor  who  had  written  one  of  the 
articles,  and  the  rascal  has  not  returned  the  book,  bu^  I 
shall  get  it  from  him  one  of  these  days.  .  .  . 

Washington  is  now  greatly  stirred  because  Wilson  has 
frowned  upon  the  Inaugural  Ball  —  a  very  proper  frown,  to 
my  way  of  thinking  —  but  inasmuch  as  all  of  the  merchants 
who  advance  money  for  the  inaugural  ceremonies  recoup 
themselves  from  the  receipts  from  the  Inaugural  Ball,  there 
is  much  weeping  and  wailing  and  gnashing  of  teeth,  and 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     123 


Wilson  will  enter  Washington,  in  my  judgment,  a  very  un 
popular  president,  locally.  The  fact  is,  I  think,  he  is  apt 
to  prove  one  of  the  most  tremendously  disliked  men  in  Wash 
ington  that  ever  has  been  here. 

He  has  a  great  disrespect  for  individuals,  and  so  far  as 
I  can  discover  a  very  large  respect  for  the  mass.  His  code 
is  a  little  new  to  us ;  and  I  feel  justified  in  proceeding  upon 
the  theory  that  every  man  should  help  him,  and  that  it  is 
within  his  (Wilson's)  proper  function  to  throw  Mr.  Every 
man  down  whenever  public  good  requires  it,  and  that  his 
silence  never  estops  him  from  interfering  at  any  time.  Per 
haps  you  cannot  make  out  just  what  this  means.  I  am  dic 
tating,  sitting  in  my  room  at  home  with  a  very  bad  cold, 
and  perhaps  I  do  not  know  precisely  what  I  mean  myself; 
but  I  am  trying  to  say  that  under  all  circumstances  Wilson 
regards  himself  as  a  free  man,  and  that  he  is  bound  by  no 
ties  whatever  to  do  anything  or  to  follow  any  course ;  that 
he  recognizes  no  such  thing  as  consistency,  or  logic,  or  grati 
tude,  as  in  the  slightest  embarrassing  him.  .  .  . 

I  do  hope  that  the  President  will  get  some  capable  effective 
administration  officers  who  will  take  the  burden  of  pat 
ronage  off  his  shoulders  and  give  him  a  chance  to  think  on 
the  money  question,  which  is  his  big  problem.  I  like  his 
Chicago  speech,  I  like  his  New  York  speech,  but  I  do  not 
find  many  people  who  understand  him,  because  he  is  really 
a  sort  of  philosopher.  He  teaches  the  psychology  of  new 
thought,  the  influence  and  effect  of  thought  upon  government. 

I  have  written  an  article  for  the  World's  Work  which  is 
to  appear  in  March,  entitled  What  I  Am  Trying  To  Do, 
but  it  is  really  sort  of  an  answer  to  one  or  two  articles  that 
they  have  had  upon  the  railroad  side  of  the  question  of  reg 
ulation  —  a  demonstration  of  the  chaotic  condition  of  things 
that  existed  prior  to  the  establishment  of  the  Commission ; 


124         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

and  that  the  effect  of  regulation  has  been  to  increase 
railroad  earnings  and  put  things  upon  a  stable  and  more 
satisfactory  basis.  ...  I  find  that  I  have  a  copy  of  the 
proofs  in  the  office  and  I  am  going  to  send  it  to  you  and 
ask  you  to  criticise  it.  ... 

With  my  love  to  your  good  wife,  believe  me,  as  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Joseph  N.  Teal 

Washington,  January  20,  1913 

MY  DEAR  JOE,  — ...  You  know  we  practically  have 
the  power  now  to  make  a  physical  appraisement.  .  .  .  We 
should  not  ourselves  attempt  to  arrive  at  cost.  That  is  a 
very  hard  thing  for  the  railroads  to  furnish.  They  have 
taken  good  care  to  destroy  most  of  the  books  and  papers 
that  would  show  cost. 

Politically,  I  hear  of  no  news.  Wilson  is  able  to  keep 
his  own  counsel  more  perfectly  than  anybody  I  have  ever 
known,  and  nobody  comes  back  from  Trenton  knowing 
anything  more  than  when  he  went.  .  .  .  The  money 
question  is  going  to  be  the  big  one,  and  it  looks  to  me 
as  though  certain  gentlemen  were  preparing  to  intimidate 
him  with  a  panic,  which  they  won't  do  because  he  will  appeal 
to  the  country.  He  has  got  splendid  nerve,  and  while  Wash 
ington  won't  like  him  a  little,  little  bit,  the  country,  I  think, 
will  put  him  down  as  a  very  great  President.  As  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Edward  M.  House 

Washington,  January  22,  1913 

DEAR  MR.  HOUSE,  —  You  ask  me  what  is  the  precise  polit 
ical  situation  on  the  Pacific  Coast  as  to  various  candidates 
for  the  Cabinet. 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS     125 

As  I  have  told  you,  I  am  to  be  eliminated  from  consider 
ation.  California  has  but  one  candidate,  one  who  was  in 
Governor  Wilson's  primary  campaign  and  who  made  the 
fight  for  him  in  that  state,  in  the  person  of  James  D.  Phelan 
whom  you  have  met.  .  .  .  Recognition  given  to  Phelan 
will  be  given  to  the  foremost  man  in  the  progressive  fight  in 
California.  .  .  .  He  is  a  brilliant  speaker  and  a  man  of 
excellent  business  judgment.  .  .  .  He  has  fine  social  quality 
and  sufficient  money  to  maintain  such  a  position  in  proper 
dignity.  Not  to  recognize  him  in  some  first-class  manner 
would  be  a  triumph  for  his  enemies  —  and  his  enemies  are 
the  crooks  of  the  state. 

Joseph  N.  Teal  who  is  spoken  of  from  Oregon  as  a  possible 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  is  a  good  lawyer  and  a  most  public- 
spirited  man  who  has  been  identified  with  every  sane  move 
ment  for  progress  in  that  state.  He  is  a  man  of  means  and 
is  deeply  interested  in  questions  of  conservation  and  the 
improvement  of  our  waterways.  .  .  . 

...  As  a  matter  of  party  politics  I  do  not  think  that  any 
Pacific  Coast  state  can  be  made  Democratic  by  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  from  it ;  as  a  matter  of 
national  politics,  it  seems  to  be  necessary  that  that  part 
of  the  country  should  have  a  voice  in  the  council  of  the  Pres 
ident. 

Now,  I  want  to  say  a  word  or  two  on  a  more  important 
matter.  You  realize,  I  presume  (and  Governor  Wilson 
evidently  does)  that  there  is  talk  of  a  probable  panic  in  the 
air.  He  dealt  with  this  matter  masterfully  in  his  New  York 
speech.  Worse  things  than  panic  can  befall  a  nation.  We 
must  preserve  our  self-respect  as  a  self-governing  people. 
But  what  is  the  cause  of  this  loose  talk?  Apprehension. 
The  business  interests  of  the  country  do  not  know  what 
they  are  to  expect.  As  a  party  we  are  too  much  given  to  gen- 


126         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

eralization ;  we  have  too  little  precision  of  thought.  You 
will  notice  how  the  New  York  papers  of  yesterday  speak 
of  Governor  Wilson's  bill  regarding  the  regulation  of  trusts. 
This  is  something  definite,  and  does  not  frighten  because 
it  is  known.  The  problems  we  have  to  deal  with  —  the  tar 
iff,  currency,  and  trusts  —  should  all  be  dealt  with  in  this 
same  manner.  The  Administration  should  have  a  definite 
program  on  each  one  of  these  questions;  and  I  mean  by 
that,  bills  framed  in  conference  between  the  leaders  which 
should  be  presented  as  party  measures  at  the  very  first  pos 
sible  moment.  I  have  information  that  the  banks  are  al 
ready  saying  that  they  will  stop  loans  until  these  questions 
are  dealt  with.  This  is  the  way  by  which  panic  can  be  pro 
duced.  The  country  is  too  prosperous  to  allow  a  widespread 
industrial  panic  if  the  measures  favored  by  the  Govern 
ment  commend  themselves  to  the  people  as  sane  and  neces 
sary.  Why  can't  we,  as  the  boys  on  the  street  say,  "beat 
them  to  it"  ?  If  Congress  is  called  by  the  middle  of  March, 
and  the  tariff  is  quickly  put  out  of  the  way,  and  a  currency 
bill  promptly  follows,  we  can  restore  the  mind  of  the  country 
to  its  normal  state  by  midsummer.  You  know  that  this 
problem  of  government  is  largely  one  of  psychology.  The 
doctor  must  speak  with  definiteness  and  certainty  to  quiet 
the  patient's  nerves,  and  the  doctor  is  the  party  as  repre 
sented  in  the  President  and  Congress. 

With  warm  regards  to  Mrs.  House,  believe  me,  as  always, 
cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mitchell  Innes 

Washington,  February  26,  1913 

MY  DEAR  MR.  INNES,  —  I  received  your  pamphlet  and 
have  read  it  through  with  the  deepest  interest.  These  young 


EXPRESS  CASE— CABINET  APPOINTMENTS    127 

men 1  are  deserving  of  the  strongest  encouragement.  I 
have  no  criticism  whatever  to  make  of  their  prospectus  —  for 
that  word,  I  presume,  without  slight,  can  be  properly  used. 

My  conviction  is  that  we  can  find  no  solution  for  the  prob 
lems  of  social,  political,  economic,  or  spiritual  unrest.  "The 
man's  the  man"  philosophy  has  taken  hold  of  the  world. 
We  have  lost  all  traditional  moorings.  We  have  no  religion. 
We  have  no  philosophy.  Our  age  is  greater  than  any  other 
that  the  world  has  seen.  We  have  been  lifted  clear  off  our 
feet  and  taken  up  into  a  high  place  where  we  have  been 
shown  the  universe.  The  result  has  been  a  tremendous 
and  exaggerated  growth  of  the  ego,  and  we  have  regarded 
ourselves  as  masters  of  everything,  and  subject  to  nothing. 
Agnosticism  led  to  sensualism,  and  sensualism  had  its  foun 
dation  in  hopelessness.  We  are  materialists  because  we  have 
no  faith.  This  thing,  however,  is  being  changed.  We  are 
coming  to  recognize  spiritual  forces,  and  I  put  my  hope  for 
the  future,  not  in  a  reduction  in  the  high  cost  of  living,  nor 
in  any  scheme  of  government,  but  in  a  recognition  by  the 
people  that  after  all  there  is  a  God  in  the  world.  Mind 
you,  I  have  no  religion,  I  attend  no  church,  and  I  deal  all 
day  long  with  hard  questions  of  economics,  so  that  I  am 
nothing  of  a  preacher ;  but  I  know  that  there  never  will  come 
anything  like  peace  or  serenity  by  a  mere  redistribution  of 
wealth,  although  that  redistribution  is  necessary  and  must  I 
come. 

If  I  were  these  young  men  and  wished  to  concentrate 
upon  some  economic  question,  I  should  put  my  time  in  on 
the  cost  of  distribution.  .  .  .  That  is  the  economic  problem 
of  the  next  century  —  how  to  get  the  goods  from  the  farm 
to  the  people  with  the  lowest  possible  expenditure  of  effort ; 

1  A  group  of  young  men  organized  for  social  and  political  betterment,  who  sought 
advice. 


128          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

how  to  get  the  manufactured  product  from  the  factory  to 
the  house  with  the  least  possible  expense.  I  have  an  idea 
that  we  have  too  many  stores,  too  many  middlemen,  too 
much  waste  motion.  So  that  I  have  only  two  thoughts  to 
suggest :  --  The  first  is  that  the  ultimate  problem  is  to  sub 
stitute  some  adequate  philosophy  or  religion  for  that  which 
we  have  lost ;  and  the  second  is  to  concentrate  on  the  simple 
economic  problem.  Have  we  the  cheapest  system  of  dis 
tribution  possible?  .  .  .  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


VI 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR 

1913-1915 

Appointment  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior  —  Reorganization  of  the  De 
partment  —  Home  Club  —  Bills  on  Public  Lands 

His  appointment,  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  came  to  Lane 
in  a  letter  from  President-elect  Wilson,  stating  that  he  was 
being  "drafted"  by  the  President  for  public  service  in  his 
Cabinet.  The  letter  was  written  about  the  middle  of  Feb 
ruary,  1913.  The  urgent  manner  of  the  appointment  was 
caused  by  Lane's  frankly-expressed  reluctance  to  leave  his 
work  on  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  where  op 
portunity  for  yet  fuller  accomplishment  had  been  assured 
by  his  recent  appointment  as  Chairman  of  the  Commission. 
Seven  years  of  application  to  the  intricate  problems  of  ad 
justment  between  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  public,  the 
shippers,  and  the  railroads,  did  not  solve  all  the  issues  in 
volved  in  new  and  profoundly  interesting  cases  coming  up 
for  adjudication.  In  addition  to  this  natural  desire  to  ex 
pand  and  perfect  the  technique  of  administration  of  his 
Commission,  Lane  dreaded  the  great  increase  in  social  and 
financial  demands  involved  in  a  Cabinet  position.  In  addi 
tion  to  these  reasons,  the  change  in  service  would  mean 
work  with  men  that  he  knew  only  slightly,  if  at  all,  and 
under  a  President  whom  he  had  never  met.  Perhaps  the 
consideration  that  weighed  more  heavily  than  any  of  these, 

129 


ISO         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

in  his  feeling  of  reluctance,  was  that  the  portfolio  of  the 
Department  of  the  Interior,  with  its  congeries  of  ill-assorted 
bureaus  was  in  itself  unattractive  to  a  man  with  Lane's  love 
\  of  logical  order.  His  liking  for  strong  team-work  and  for 
the  building  of  morale  among  a  force  of  mutually  helpful 
workers  seemed  to  have  no  possible  promise  of  gratification 
among  bureau  chiefs  as  unrelated  as  those  of  the  General 
Land  Office,  the  Indian  Office,  the  Bureau  of  Pensions, 
Patent  Office,  Bureau  of  Education,  Geological  Survey, 
Reclamation  Service,  and  Bureau  of  Mines. 

It  was,  therefore,  with  something  of  the  spirit  of  a  drafted 
man  that  Lane  set  his  face  toward  his  new  work.  Members 
of  his  immediate  family  recall  days  of  depression  after  the 
appointment  first  came,  but  the  cordial  response  of  the  press 
of  the  country  to  his  appointment,  the  flooding  in  of  many 
hundreds  of  letters  and  telegrams  of  congratulation,  and 
President  Wilson's  own  cordiality  —  lifted  Lane's  mood  to 
its  normal  hopefulness. 

In  relating  the  history  of  the  appointment  itself,  Arthur 
W.  Page,  of  the  World's  Work,  writes,  after  talking  with 
E.  M.  House  of  the  matter,  "House  recommended  Lane,  as 
perhaps  the  one  man  available,  adapted  to  any  Cabinet 
position  from  Secretary  of  State  down.  At  one  time  Lane 
was  slated  for  the  War  Department,  at  another  time  an 
other  department  and  finally  placed  as  Secretary  of  the  In 
terior  because  being  a  good  conservationist,  as  a  Western 
man  he  could  promote  conservation  with  more  tact  and  less 
criticism  than  an  Eastern  man." 

Confronted  by  a  complex  and  definite  task,  Lane's  mind 
quickened  to  the  attack.  The  situation  of  the  Indian 
seized  his  sympathy.  In  his  first  official  report  he  wrote, 
"That  the  Indian  is  confused  in  mind  as  to  his  status  and 
very  much  at  sea  as  to  our  ultimate  purpose  toward  him  is 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  131 

not  surprising.  For  a  hundred  years  he  has  been  spun  round 
like  a  blindfolded  child  in  a  game  of  blindman's  buff.  Treated 
as  an  enemy  at  first,  overcome,  driven  from  his  lands,  nego 
tiated  with  most  formally  as  an  independent  nation,  given 
by  treaty  a  distinct  boundary  which  was  never  to  be  changed 
*  while  water  runs  and  grass  grows,'  he  later  found  himself 
pushed  beyond  that  boundary  line,  negotiated  with  again, 
and  then  set  down  upon  a  reservation,  half  captive,  half 
protege." 

With  this  at  heart  Lane  wrote  a  letter  of  vigorous  appeal 
to  John  H.  Wigmore  to  become  his  First  Assistant. 


To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  March  9,  1913 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  want  you  as  my  First  Assistant.  It 
is  absolutely  essential  that  I  should  have  you ! !  I  am  aim 
ing  to  gather  around  me  the  largest  men  whom  I  can  secure 
and  to  form  a  cabinet  of  equals.  Four  years  of  this  life 
here  would  bring  a  great  deal  of  satisfaction  to  you.  You 
would  meet  the  distinguished  men  of  the  world.  It  is  the 
center  of  all  the  great  law  movements  of  the  world,  —  for 
peace,  international  arbitration,  reform  in  procedure,  and 
such  matters.  Beside  that,  we  have  two  or  three  of  the 
greatest  problems  to  meet  and  solve  that  have  ever  been 
presented  to  the  American  people.  First  in  the  public 
mind  is  the  land  problem.  How  can  we  develop  our  lands 
and  yet  save  the  interest  of  the  Nation  in  them?  Second, 
and  I  think  perhaps  this  should  be  first,  is  the  Indian  prob 
lem.  Here  we  have  thousands  of  Indians,  as  large  a  popu 
lation  as  composes  some  of  the  States,  owning  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  property  which  is  rapidly  rising  in 
value.  I  am  their  guardian.  I  must  see  that  they  are 


132         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

protected.  They  have  schools  over  which  we  have  abso 
lute  control  —  the  question  of  teachers  that  they  are  to 
have,  the  question  of  the  kind  of  education  that  they  are 
to  be  given,  the  question  of  industry  that  they  are  to  pur 
sue.  Their  morals,  I  understand,  are  in  a  frightful  state, 
largely  owing  to  our  negligence  and  the  lack  of  enforcement 
of  our  laws.  We  can  save  a  great  people;  and  the  First 
Assistant  has  this  matter  as  his  special  care.  I  do  not 
know  of  any  place  in  the  United  States  which  calls  for  as 
much  wisdom  and  for  as  great  a  soul  as  this  particular  job. 
I  will  give  you  men  under  you  over  whom  you  will  have 
entire  control  and  who  will  be  to  your  liking.  I  will  give 
you  men  to  sit  beside  you  at  the  table  who  will  be  of  your 
own  class.  You  can  do  more  good  in  four  years  in  this  place 
than  you  can  possibly  do  in  forty  where  you  are  now. 
There  are  a  lot  of  men  who  can  teach  law,  and  lots  of  men 
who  can  write  the  philosophy  of  the  law,  but  there  are  few 
men  who  can  put  the  spirit  of  righteousness  into  the  busi 
ness,  social,  and  educational  affairs  of  an  entire  race.  Think 
of  that  work !  Beside  that  you  have  the  constructive  work 
in  framing  and  helping  to  frame  a  line  of  policy  as  to  the 
disposition  of  our  national  lands  —  the  opening  of  Alaska. 

Now,  John,  I  have  looked  over  the  entire  United  States 
and  you  are  the  only  man  that  I  want.  The  salary  is  five 
thousand  a  year.  You  can  live  on  that  here  without  em 
barrassment.  The  President  will  be  delighted  to  have  you, 
and  you  will  find  him  treating  you  with  the  same  considera 
tion  and  giving  you  the  same  dignity  that  he  does  all  the 
members  of  his  Cabinet;  all  the  Supreme  Court.  I  have 
never  seen  a  man  more  considerate,  more  reasonable.  Dr. 
Houston,  who  has  become  Secretary  of  Agriculture,  left 
Washington  University  in  St.  Louis,  under  an  arrangement 
by  which  he  can  return  at  the  end  of  his  term.  You,  doubt- 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  133 

less,  could  make  a  similar  arrangement,  and  if  you  wish  to, 
you  will  have  plenty  of  opportunity  to  give  one  or  two 
courses  of  lectures  in  the  University  during  the  year. 

I  have  thought  seriously  of  going  out  to  see  you,  but  with 
Cabinet  conditions  as  they  are  it  is  impossible,  for  we  are 
passing  upon  important  questions  now  that  prevent  that. 
I  am  very  selfish  in  urging  you  to  this,  but  I  am  also  giving 
you  an  opportunity  to  do  work  that  will  be  more  congenial 
than  any  you  have  ever  done,  and  to  be  with  a  more  con 
genial  lot  of  people.  If  there  is  any  doubt  in  your  mind  let 
me  know,  but  don't  say  "No"  to  me.  The  country  needs 
you.  You  have  done  a  great  work.  There  is  nothing 
higher  to  be  done  in  your  line.  Now  come  here  and  help 
in  a  great  constructive  policy.  Sincerely  and  affectionately, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Walter  H.  Page 
World's  Work 

Washington,  March  12,  1913 

MY  DEAR  PAGE,  —  I  have  just  now  seen  your  letter  of 
March  2nd,  else  it  would  have  had  earlier  recognition. 

The  President  is  the  most  charming  man  imaginable  to 
work  with.  Most  of  us  in  politics  have  been  used  to  being 
lied  about,  but  there  has  been  a  particularly  active  set  of 
liars  engaged  in  giving  the  country  the  impression  that  W. 
W.  was  what  we  call  out  West  a  "cold  nose."  He  is  the 
most  sympathetic,  cordial  and  considerate  presiding  officer 
that  can  be  imagined.  And  he  sees  so  clearly.  He  has  no 
fog  in  his  brain. 

As  you  perhaps  know,  I  didn't  want  to  go  into  the  Cab 
inet,  but  I  am  delighted  that  I  was  given  the  opportunity 
and  accepted  it,  because  of  the  personal  relationship ;  and 
I  think  all  the  Cabinet  feel  the  way  that  I  do.  If  we  can't 


134          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

make  this  thing  a  success,  the  Democratic  Party  is  abso 
lutely  gone,  and  entirely  useless. 

I  hope  next  time  you  are  down  here  I  shall  see  you.  Cor 
dially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Edwin  Alderman 
President,  University  of  Virginia 

Washington,  March  17,  1913 

MY  DEAR  DR.  ALDERMAN,  —  Your  letter  of  the  14th  gives 
me  exceptional  satisfaction,  .  .  .  because  it  brings  with  it 
extremely  good  news.  You  say  you  will  win  in  your  fight1 
and  that  rejoices  me  even  more  than  it  does  to  be  told  of  the 
real  satisfaction  that  you  get  out  of  my  appointment. 

It  was  a  surprise  to  me.  It  came  at  the  last  minute.  I 
had  to  introduce  myself  to  the  President-elect  the  day  be 
fore  the  inauguration.  I  find  him  consideration  itself  in 
Cabinet  meetings  and  he  never  seems  to  be  groping.  In 
my  mental  processes  I  find  myself  constantly  like  a  man 
climbing  a  mountain,  pushing  through  belts  of  fog,  but  his 
way  seems  clear  and  definite. 

You  certainly  would  feel  at  home  around  the  Cabinet 
table,  and  all  of  us  would  rejoice  to  see  you  there.  ...  I 
shall  take  your  note  home  to  Mrs.  Lane  and  show  it  to  her 
with  much  pride.  .  .  .  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I 
To  Theodore  Roosevelt 

Washington,  March  24,  1913 

MY  DEAR  COLONEL,  —  I  have  received  a  great  many  hun 
dred  letters,  but  I  think  I  can  honestly  say  that  no  other 
one  has  given  me  the  pleasure  that  yours  has.  I  am  strug- 

1  After  a  long  serious  illness  Dr.  Alderman  was  regaining  health. 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  135 

gling  hard  to  get  the  reins  of  this  six-horse  team  in  my  hands 
and  every  day  I  feel  more  acutely  the  weight  of  the  respon 
sibility  that  I  bear.  The  last  few  weeks  have  been  put  in 
being  interviewed  by  Senators  and  Congressmen,  who  wish 
to  name  men  for  the  few  positions  in  the  office.  It  has  been 
rather  enjoyable,  and  they  have  been  fair  and  by  no  means 
peremptory.  The  hardest  place  I  have  to  fill  is  that  of 
Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs.  How  absurd  to  try  to  get 
a  man  to  handle  the  interests  of  an  entire  race,  owning  a 
thousand  million  dollars'  worth  of  property,  and  have  to 
offer  a  salary  of  $5,000  a  year ! 

I  hope  that  you  will  feel  free  to  give  me  the  benefit  of  any 
advice  as  to  the  conduct  of  my  department  that  may  hap 
pen  to  come  to  you  out  of  your  great  experience.  As  al 
ways,  faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott 
Outlook 

Washington,  April  9,  1913 

MY  DEAR  LAWRENCE,  —  The  Japanese  are  reducing  the 
value  of  California  lands  by  buying  a  piece  in  a  picked  val 
ley,  paying  any  price  that  is  demanded.  They  swarm  then 
over  this  particular  piece  of  property  until  they  reduce  the 
value  of  all  the  adjacent  land.  No  one  wishes  to  be  near 
them ;  with  the  result  that  they  buy  or  lease  the  adjoining 
land,  and  so  they  radiate  from  this  center  until  now  they 
have  possession  of  some  of  the  best  valleys.  Really  the 
influx  of  the  Japanese  is  quite  as  dangerous  as  that  of  the 
Chinese.  The  proposed  legislation  in  California  is  not 
to  exclude  Japanese  alone,  but  to  make  it  impossible  for 
any  alien  to  own  land,  at  least  until  he  declares  his  in 
tention  to  become  a  citizen.  Inasmuch,  of  course,  as 


136         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Orientals  can  not  become  citizens,  this  disbars  them  froi 
owning  land. 

There  is,  of  course,  as  in  all  things  Calif ornian,  a  good 
of  hysteria  over  this  matter,  and  I  think  your  Progressiv< 
friends  are  trying  to  put  the  Democrats  in  a  bit  of  a  hol< 
by  making  it  appear  that  the  Democrats  are  being  influ 
enced  by  the  Federal  Government  to  take  a  more  conserv 
ative  course  than  the  Progressives  desire. 

My  information  is  that  some  restrictive  legislation  will  be 
passed  by  the  legislature,  no  matter  what  Japan's  attitude 
may  be,  but  Japan's  face  will  be  saved  and  every  need  met 
if  the  legislation  is  general  in  terms.  .  .  . 

April  20,  1913 

...  I  do  not  like  the  sudden  turn  that  Johnson  seems 
to  have  taken  in  the  last  day  or  two  but  I  still  have  faith 
that  those  people  out  there  will  do  the  sensible  thing  and 
allow  us  to  save  Japan's  face  while  very  properly  excluding 
the  Japanese  from  owning  land  in  California ;  and  I  have 
no  objection  whatever  to  excluding  all  the  Englishmen  and 
Scotchmen  who  flock  in  there  without  any  intention  of  be 
coming  citizens.  As  always,  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  M.  Bole 

Great  Falls  Tribune 

Washington,  May  26,  1913 

MY  DEAR  MR.  BOLE,  —  That  is  just  the  kind  of  a  letter  thfit 
I  want  and  that  is  helpful  to  me.  As  to  the  settler,  I  have 
one  policy  —  to  make  it  as  easy  as  possible  under  the  law  for 
the  bonafide  settler  to  get  a  home,  and  to  make  it  just  as  diffi 
cult  as  possible  for  the  dummy  entryman  to  get  land,  which  he 
will  sell  out  to  monopolies.  These  Western  lands  are  needed 
for  homes  for  the  people,  not  as  a  basis  of  speculation. 


SECRETARY  OF  THE   INTERIOR  137 

As  to  the  Reclamation  Service.  .  .  .  There  really  was  a 
very  bad  showing  made  by  the  Montana  projects.  It  was  dis 
heartening  to  feel  that  we  had  spent  so  many  million  dollars 
and  that  the  Government  was  looked  upon  as  a  bunko  sharp 
who  had  brought  people  into  Montana  where  they  were  slowly 
starving  to  death.  The  Government  has  returned  to  Mon 
tana  almost  as  much  as  her  public  lands  have  yielded,  whereas 
in  other  states,  like  Oregon  and  California,  less  than  a  quarter 
of  the  amount  they  have  yielded  has  been  returned  to  them. 

Ever  since  I  came  here  Senators  and  Congressmen  have 
been  overwhelming  me  with  curses  upon  the  Reclamation 
Service,  and  I  thought  I  ought  to  find  out  for  myself  just 
what  the  facts  were.  I  gave  every  one  a  chance  to  tell  his 
story.  Now  I  am  being  overwhelmed  with  protests  against 
the  discontinuance  of  this  work.  Every  state  is  insisting 
that  I  shall  now  start  up  some  new  enterprises  or  continue 
some  old  ones,  and  I  do  not  know  where  the  money  is  going 
to  come  from.  We  are  bound  to  be  short  of  funds  even  to 
continue  existing  work,  if  we  can  get  no  money  out  of  proj 
ects  that  are  really  under  way,  and  there  seems  to  be  a 
unanimity  of  opinion  among  Western  Senators  and  Con 
gressmen  that  payment  by  the  settlers  must  be  postponed, 
because  they  are  having  a  hard  enough  time  as  it  now  is.  I 
certainly  am  not  going  to  be  a  party  to  gold-bricking  the 
poor  devil  of  a  farmer  who  has  been  told  by  everybody  that 
he  is  being  charged  twice  as  much  as  he  ought  to  be  charged 
by  the  Government.  .  .  .  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Fairfax  Harrison 

Washington,  June  10,  1913 

MY  DEAR  MR.  HARRISON,  —  I  have  not  had  a  minute  for  a 
personal  letter  in  a  month.     Hence  my  shabbiness  toward 


138         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

you.  Condorcet's  Vie  de  Turgot,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  I  have 
not  read.  Does  he  say  anything  as  to  how  to  make  a  rec 
lamation  project  pay,  or  as  to  what  is  the  best  method  of 
teaching  Indians,  or  how  much  work  a  homesteader  should 
do  on  his  land  before  being  entitled  to  patent?  These  are 
the  great  and  momentous  questions  that  fill  my  mind. 

I  had  thought  perhaps  that  as  a  member  of  the  Cabinet 
I  would  have  an,  opportunity,  say  once  a  month  or  so,  to 
think  upon  questions  of  statecraft  and  policy,  but  I  find 
myself  locked  in  a  cocoon  —  no  wings  and  no  chance  for 
wings  to  grow. 

As  to  my  inability  to  get  to  you  of  a  Sunday,  let  me  tell 
you  that  that  is  the  one  day  when  somewhat  undisturbed  I 
catch  up  with  the  week's  work.  "Ah,  what  a  weary  travel 
is  our  act,  here,  there  and  back  again  to  win  some  prize." 

I  hope  some  of  these  nights  to  be  able  to  make  you  ac 
quainted  with  some  of  my  colleagues.  They  are  a  charm 
ing  lot.  Every  one  has  a  sense  of  humor  and  as  little  par 
tisanship  as  possible,  and  still  bear  the  title  of  Democrat. 
You  would  enjoy  every  one  of  them,  including  Bryan,  who 
is  fundamentally  good. 

With  kindest  regards,  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Frank  Reese 

Washington,  July  2,  1913 

MY  DEAR  FRANK,  —  I  am  delighted  to  get  your  letter  and 
to  know  that  I  still  stand  well  with  my  California  friends, 
especially  yourself,  but  I  am  not  going  to  run  for  United 
States  Senator.  Of  course,  I  am  not  making  a  virtue  of 
not  running,  and  I  certainly  am  gratified  to  know  that  you 
at  least  think  that  I  could  be  elected.  My  work  here  is 
just  as  interesting  as  any  work  that  a  Senator  has.  Under 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  139 

this  primary  system  I  do  not  believe  there  is  any  chance  for 
a  man  who  has  not  got  a  great  deal  of  money.  The  candi 
date  must  devote  practically  a  year  of  his  time  to  make  the 
race,  must  be  able  to  support  his  family  and  himself  in  the 
meantime.  .  .  .  Now,  when  I  knew  you  first  I  had  no 
money.  I  have  the  same  amount  to-day,  so  that  you  see 
there  is  no  possibility  of  my  getting  into  such  a  fight. 
Furthermore,  we  have  Phelan  as  a  candidate,  and  it  seems 
to  me  he  ought  to  be  acceptable.  There  was  also  some  talk 
of  Patton  getting  into  the  race,  and  he  is  a  good  man. 
Thankfully  and  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Early  in  July,  1913,  Lane  started  on  a  tour  of  investiga 
tion  of  National  Reclamation  projects,  Indian  reservations 
and  National  Parks.  With  him  went  Adolph  C.  Miller,  who 
had  become  the  Director  of  the  Bureau  of  National  Parks  in 
May.  They  turned  to  the  Northwest,  beginning  in  Minn 
esota  and  then  proceeding  to  Montana,  Wyoming,  and  Wash 
ington.  That  he  might  be  thoroughly  informed  as  to  condi 
tions  in  each  place,  Lane  sent  ahead  of  him  an  old  friend  and 
trusted  employee,  William  A.  Ryan,  whose  part  it  was  to  go 
over  each  project  or  reservation  and  find  what  the  causes  for 
complaint  were,  where  poor  work  had  been  done,  what  groups 
and  individuals  were  dissatisfied,  and  why.  In  no  way  was 
William  Ryan  to  let  it  be  suspected  that  he  was  in  any  way 
identified  with  the  Department  of  the  Interior.  Traveling  in 
this  way,  two  weeks  ahead  of  the  Secretary,  Ryan  was  able 
to  put  a  complete  report  of  each  project  in  Lane's  hands 
some  time  before  he  arrived,  so  that  the  Secretary  was 
thoroughly  familiar  with  all  complaints  and  conditions  before 
he  was  met  on  the  train  by  the  representatives  of  the  Depart 
ment,  who  naturally  wished  to  show  him  only  the  best  work. 


140         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

In  addition  to  this,  Lane  everywhere  held  public  meetings, 
inviting  all  settlers  to  meet  him  and  make  their  complaints. 

This  plan  enabled  him  to  cover  the  ground  touched  by  his 
Department  in  a  comparatively  short  time.  He  traveled 
by  night,  wherever  possible,  and  interviewed  all  those  who 
wished  to  see  him  upon  business  from  seven  in  the  morning 
until  twelve  or  one  at  night.  Sometimes,  in  a  day,  he  went 
a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  an  automobile,  spoke  to  many 
groups  of  farmers  in  different  places,  heard  their  complaints 
against  the  Department,  and  told  them  what  the  Govern 
ment  was  trying  to  do  for  them. 

During  this  first  tour  of  inspection  Lane  reached  Port 
land,  Oregon,  the  latter  part  of  August,  and  received  a  tele 
gram  from  the  President  asking  him  to  go  directly  to  Denver, 
there  to  represent  the  President  and  address  the  Confer 
ence  of  Governors,  on  August  26th. 

Lane  left  the  completion  of  the  proposed  itinerary  of  in 
vestigation,  in  Oregon,  to  Miller  and  turned  back  to  Col 
orado.  He  made  the  opening  address  at  the  Governors' 
Conference  and  then  rejoined  his  party  in  San  Francisco, 
the  first  of  September.  Here,  after  several  days  of  confer 
ences  and  speeches,  while  standing  in  the  sun  reviewing  the 
Admission  Day  parade  of  the  Native  Sons,  he  collapsed. 
This  proved  to  be  an  attack  of  the  angina  pectoris  which, 
several  years  later,  returned  with  violence.  For  three  weeks 
he  was  ill,  but  at  the  end  of  that  time,  against  the  doctor's 
orders,  he  insisted  upon  returning  to  Washington  to  his  work.. 

To  Mark  Sullivan 
Collier's  Weekly 

Washington,  November  6,  1913 

MY  DEAR  SULLIVAN,  —  I  want  to  thank  you  for  your  sym 
pathetic  notice  regarding  my  hard  luck  out  in  California, 


FRANKLIN  K.    LANE,  MRS.  LANE,  MRS.  MILLER,  AND 
ADOLPH  C.  MILLER 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  141 

and  to  let  you  know  that  I  am  in  just  as  good  shape  now  as 
I  have  been  for  twenty  years. 

At  the  end  of  your  little  comment  you  spoke  of  conditions 
in  the  lower  grades  of  the  Department  as  being  almost  as 
.bad  as  if  they  were  corrupt.  I  have  not  your  article  before 
me,  but  I  think  this  is  the  meat  of  it.  I  wish  you  would  tell 
me  just  what  you  mean  by  this.  I  know  that  lots  of  things 
come  to  men  like  you  that  do  not  reach  my  ears,  although 
I  have  retained  pretty  well  my  old  newspaper  faculty  of 
smoking  things  out. 

If  we  have  anything  here  that  is  almost  rotten,  I  want  to 
know  it  before  it  gets  thoroughly  rotten.  I  have  found  a 
lot  of  things  that  were  wrong,  and  have  set  most  of  them 
right.  There  has  already  been  a  great  improvement;  for 
instance,  in  Indian  affairs.  Under  the  last  Administration, 
for  example,  the  highest  bid  on  200,000  acres  of  Indian 
oil  lands  was  one-eighth  royalty  and  a  bonus  of  one  dollar 
an  acre.  We  recently  leased  10,000  of  these  same  acres  at 
one-sixth  royalty  and  a  bonus  of  $500,000. 

I  have  had  an  examination  made  into  probate  matters, 
in  Oklahoma,  and  found  an  appalling  condition  of  things. 
In  one  county  where  there  are  six  thousand  probate  cases 
pending,  all  involving  the  interests  of  Indian  minors,  the 
guardians  in  three  thousand  cases  were  delinquent  in  filing 
reports,  and  otherwise  in  complying  with  the  law.  This 
week  I  have  arranged  with  the  Five  Civilized  Tribes  to 
institute  a  cooperative  method  of  checking  up  all  of  these 
accounts  and  giving  them  personal  consideration ;  espe 
cially  appointing  an  attorney  to  look  after  the  interests  of 
these  minors  in  each  of  the  counties  in  eastern  Oklahoma. 
We  are  to  aid  the  Oklahoma  courts  in  cleaning  up  the  State. 

Let  me  have  any  facts  that  will  be  of  help.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


142         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Edward  M.  House 

Washington,  November  19,  1913 

MY  DEAR  COLONEL,  —  I  had  a  call  last  Sunday  morning 
from  Mr.  Blank  of  New  York,  who  came  to  feel  me  out  on 
the  reorganization  of  the  Democratic  party  in  New  York 
City,  with  particular  reference  to  the  question  of  how  to 
treat  one  William  R.  Hearst.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  [He]  has  been  working  for  some  years,  evidently 
in  more  or  less  close  but  indirect  alliance  with  Hearst, 
through  Clarence  Shearn  and  a  man  named  O'Reilly,  who 
is  Hearst's  political  secretary.  In  re-creating  the  Demo 
cratic  organization  in  New  York,  he  felt  it  necessary  to  take 
Hearst's  assistance. 

I  was  perfectly  frank  with  him,  saying  that  Hearst  would 
be  pleased  no  doubt  to  reorganize  a  new  Tammany  Hall,  or 
any  other  Democratic  organization,  provided  he  could  run 
it.  He  would  stand  in  with  anybody  and  be  as  gentle  as  a 
queen  dove  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  existing  or 
ganization,  but  that  he  was  a  very  overbearing  and  arbi 
trary  man,  with  whom  no  one  could  work  in  creating  a  new 
organization,  unless  he  regarded  himself  as  an  employee  of 
Hearst.  Moreover,  I  did  not  see  how  it  was  possible  to 
take  Hearst  and  his  crowd,  even  on  a  minority  basis,  so  long 
as  they  were  fighting  the  Administration,  and  that  I  under 
stood  Hearst  had  recently  more  emphatically  than  ever 
read  himself  out  of  the  Democratic  Party.  I  told  Blank 
that  ...  I  should  not  expect  any  cooperation  between  the 
Federal  Government  and  an  organization  in  which  Hearst 
was  a  factor.  However,  I  said  that  I  knew  nothing  what 
ever  as  to  the  feeling  of  any  member  of  the  Cabinet  or  the 
President  respecting  the  matter,  because  I  had  not  discussed 
the  matter  with  them. 

,  ,  .  I  am  writing  this  because  I  want  you  to  know  what 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR          143 

is  going  on.  Evidently  Blank  came  over  from  New  York 
on  the  midnight  train  and  had  no  other  business  here  except 
to  see  me,  and  perhaps  others,  on  this  matter.  .  .  .  Cor 
dially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

When  President  Wilson  took  Franklin  K.  Lane  from  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission  to  put  him  in  his  Cabinet 
there  arose  the  question  of  his  successor,  on  the  Commis 
sion.  After  consulting  Lane,  the  President  appointed  in 
his  place,  John  Marble,  also  of  California.  A  few  months 
after  his  appointment  Mr.  Marble  died  suddenly,  and  Lane 
lost  one  of  his  closest  friends. 


To  James  H.  Barry 
San  Francisco  Star 

Washington,  December  1,  1913 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  I  didn't  get  your  telegram  until  Mon 
day,  but  I  had  taken  care  of  you  in  the  same  way  that  I 
took  care  of  myself,  in  regard  to  flowers.  I  bought  three 
bunches,  one  for  you,  one  for  Mrs.  Lane,  and  one  for  myself. 

The  most  surprising  thing,  my  dear  Jim,  is  the  manner 
in  which  Mrs.  Marble  has  taken  John's  death.  We  took 
her  to  our  house,  where  the  morning  after  his  death  she  told 
me  that  she  had  talked  with  him;  that  he  had  chided  her 
on  breaking  down  constantly.  Since  then,  both  morning 
and  evening,  she  says  she  has  seen  him  and  talked  with  him. 
The  result  is  a  spirit  on  her  part  almost  of  gayety,  at  times. 
She  is  really  reconciled  to  his  going,  because  he  has  told  her 
that  it  was  best  and  that  he  has  other  work  to  do. 

I  don't  know  what  to  say  of  all  this.  It  mystifies  me. 
It  has  tended  greatly  to  support  me  against  the  depth  of 


144         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

sorrow  which  I  felt  at  the  beginning.  There  is  no  evidence 
of  hysteria  on  her  part,  whatever.  She  dictated  to  Mrs. 
Lane,  who  was  sitting  beside  her,  some  of  the  things  that 
John  said  to  her.  It  certainly  is  a  glorious  belief,  at 
such  a  time,  and  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  it  is  not  so, 
and  that  its  manifestations  are  not  real. 

...  It  is  an  impossible  thing  to  get  a  man  to  take  his 
place,  either  on  the  Commission  or  in  our  hearts.  I  be 
lieve  that  he  worked  himself  to  death.  .  .  .  Affectionately 
yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Edward  F.  Adams 

Washington,  January  10,  1914 

MY  DEAR  MR.  ADAMS,  —  ...  Our  most  difficult  problem 
is  that  of  water.  Colorado,  for  instance,  claims  that  all  of 
the  water  that  falls  within  her  borders  can  be  used  and 
should  be  used  exclusively  for  the  development  of  Colorado 
lands.  Southern  California  has  made  a  protest  against 
my  giving  rights  of  way  in  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Colorado 
for  the  diversion  of  water  on  to  Colorado  lands  saying  that 
Imperial  Valley  is  entitled  to  the  full  normal  flow  of 
the  Colorado.  The  group  of  men  who  hold  land  in  Mexico 
south  of  the  Imperial  Valley  make  the  same  claim.  Arizona 
wishes  to  have  a  large  part  of  this  water  used  on  her  soil, 
and  the  people  of  Colorado  are  divided  as  to  whether  the 
water  should  be  carried  over  on  to  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Rockies  or  allowed  to  flow  down  in  its  natural  channel  on 
the  western  side. 

We  have  a  similar  trouble  as  to  the  Rio  Grande,  which 
rises  in  Colorado,  where  the  Coloradans  claim  all  the  water 
can  be  used  and  can  be  put  to  the  highest  beneficial  use. 
New  Mexico,  Texas,  and  Old  Mexico  all  claim  their  right  to 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  145 

the  water  for  all  kinds  of  purposes.  If  we  recognize  Colo 
rado's  full  claim  there  is  probably  enough  water  in  Colorado 
to  irrigate  all  of  her  soil,  but  portions  of  Wyoming,  Nebraska, 
Arkansas,  Texas,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and  Utah  would 
remain  desert. 

If  you  can  tell  me  how  to  solve  this  problem  so  as  to 
recognize  the  right  that  you  claim  Colorado  has,  and  to 
maintain  the  rights  that  the  Federal  Government  and  the 
adjoining  States  have,  I  shall  certainly  be  deeply  grateful. 

With  all  good  wishes  for  the  New  Year,  believe  me  as 
always,  affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

The  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  March  11,  1914 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  I  have  your  note  of  yesterday 
referring  to  me  the  correspondence  between  yourself  and 
the  Civil  Service  Commission  on  the  question  of  the  partic 
ipation  of  women  Civil  Service  employees  in  woman  suf 
frage  organizations.  I  think  perhaps  I  am  a  prejudiced 
partisan  in  this  matter  for  I  believe  that  the  women  should 
have  the  right  to  agitate  for  the  suffrage.  Furthermore,  I 
think  they  are  going  to  get  the  suffrage,  and  that  it  would 
be  politically  unwise  for  the  administration  to  create  the 
impression  that  it  was  attempting  to  block  the  movement. 
I  should  think  it  the  part  of  wisdom  for  you  personally  to 
make  the  announcement  that  women  Civil  Service  employ 
ees  will  be  protected  in  the  right  to  join  woman  suffrage 
organizations  and  to  participate  in  woman  suffrage  parades 
or  meetings.  This  is  practically  what  the  Civil  Service 
Commission  says,  but  in  a  more  careful,  lawyer-like  man 
ner,  whereas  whatever  is  said  should  be  said  in  a  rather  ro- 


146         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

bust,  forthright  style.  The  real  thing  that  we  are  after  in 
making  regulations  as  to  political  activity  is  to  keep  those 
who  are  in  the  employ  of  the  Government  from  using  their 
positions  to  further  their  personal  ends  or  to  serve  some 
political  party.  What  they  may  do  as  individuals  outside 
of  the  Government  offices  is  none  of  our  business,  so  long  as 
they  do  nothing  toward  breaking  it  down  as  a  merit  serv 
ice,  do  not  discredit  the  service,  or  render  themselves  unfit 
for  it.  .  .  . 

The  spoils  system  is  a  combination  of  gratitude  and  black 
mail.  The  merit  system  is  an  attempt  to  secure  efficiency 
without  recognizing  friendship  or  fear.  We  can  safely  allow 
the  participation  of  merit  system  employees  in  an  agitation 
so  long  as  they  do  not  go  to  the  point  where  official  advan 
tage  may  be  had  through  the  agitation  by  securing  a  reward 
through  party  success.  .  .  . 

I  believe  you  might  well  make  a  statement  of  two  or 
three  hundred  words  in  which  you  could  state  your  decision 
with  the  philosophy  that  underlies  it,  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
make  the  women  understand  that  you  are  taking  a  liberal 
attitude  and  yet  protecting  the  full  spirit  of  the  Civil  Serv 
ice  idea.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

In  March  1914,  for  the  second  time,  Lane  was  invited  to 
the  University  of  California  to  receive  a  degree.  This  was 
an  honor  from  his  Alma  Mater  that  he  greatly  desired.  Th£ 
previous  year,  the  reorganization  of  his  Department  and 
the  pressure  of  new  work,  had  made  it  impossible  for  him 
to  leave  Washington.  But  this  year  he  had  promised 
to  go. 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  147 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 
President ,  University  of  California 

Washington,  13  [March,  1914] 
[The  day  I  was  to  be  with  you.] 

MY  DEAR  DOCTOR,  —  I  was  prepared  to  leave  last  Friday 
—  tickets,  reservations  all  secured.  I  had  made  a  mighty 
effort.  My  conservation  bills  were  not  all  out  of  Committee 
but  I  had  arranged  to  get  them  out.  The  House  was  to 
caucus  and  the  Senate  to  confer,  and  I  had  written  pleading 
letters  and  made  my  prayers  in  person  that  my  bills  should 
be  included  in  the  program.  On  Thursday,  the  War  De 
partment  refused  the  use  of  an  engineer  for  the  Alaskan 
railroad.  In  one  day  I  drafted  and  secured  the  passage  of 
a  joint  resolution  giving  me  the  man  I  wanted.  The  war 
scare  had  subsided  and  I  had  seen  the  Mediators  who  said 
that  nothing  would  be  doing  for  two  weeks.  So  I  went  to 
the  Cabinet  meeting  prepared  to  say  goodbye.  Then  came 
a  bomb  —  two  European  powers  served  notice  that  they 
would  hold  us  responsible  for  what  was  likely  to  happen  in 
Mexico  City  upon  the  incoming  of  Zapata  and  Villa,  and 
wanted  to  know  how  prepared  we  were.  We  left  the  Cab 
inet  divided  as  to  what  should  be  done.  A  group  of  us  met 
in  the  afternoon  and  decided  to  ask  for  another  meeting. 
I  carried  the  message.  The  reply  was  that  the  matter  must 
be  held  over  till  the  next  meeting,  and  meanwhile  we  were 
asked  to  suggest  a  program.  Then  I  sent  my  message  to  you. 
I  have  told  this  to  no  one  but  Anne.  You  deserve  no  less 
than  the  fullest  statement  from  me.  Please  treat  it  as  the 
most  sacred  of  secrets.  Always  gratefully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

The  following  letter,  written  about  a  year  after  Lane's 
entry  into  the  Cabinet,  shows  what,  in  the  course  of  a  year, 


148         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

| 
he  had  been  able  to  accomplish  in  building  the  men  of  his 

I  heterogeneous  department  into  a  cooperative  social  uni 
by  means  of  what  he  called  his  "Land  Cabinet  "and  the 
Home  Club. 

'•—»__'--'' 

To  Albert  Shaw 
Review  of  Reviews 

Washington,  April  8, 1914 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SHAW,  —  Of  course  I  saw  the  Review  for 
April  before  your  copies  arrived,  for  somebody  was  gooc 
enough  to  tell  me  that  there  was  a  good  word  in  it  for  me 
and  no  matter  how  busy  I  am  I  always  manage  to  read  a 
boost.  .  .  . 

You  ask  what  I  am  doing  to  bring  about  team-work  in 
the  Department.  Many  things.  As  you  probably  don't 
know,  this  has  been  a  rather  disjointed  Department.  It 
was  intended  originally  that  it  should  be  called  the  Home 
Department,  and  its  Secretary  the  Secretary  for  Home  Af 
fairs.  How  we  come  to  have  some  of  the  bureaus  I  don't 
know.  Patents  and  Pensions,  for  instance,  would  not  seem 
to  have  a  very  intimate  connection  with  Indians  and  Irri 
gation.  Education  and  Public  Lands,  the  hot  springs  of 
Arkansas,  and  the  asylum  for  the  insane  for  the  District  of 
Columbia  do  not  appear  to  have  any  natural  affiliation. 
JThe  result  has  been  that  the  bureaus  have  stood  up  as  in- 
(  dependent  entities,  and  I  have  sought  to  bring  them  together, 

I  centering  in  this  office. 

ni    ^-"~> 
)ne  of  the  first  things  I  did  was  to  form  what  is  called  a 

Land  Cabinet,  made  up  of  the  Assistant  Secretaries,  the 
Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office,  and  the  Director  of  the 
Geological  Survey.  We  meet  every  Monday  afternoon  and 
go  over  our  problems  together.  The  Reclamation  Commis- 


SECRETARY  OP  THE  INTERIOR          149 

sion  is  another  organization  of  a  similar  sort,  and  we  have 
constant  conferences  between  the  heads  of  bureaus  which 
have  to  do  with  different  branches  of  Indian  work,  lands, 
irrigation,  and  pensions. 

Some  time  ago  in  order  to  develop  greater  good  feeling 
between  the  heads  of  the  bureaus  we  organized  a  noonday 
mess,  at  which  all  the  chiefs  of  bureaus  and  most  of  their 
assistants  take  their  luncheon.  .  .  . 

But  the  largest  work,  I  think,  in  the  way  of  promoting  the 
right  kind  of  spirit  within  the  Department  was  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  Home  Club.  This  is  a  purely  social  institution, 
-wtncTPthe  members  themselves  maintain.  We  have  now 
some  seventeen  hundred  members,  all  pay  the  same  ini 
tiation  fee  and  the  same  dues,  and  all  meet  upon  a  common 
ground  in  the  club.  Our  club  house  is  one  of  the  finest  old 
mansions  in  this  city,  formerly  the  residence  of  Schuyler 
Coif  ax.  .  .  .  It  is  a  four-story  building  in  LaFayette  Square, 
within  a  half  a  block  of  the  White  House.  This  house  we 
have  furnished  ourselves  in  very  comfortable  shape  without 
the  help  of  a  dollar  from  the  outside,  and  we  maintain  it 
upon  dues  of  fifty  cents  a  month.  Each  night  during  the 
week  we  have  some  form  of  entertainment  in  the  club  — 
moving  pictures,  or  a  lecture,  or  a  dance,  or  a  musicale. 

I  organized  this  club  for  the  purpose  of  showing  to  these 
people  of  moderate  salaries  what  could  be  done  by  coopera 
tion.  It  is  managed  entirely  by  the  members  of  the  Depart 
ment.  There  is  no  caste  line  or  snobbery  in  the  institution, 
and  for  the  first  time  the  people  in  the  different  bureaus  are 
becoming  acquainted  with  each  other,  and  enjoy  the  oppor 
tunities  of  club  life.  The  idea  should  be  extended.  We 
should  have  in  the  city  of  Washington  a  great  service  club, 
covering  a  block  of  land,  containing  fifteen  or  twenty  thou 
sand  members,  in  which  for  a  trifle  per  month  we  could  get 


150         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K  LANE 

all  of  the  advantages  of  the  finest  social  and  athletic  club 
that  New  York  contains.  In  the  Home  Club  we  have  a 
billiard  room,  card  rooms,  a  library,  and  a  suite  of  rooms 
especially  set  aside  for  the  ladies.  We  are  fitting  up  one  of 
the  larger  rooms  as  a  gymnasium  for  the  young  men  and 
boys,  and  expect  to  have  bowling  alleys,  and  possible  tennis 
courts  on  a  near-by  lot.  In  this  way  I  meet  many  of  those 
who  work  with  me,  whom  I  never  would  see  otherwise,  and 
from  the  amount  of  work  that  the  Department  is  doing, 

Jvhich  is  increasing,  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  it  has  helped 
;o  make  the  Department  more  efficient.     Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Charles  K.  Field 
Sunset  Magazine 

Washington,  April  18,  1914 

MY  DEAR  CHARLES,  —  ...  My  picture  on  the  cover  of 
the  May  Sunset  is  altogether  the  best  one  I  have  had  taken 
for  some  time,  and  the  Democratic  donkey  is  encourag 
ingly  fat. 

I  wish  in  some  way  it  were  possible  to  impress  upon  our 
Western  Senators  and  Congressmen  the  advisability  of 
putting  through  the  bills  that  I  have  before  Congress  in 
line  with  my  report  —  a  general  leasing  bill,  under  which 
coal,  oil,  and  phosphate  lands  could  be  developed  by  lease, 
and  a  water  power  bill.  As  it  is  now,  a  man  runs  the  risk 
of  going  to  jail  to  get  a  piece  of  coal  land  that  is  big  enough 
to  work ;  and  the  very  bad  situation  in  the  oil  field  in  Cali 
fornia  is  entirely  due  to  the  inapplicability  of  our  oil  land 
laws.  We  have  a  couple  of  million  acres  of  good  phosphate 
lands  withdrawn,  totally  undeveloped  because  no  one  can 
get  hold  of  them,  and  no  capital  will  go  into  our  WTestern 
power  sites  because  we  can  give  at  present  only  a  revocable 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  151 

permit,  whereas  capital  wants  the  certainty  of  a  fixed 
term. 

I  have  tried  to  draft  laws,  copies  of  which  I  inclose,  that 
are  the  best  possible  under  the  circumstances.  I  mean  by 
that,  that  they  are  reasonable  and  will  be  passed  by  Con 
gress  if  the  West  can  only  show  a  little  interest  in  them, 
but  so  far  the  men  who  have  been  fighting  them  are  Western 
ers.  WThy  ?  For  no  better  reason  than  that  these  gentle 
men  are  in  favor  of  having  all  of  the  public  lands  turned  over 
to  the  states.  It  is  useless  to  argue  this  question  as  to 
whether  it  is  right  or  wrong,  because  Congress  would  never 
do  it,  so  that  opposition  to  these  bills  is  simply  opposition 
to  further  development  of  the  West. 

Now  if  you  can  punch  these  people  up  a  bit  in  some  way 
and  make  them  understand  that  the  West  should  want  to 
go  ahead,  rather  than  block  development  for  all  time,  .  .  . 
you  will  be  rendering  a  public  service. 

With  these  few  remarks  I  submit  the  matter  to  your 
prayerful  consideration.  As  always,  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane 

Washington,  April  27,  1914 

MY  DEAR  FRITZ, — I  have  just  received  your  letter  in  re 
lation  to  Stuart.  I  sent  you  a  letter  on  Saturday  saying 
that  Daniels  was  going  to  recommend  him.  Of  course, 
if  he  can't  pass  the  physical  examination  that  is  the  end  of 
it,  but  I  would  let  him  try.  .  .  . 

Ned  is  a  great  deal  like  Stuart  —  smart  and  lazy,  but  you 
know  that  all  boys  can't  be  expected  to  come  up  to  the 
ideal  conduct  of  their  fathers  at  sixteen  and  eighteen.  They 
go  through  life  a  damn  sight  more  human.  I  don't  see  any 
reason  why  a  fellow  should  work  if  he  can  get  along  without 


152         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

it,  and  the  trouble  is  that  your  boy  is  spoiled  by  you,  and  my 
boy  is  spoiled  by  his  mother !  You  have  raised  Stuart  on 
the  theory  that  he  was  a  millionaire's  son  and,  as  such,  he 
can't  take  life  very  seriously. 

I  am  figuring  now  on  getting  Ned  off  to  some  boarding- 
school  where  he  will  have  more  discipline  than  I  can  give 
him.  The  truth  is  that  both  of  us,  having  had  rather  a 
prosaic  Christian  bringing  up,  have  cultivated  the  idea  in 
our  youngsters  that  it  is  a  good  thing  to  be  a  sport,  and  the 
aforesaid  youngsters  are  living  up  to  it.  If  there  was  a 
school  in  the  country  where  they  taught  boys  the  different 
kinds  of  trees,  and  the  different  rocks  and  flowers,  birds, 
and  fish,  with  some  good  sense,  and  American  history,  I 
would  like  to  send  Ned  to  it.  ...  Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Edward  E.  Leake 
Treasury  Department 
San  Francisco,  California 

Washington,  May  26,  1914 

MY  DEAR  ED,  —  I  have  yours  of  the  21st.  I  know  that 
you  are  sincere,  old  man,  when  you  tempt  me  with  the  gov 
ernorship,  and  you  write  in  such  a  winning  manner  that  my 
blood  quickens,  but  really  it  is  quite  out  of  the  question. 
I  want  to  see  California  lined  up  strongly  on  the  Democratic 
side.  I  also  want  to  see  Phelan  come  to  the  Senate  and  I 
am  ready  to  do  all  that  I  can  to  help  out  the  old  State,  but 
my  work  is  cut  out  for  me  here  and  until  I  have  put  over 
some  of  the  things  that  I  believe  will  benefit  the  West  as  a 
whole,  I  do  not  believe  I  should  relinquish  the  reins  of  this 
particular  portfolio.  It  is  an  honor  to  me,  a  big  one,  to  be 
considered  by  my  friends  for  the  governorship  and  I  know 
that  they  would  stand  gallantly  behind  me,  and  when  I 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  153 

send  this  negative  answer,  you  must  believe  me  when  I  say 
that  I  send  it  with  considerable  regret. 

I  shall  be  very  glad  to  see  you  at  this  end,  when  you  are 
here,  and  you  need  no  excuse  to  camp  on  my  doorstep. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  R.  Wheeler 

Washington,  June  6,  1914 

MY  DEAR  BILL,  —  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  hear  of  your 
being  robbed.  That  comes  from  being  wealthy.  Poor 
Lady  Alice  Isabel !  How  outraged  and  disconsolate  she 
must  be !  If  that  diamond  tiara  I  gave  her  is  gone  tell  her 
I  will  replace  it  the  first  time  I  visit  Tiffany's.  Of  course 
this  only  holds  good  as  to  the  one  I  gave  her.  .  .  .  You 
know,  I  have  often  wondered  if  a  burglar  should  get  into 
our  house  what  he  would  find  worth  taking  away.  I  have 
some  small  burglary  insurance  on  my  house,  but  this  was  so 
I  could  turn  over  and  sleep  without  coming  down  stairs 
with  a  shotgun.  What  were  you  doing,  going  to  Sacra 
mento,  anyway  ?  Any  fellow  who  goes  to  Sacramento  gets 
into  trouble.  That  is  the  home  of  Diggs,  Caminetti,  and 
Hiram  Johnson.  I  see  that  Johnson  is  going  to  be  re-elected 
Governor,  and  that  the  other  two  are  going  to  jail.  I  hope 
that  all  three  will  lead  better  lives  in  the  future. 

Well,  old  man,  if  you  need  a  new  suit  of  clothes  or  any 
thing  in  the  line  of  underwear,  let  me  know.  I  have  gotten 
to  the  point  where  I  have  been  wearing  what  Ned  does  not 
take,  and  I  will  pass  some  of  them  along  to  you.  .  .  . 

There  is  nothing  new  here.  I  fear  that  I  shall  not  get  up 
to  Alaska,  as  I  promised  myself,  for  Congress  will  be  in 
session  for  some  time,  and  I  am  striving  desperately  to  get 
my  conservation  bills  through.  Moreover,  just  what  phase 


154          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


the  Mexican  situation  will  take  cannot  be  foreseen,  from  da; 
to  day.  I  was  broken-hearted  at  not  being  able  to  get  out 
to  California,  but  just  at  that  particular  time  —  while  I 
was  about  to  go,  tickets  and  everything  purchased  —  the 
President  called  upon  me  to  do  something  which  held  me 
back.  The  toll  bills  will  probably  pass  next  week,  by  a 
majority  of  nine.  Then  the  trust  bills  will  come  up  in  the 
Senate  and  every  man  will  have  to  make  a  speech.  .  .  . 
Cordially  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

The  next  letter  has  been  included  because  it  shows  Lane's 
direct  and  unequivocal  method  when  defending  a  subordi 
nate  whom  he  thought  unfairly  criticized.  He  quoted,  and 
in  office  practised,  Roosevelt's  maxim  of  giving  a  man  his 
fullest  support  as  long  as  he  thought  him  worthy  to  be  en 
trusted  with  public  business.  The  names  are  omitted  here 
for  obvious  reasons. 

To 

Washington,  June  10,  1914 

MY  DEAR  BILLY,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  June  9th,  relating 
to  summer  residence  homesteads,  and  referring  sneer ingly 
several  times  to  Blank.  I  wonder  if  you  realize  that  Blank 
is  my  appointee  and  my  friend.  [He]  has  done  you  no 
wrong,  and  he  intends  to  do  the  public  no  wrong.  He  is  as 
public-spirited  as  you  are,  but  you  differ  with  him  as  <to 
certain  phases  of  our  land  policy,  though  not  so  widely  as 
you  yourself  think.  Is  that  any  reason  why  you  should 
discredit  him  ?  Is  it  not  possible  for  men  to  differ  with  you 
on  questions  of  public  policy  without  being  crooks?  Your 
talk  has  started  Chicago  talking;  nothing  definite,  just 
whispers.  Is  this  fair  to  Blank?  Is  it  fair  to  me?  .  .  . 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  155 

Is  the  test  of  a  man's  public  usefulness  decided  by  his  views 
as  to  whether  the  desert  lands  should  be  leased  or  home- 
steaded  ? 

I  am  saying  this  to  you  in  the  utmost  friendliness,  because 
I  think  that  your  attitude  is  not  worthy  of  your  own  ideal  of 
yourself,  and  it  certainly  does  not  comport  with  my  ideal  of 
you,  which  I  very  much  wish  to  hold.  Surely  honest  men 
may  differ  as  to  whether  grazing  lands  should  be  leased, 
and  if  Blank  is  not  honest  then  it  is  your  duty  to  the  public 
service  and  to  me  to  show  this  fact. 

At  the  bottom  of  your  letter  you  say,  "This  report  will 
introduce  you  to  Mr.  Blank."  Now  it  just  so  happens  that 
that  line  should  read  "This  report  will  introduce  you  to 
Mr.  Lane,"  for  I  am  responsible  for  that  report.  It  was  not 
written  until  after  he  had  consulted  with  me,  and  I  dictated 
an  outline  of  its  terms.  ...  As  always,  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  his  Brother  on  his  Birthday 

Washington,  [August,  1914] 

.  .  .  This  is  somewhere  around  your  birthday  time, 
isn't  it?  Well,  if  it  is,  you  are  about  forty-nine  years  of 
age  and  I  look  upon  you  as  the  one  real  philosopher  that  I 
know.  I'd  trade  all  that  I  have  by  way  of  honors  and  office 
for  the  nobility  and  serenity  of  your  character.  You  feel 
that  you  have  not  done  enough  for  the  world.  So  do  we  all. 
But  you  have  done  far  more  than  most  of  us,  for  you  have 
proved  your  own  soul.  You  have  made  a  soul.  You  have 
taught  some  of  us  what  a  real  man  may  be  in  this  devilish 
world  of  selfishness.  What  other  man  of  your  acquaintance 
has  the  affection  of  men  who  know  him  for  the  nobility  of 
his  nature?  I  don't  know  one.  You  know  many  who  are 
lovable,  like sympathetic  like  myself,  brilliant,  sweet- 


156         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

tempered,  —  lots  of  them.  But  who  are  the  noble  ones  ? 
Who  look  at  all  things  asking  only,  "What  is  worthy?*' 
And  doing  that  thing  only.  You  tell  the  world  that  you 
will  not  conform  to  all  its  littlenesses.  That,  I  haven't  at 
all  the  courage  to  do.  You  tell  the  world  that  you  are  not 
willing  to  feed  your  vanity  with  your  everlasting  soul. 
Where  are  the  rest  of  us,  judged  by  that  test  ? 

Ah,  my  dear  boy,  you  have  inspired  many  a  fellow  you 
don't  know  anything  about,  with  a  desire  to  emulate  you, 
and  always  to  emulate  something  that  is  genuine  and  big 
in  you  —  not  a  trick  of  speech  or  a  small  quality  of  mind 
or  manner.  I  envy  you  —  and  so  do  many.  Nancy  could 
tell  you  why  you  are  worth  while.  She  knows  the  genuine 
from  the  spurious.  She  knows  the  metal  that  rings  true 
when  tests  come. 

So  there,  .  .  .  put  all  this  inside  of  your  smooth  noddle 
and  take  a  drink  to  me  —  a  drink  of  "cald,  cald  water." 

And  I  just  want  you  to  understand  that  I  am  in  no  self- 
deprecatory  mood  right  now,  for  I  am  in  my  office  at  eight 
o'clock  of  a  Saturday  evening,  working  away  with  all  my 
might  on  some  damned  land  cases,  having  had  a  dinner  at 
my  desk,  consisting  of  two  shredded-wheat  biscuits  with 
milk,  and  one  pear.  Now  you  can  realize  what  a  virtuous, 
self -appreciative  mood  I  am  in.  No  man  denies  himself 
dinner  for  the  sake  of  work  without  being  really  vain. 

And  what  is  this  I  hear  about  your  having  neuritis  and 
going  to  the  hospital  ?  Damn  these  nerves,  I  say !  Damn 
them  !  I  have  to  swelter  here  because  I  can't  let  an  electric 
fan  play  on  my  face,  nor  near  me,  without  getting  neuralgia. 
And  swelter  is  the  word,  for  it  has  been  104°-5°,  with  humid 
ity,  to  boot,  this  week. 

Nerves  —  that  means  a  wireless  system,  keen  to  perceive, 
to  feel,  to  know  the  things  hidden  to  the  mass.  I  look  for- 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  157 

ward  to  years  of  torture  with  the  accursed  things.  The 
only  thing  that  relieves,  and  of  course  it  does  not  cure,  is 
osteopathy,  stimulating  the  nerve  where  it  enters  the  spine. 
But  never  let  them  touch  the  sore  place.  That  is  fatal.  It 
raises  all  the  devils  and  they  begin  scraping  on  the  strings 
at  once. 

Well,  by  the  time  this  reaches  you  I  hope  you  will  be  quite 
a  bit  fitter.  Avoid  strain.  Don't  lift.  Don't  carry.  If 
you  stretch  the  infernal  wires  they  curl  up  and  squeal. 

May  the  God  of  Things  as  they  Are  be  good  to  you.  .  .  . 
Mother  may  know  all  about  us.  How  I  wish  I  could  know 
that  it  was  so.  You  have  the  philosophy  that  says  - 
"Well,  if  it  is  best,  she  does."  I  wish  I  had  it.  My  God, 
how  I  do  cling  to  what  scraps  of  faith  I  have  and  put  them 
together  to  make  a  cap  for  my  poor  head.  With  all  the 
love  I  have. 

FRANK 

To  Cordenio  Severance 

Washington,  September  24,  1914 

MY  DEAR  CORDY,  —  I  have  just  received  your  note.  Why 
don't  you  come  down  here  and  spend  three  or  four  days 
resting  up  ?  Nancy  and  Anne  will  be  delighted  to  cart  you 
around  in  the  victoria  and  show  you  all  the  beautiful  trees 
and  a  sunset  or  two,  and  we  will  give  you  some  home  cook 
ing  and  put  you  on  your  feet,  and  then  you  will  have  an 
opportunity  to  beg  forgiveness  for  not  having  gone  up  to 
Essex.  I  am  mighty  sorry  that  you  have  been  ill.  If  we 
had  had  the  faintest  notion  that  you  were,  we  would  have 
stayed  in  New  York  to  see  you,  but  as  it  was  we  came  down 
on  the  Albany  boat  and  we  went  directly  from  the  boat  to 
the  train.  I  think  that  we  would  have  stopped  over  two 
or  three  hours  and  seen  you  anyway  if  it  had  not  been  for 


158          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

the  presence  of  our  dog,  who  was  regarded  by  the  women  as 
the  most  important  member  of  the  family. 

Did  you  ever  travel  with  a  dog  ?  We  came  down  through 
Lake  George,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  sat  on  a  beer 
box  in  the  prow  of  the  steamship,  surrounded  by  automobiles 
and  kerosine  oil  cans  and  cooks  and  roustabouts,  because 
they  would  not  let  a  dog  go  on  the  salon  deck.  Only  my 
sense  of  humor  saved  me  from  beating  my  wife  and  child, 
and  throwing  the  dog  overboard.  On  the  train  some  mem 
ber  of  the  family  had  to  stay  with  the  dog  and  hold  his  paw 
while  he  was  in  the  baggage  car.  The  trouble  with  you  and 
me  is  that  we  are  not  ugly  enough  to  receive  such  attention. 
If  we  had  undershot  jaws  and  projecting  teeth  and  no  nose, 
we  probably  would  be  regarded  with  greater  tenderness  and 
attention. 

Ned  is  at  Phillips-Exeter  and  is  the  most  homesick  kid 
you  ever  heard  of.  He  writes  two  letters  a  day  and  has  sent 
for  his  Bible,  and  tells  us  he  is  going  to  church.  If  that  is 
no  evidence,  then  I  am  no  judge  of  a  psychological  state. 

Come  on  down.     Faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  October  1,  1914 

DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  Mother  Jones  called  on  me  yes 
terday  and  I  had  a  very  interesting  and  enjoyable  chat  with 
her.  During  our  talk  some  reference  was  made  to  the  ster 
ling  qualities  of  your  Secretary  of  Labor,  for  whom  she  en 
tertains  the  highest  regard.  She  told  me  this  little  story 
about  him :  — 

One  evening  sometime  ago,  when  there  was  a  strike  of 
some  workmen  in  Secretary  Wilson's  town,  she  was  in  the 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  159 

Secretary's  home  waiting  to  see  him.  The  Secretary  was 
engaged  in  another  room  with  representatives  of  those  op 
posed  to  the  strikers,  and  she  overheard  their  talk.  One 
of  the  men  said,  "Mr.  Wilson,  you  have  a  mortgage  on  this 
house,  I  believe." 

The  reply  was  in  the  affirmative. 

"Then,"  said  the  speaker,  "if  you  will  see  that  this  strike 
is  called  away  from  our  neighborhood  —  we  don't  ask  you 
to  terminate  it,  but  merely  to  see  that  the  strikers  leave  our 
town  —  if  you  will  do  this,  we  will  take  pleasure  in  present 
ing  you  with  a  large  purse  and  also  in  wiping  off  the  mort 
gage  on  your  home." 

Mr.  Wilson  arose,  his  voice  trembling  and  his  arm  lifted, 
and  said,  "You  gentlemen  are  in  my  house.  If  you  come 
as  friends  and  as  gentlemen,  all  of  the  hospitalities  that  this 
home  has  to  offer  are  yours.  But  if  you  come  here  to  bribe 
me  to  break  faith  with  my  people,  who  trust  me  and  whom 
I  represent,  there  is  the  door,  and  I  wish  you  to  leave  im 
mediately." 

Mother  Jones  concluded  by  saying,  "Mr.  Wilson  never 
tells  this  story,  but  I  heard  it  with  my  own  ears,  and  I  know 
what  a  real  man  he  is." 

I  wish  that  you  could  have  heard  the  story  yourself.  I 
am  telling  it  to  you  now,  for  I  know  how  pleased  you  will  be 
to  hear  of  it,  even  in  this  indirect  way.  Faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

On  November  30,  1914  Colonel  Roosevelt  wrote  to  Lane 
saying,  — 

"That's  a  mighty  fine  poem  on  Uncle  Sam's  Thanks 
giving  !  I  wish  you  would  give  me  a  chance  to  see  you 
sometime. 

"  I  do  not  know  Mr.  Garrison  and  perhaps  he  would  resent 


160         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

my  saying  that  I  think  he  has  managed  his  Department 
excellently;  but  if  you  think  he  would  not  resent  it,  pray 
tell  him  so.  I  hear  nothing  but  good  of  you  —  but  if  I  did 
hear  anything  else  I  should  not  pay  any  heed  to  it.  .  .  ." 


To  Theodore  Roosevelt 

Washington,  December  3,  1914 

MY  DEAR  COLONEL, — I  have  just  received  your  note  of 
November  30th,  and  I  am  very  much  gratified  at  your  refer 
ence  to  my  Thanksgiving  lines.  You  may  be  interested 
in  knowing  that  the  Home  Club,  before  which  I  read  these 
lines,  is  an  institution  that  I  organized  since  becoming  Sec 
retary,  for  the  officers  and  employees  of  my  Department.  .  .  . 

You  may  rest  assured  that  I  shall  convey  your  message 
to  Mr.  Garrison,  and  I  know  that  he  will  be  just  as  pleased 
to  receive  it  as  I  am  in  being  able  to  carry  it.  . 

.  .  .  The  work  of  the  Department  keeps  me  pretty 
closely  to  my  desk,  so  that  I  have  few  opportunities  of  get 
ting  away  from  Washington.  I  certainly  shall  not  let  a 
chance  of  seeing  you  go  by  without  taking  advantage  of  it. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  January  9,  1915 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  That  was  a  bully  speech,  a 
corker !  You  may  have  made  a  better  speech  in  your  life 
but  I  never  have  heard  of  it.  Other  Presidents  may  have 
made  better  speeches,  but  I  have  never  heard  of  them.  It 
was  simply  great  because  it  was  the  proper  blend  of  philos 
ophy  and  practicality.  It  had  punch  in  every  paragraph. 


SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  161 

The  country  will  respond  to  it  splendidly.  It  was  jubilant, 
did  not  contain  a  single  minor  note  of  apology  and  the 
country  will  visualize  you  at  the  head  of  the  column.  You 
know  this  country,  and  every  country,  wants  a  man  to  lead 
it  of  whom  it  is  proud,  not  because  of  his  talent  but  because 
of  his  personality,  —  that  which  is  as  indefinable  as  charm 
in  a  woman,  and  I  want  to  see  your  personality  known  to 
the  American  people,  just  as  well  as  we  know  it  who  sit 
around  the  Cabinet  table.  Your  speech  glows  with  it,  and 
that  is  why  it  gives  me  such  joy  that  I  can't  help  writing 
you  as  enthusiastically  as  I  do.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Lawrence  F.  Abbott 
,  Outlook 

Washington,  January  12,  1915 

MY  DEAR  MR.  ABBOTT,  —  I  enclose  you  two  statements 
made  with  reference  to  our  public  lands  water  power  bill 
and  our  western  development  bill.  The  power  trust  is  fight 
ing  the  power  bill,  although  as  amended  by  the  Senate 
Committee  it  is  especially  liberal  and  fair  and  will  bring 
millions  of  dollars  into  the  West  for  development  of  water 
power.  There  seems  to  be  no  real  opposition  to  the  western 
development  bill,  generally  called  the  leasing  bill,  excepting 
from  those  who  believe  that  all  of  our  public  lands  should 
be  turned  over  to  the  States. 

These  are  non-partisan  measures.  They  have  been 
drafted  in  Consultation  with  Republicans  and  Progressives, 
as  well  as  Democrats,  and  I  regard  them  as  the  ultimate 
word  of  generosity  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government, 
because  all  of  the  money  produced  is  to  go  into  western 
development.  If  these  bills  are  killed,  I  fear  that  the  West 
will  never  get  another  opportunity  to  have  its  withdrawn 


162          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

lands  thrown  open  for  development  upon  terms  as  satis 
factory  to  it. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  why  men  who  already  have  great 
power  plants  on  public  land  should  be  opposing  such  a  bill 
as  our  power  bill,  and  equally  easy  to  understand  why  the 
coal  monopolists  should  be  fighting  off  all  opportunity 
for  any  competitor  to  get  into  the  field.  The  oil  men  are 
anxious  for  such  legislation.  Of  course  this  legislation  is 
not  ideal,  because  it  is  the  result  of  compromise  between 
minds,  as  to  methods.  The  power  bill  is  vitally  right  in 
one  thing;  that  the  rights  granted  revert  at  the  end  of 
fifty  years  to  the  Government,  if  the  Government  wishes  to 
take  the  plant  over.  The  development  bill  is  right,  be 
cause  it  sets  aside  a  group  of  archaic  laws  under  which 
monopoly  and  litigation  and  illegal  practices  have  thrived. 

Both  of  these  bills  have  passed  the  House,  and  are  before 
the  Senate.  I  trust  that  the  fixed  determination  of  those 
who  are  hostile  to  them  will  not  prevail.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

This  letter,  duplicated,  was  sent  to  several  editors  of 
magazines,  to  inform  the  public  as  to  pending  legislation. 


VII 

EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS 

1914-1915 

Endorsement  of  Hoover  —  German  Audacity  —  LL.D.  from  Alma 
Mater  —  England's  Sea  Policy  —  Christmas  Letters 

To  William  Jennings  Bryan 

Washington,  November  17,  1914 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SECRETARY,  —  If  it  is  true  that  the  State 
Department  is  not  informed  regarding  Mr.  Hoover  and  his 
entire  responsibility,  I  can  send  to  you  to-day  his  attorney, 
Judge  Curtis  H.  Lindley,  of  San  Francisco,  who  stands  at 
the  head  of  our  bar. 

I  know  of  Mr.  Hoover  very  well.  He  is  probably  the 
greatest  mining  engineer  that  the  world  holds  to-day,  and  is 
yet  a  very  young  man.  He  is  a  graduate  of  Stanford  Uni 
versity. 

I  suppose  that  you  do  not  wish  to  make  any  statement 
regarding  Mr.  Hoover,  but  I  should  fancy  that  there  is  no 
objection  to  Mr.  Fletcher  making  any  statement  that  he 
desires.  There  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  in 
the  United  States  to-day  who  are  anxious  to  know  how  the 
things  that  they  are  preparing  for  the  different  European 
countries,  especially  for  the  Belgians,  can  be  sent  to  them. 
Some  information  along  this  line  might  be  very  helpful. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

163 


164          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  Crawford  Burns 

Rome,  Italy 

Washington,  January  22,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  have  often  thought  of  you  during  these 
last  few  months,  and  wished  for  a  good  long  talk  so  some 
of  the  kinks  in  my  own  brain  might  be  straightened  out. 
It  looks  to  me  very  much  as  if  the  war  were  a  stalemate. 
Even  if  England  throws  another  million  men  into  the  field 
in  May  I  can't  see  how  she  can  get  through  Belgium  and 
over  the  Rhine.  Germany  is  practically  self-supported, 
excepting  for  gasoline  and  copper,  and  no  doubt  a  consider 
able  amount  of  these  are  being  smuggled  in,  one  way  or 
another.  The  Christians  are  having  a  hard  time  reconciling 
themselves  to  existing  conditions.  .  .  .  England  is  making  a 
fool  of  herself  by  antagonizing  American  opinion,  insisting 
upon  rights  of  search  which  she  never  has  acknowledged  as  to 
herself.  If  she  persists  she  will  be  successful  in  driving  from 
her  the  opinion  of  this  country,  which  is  ninety  per  cent  in 
her  favor,  although  practically  all  of  the  German- Americans 
are  loyal  to  their  home  country.  We  have  some  ambition 
to  have  a  shipping  of  our  own,  and  England's  claim  to  own 
the  seas,  as  Germany  puts  it,  does  not  strike  the  American 
mind  favorably.  No  doubt  this  will  be  regarded  by  you  as 
quite  an  absurdity,  that  we  should  have  any  such  dream, 
but  I  find  myself  from  day  to  day  feeling  a  twinge  or  two  of 
bitterness  over  England's  stubbornness,  which  seems  to  be 
as  irremovable  a  quality  as  it  was  in  some  past  days.  .  ,  . 

Your  little  Nancy  is  no  longer  little.  She  is  up  to  my  ear, 
has  gone  out  to  several  evening  parties,  is  at  last  going  to 
school  like  other  girls,  keeps  up  her  violin,  and  is  very  much 
of  a  joy.  .  .  . 

I  knew  that  you  would  like  our  Ambassador.  Cultivate 
him  every  chance  you  get.  Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     165 

On  February  20,  1915,  Lane  went  to  San  Francisco  and 
formally  opened  the  Panama  Pacific  Exposition,  as  the  per 
sonal  representative  of  the  President.  He  spoke  on  "That 
slender,  dauntless,  plodding,  modest  figure,  the  American 
pioneer,  .  .  .  whose  long  journey  .  .  .  beside  the  oxen  is 
at  an  end." 


To  Alexander  Vogelsang 

En  route,  near  Odgen,  Utah,  February  22,  1915 

MY  DEAR  ALECK.  —  You  are  the  best  of  good  fellows,  and 
I  don't  see  any  reason  why  I  should  not  tell  you  so,  and  of 
my  affection  for  you.  Don't  mind  the  slaps  and  raps  that 
you  get,  regarding  the  high  duty  you  perform.  The  people 
respect  you  as  an  entirely  honest  and  efficient  public  servant. 
It  did  my  heart  good  to  hear  the  men  I  talked  with  speak  so 
appreciatively  of  you.  I  enjoyed  my  two  days  with  you 
as  I  have  not  enjoyed  any  two  days  for  many  years.  The 
best  thing  in  all  this  blooming  world  is  the  friendship  that 
one  fellow  has  for  another.  I  would  truly  love  to  have  the 
President  know  our  Amaurot  crowd,  but  I  can't  quite  plan 
out  a  way  by  which  it  could  be  done.  ...  As  always, 
affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

En  route  to  Chicago,  February  25,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  have  read  your  preface  with  great 
satisfaction.  It  will,  no  doubt,  renew  your  self-confidence 
to  know  that  it  has  my  approval.  You  make  some  pro 
found  suggestions  which  would  never  in  the  world  have 
occurred  to  me.  The  American  believes  that  the  doctrine 
of  equality  necessarily  implies  unlimited  appeal.  This  is 


166         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

my  psychological  explanation  for  the  unwillingness  to  give  our 
judges  more  power.  Another  explanation  is  that  the  Amer 
ican  people  are  governed  by  sets  of  words,  one  formula  being 
that  this  is  a  government  by  law,  hence  the  judge  must 
have  no  discretion  and  rules  must  be  arbitrary  and  fixed. 

I  had  a  roaring  good  time  in  San  Francisco.  Spoke  to 
fifty  thousand  people,  and  more,  who  could  not  hear  me. 
Made  a  rotten  speech  and  met  those  I  loved  best,  so  I  am 
not  altogether  displeased  with  having  taken  the  trip  after  all. 

Hope  your  arm  is  doing  finely.  Give  my  love  to  your 
dear  wife.  Affectionately  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  Crawford  Burns 
Rome,  Italy 

Washington,  March  3,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  All  things  are  so  large  these  days  that 
I  can  not  compress  them  within  the  confines  of  a  letter.  I 
mean,  don't  you  know,  that  there  is  no  small  talk.  We  are 
dealing  with  life  and  death  propositions,  life  or  death  to 
somebody  all  the  time. 

I  suppose  if  you  were  a  few  years  younger  you  would  be 
over  in  the  trenches,  or  up  in  England  getting  ready.  From 
all  we  hear,  the  Scotchmen  are  the  only  fellows  that  the 
Germans  really  are  afraid  of  or  entirely  respect.  The  posi 
tion  of  a  neutral  is  a  hard  one.  We  are  being  generously 
damned  by  the  Germans  and  the  aggressive  Irish  for  being 
pro-British,  and  the  English  press  people  and  sympathizers 
in  this  country  are  generously  damning  us  as  the  grossest  of 
commercialists  who  are  willing  to  sell  them  into  the  eternal 
slavery  of  Germany  for  the  sake  of  selling  a  few  bushels  of 
wheat.  Neither  side  being  pleased,  the  inference  is  reason 
able  that  we  are  being  loyal  to  our  central  position.  .  .  . 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     167 

I  went  out  recently  and  opened  the  San  Francisco  Fair, 
parading  at  the  head  of  a  procession  of  a  hundred  thousand 
people.  The  Fair  is  truly  most  exquisitely  beautiful. 
There  are  many  buildings  that  would  even,  no  doubt,  please 
your  most  fastidious  eye. 

We  have  tried  to  get  a  Shipping  Bill  through  which  would 
allow  us  to  get  into  South  American  and  other  trade,  but 
the  Republicans  have  blocked  us,  not  because  they  feared  we 
would  get  mixed  up  with  the  war  but  because  they  don't 
want  us  to  do  a  thing  that  would  further  Government  owner 
ship  of  anything. 

The  Administration  is  weak,  east  of  the  Alleghanies ;  and 
strong,  west  of  the  Alleghanies.  Bryan  is  a  very  much  larger 
man  and  more  competent  than  the  papers  credit  him  with 
being.  The  President  is  growing  daily  in  the  admiration  of 
the  people.  He  has  little  of  the  quality  that  develops  affec 
tion,  but  this,  I  think,  comes  from  his  long  life  of  isolation. 

We  regard  ourselves  as  very  lucky  in  the  men  we  have 
in  the  foreign  posts,  notwithstanding  the  attacks  made  upon 
us  by  your  press.  .  .  . 

I  wish  you  would  convey  my  hearty  respects  to  His  Excel 
lency,  the  Ambassador,  and  to  your  wife,  of  whose  return 
to  health  I  am  delighted  to  hear.  Cordially  yours, 

LANE 

To  Edward  J.  Wheeler 
Current  Opinion 

Washington,  March  4,  1915 

DEAR  MR.  WHEELER,  —  I  am  extremely  obliged  to  you  for 
your  appreciative  letter  regarding  my  speech,1  but  don't 
publish  it  in  the  Poetry  Department  or  you  will  absolutely 
ruin  my  reputation  as  a  hard  working  official.  No  man 

1  On  the  American  Pioneer. 


168         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

in  American  politics  can  survive  the  reputation  of  being  a 
poet.  It  is  as  bad  as  having  a  fine  tenor  voice,  or  knowing 
the  difference  between  a  Murillo  and  a  Turner.  The  only 
reason  I  am  forgiven  for  being  occasionally  flowery  of  speech 
is  that  I  have  been  put  down  as  having  been  one  of  those 
literary  fellows  in  the  past.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  Crawford  Burns 
Rome,  Italy 

Washington,  March  13,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  have  received  three  letters  from  you 
within  the  last  two  weeks,  greatly  to  my  joy.  Your  first 
and  longest  letter,  but  not  a  word  too  long,  I  thought  so 
very  good  that  I  had  it  duplicated  on  the  typewriter  and 
sent  a  copy  to  each  member  of  the  Cabinet,  excepting  Bryan, 
whom  you  refer  to  in  not  too  complimentary  a  manner.  On 
the  same  day  that  I  received  this  letter  I  received  one  from 
Pfeiffer,  presenting  the  American  merchants'  point  of  view, 
who  desire  to  get  goods  from  Germany,  a  copy  of  which  I 
inclose.  So  I  put  your  letter  and  his  together,  and  told 
them  all  who  you  both  are.  Thus,  old  man,  you  have  be 
come  a  factor  in  the  determination  of  international  policy. 
Several  members  of  the  Cabinet  have  spoken  with  the 
warmest  admiration  of  your  letter,  one  scurrilous  indi 
vidual  remarking  that  he  was  astonished  to  learn  that  I  had 
such  a  learned  literary  gent  as  an  intimate  friend. 

We  are  just  at  present  amused  over  the  coming  into  port 
of  the  German  converted  cruiser  Eitel,  with  the  captain  and 
the  crew  of  the  American  bark,  William  P.  Frye,  on  board. 
The  calm  gall  of  the  thing  really  appeals  to  the  American 
sense  of  humor.  Here  is  a  German  captain,  who  captured 
a  becalmed  sailing  ship,  loaded  with  wheat,  and  blows  her 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     169 

up ;  sails  through  fifteen  thousand  miles  of  sea,  in  danger 
every  day  of  being  sunk  by  an  English  cruiser,  and  then 
calmly  comes  in  to  an  American  port  for  coal  and  repairs. 
The  cheek  of  the  thing  is  so  monumental  as  to  fairly  cap 
tivate  the  American  mind.  What  we  shall  do  with  him,  of 
course,  is  a  very  considerable  question.  He  can  not  be 
treated  as  a  pirate,  I  suppose,  because  there  can  not  be 
such  a  thing  as  a  pirate  ship  commanded  by  an  officer  of 
a  foreign  navy  and  flying  a  foreign  flag.  But  he  plainly  pur 
sued  the  policy  of  a  pirate,  and  I  am  expecting  any  day  to 
find  Germany  apologizing  and  offering  amends.  But  there 
may  be  some  audacious  logic  by  which  Germany  can  justify 
such  conduct.  Talking  of  Belgium,  I  was  referred  the 
other  day  to  the  report  of  the  debates  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons  found  in  the  10th  volume  of  Cobbett's  Parliamentary 
Reports,  touching  the  attack  on  Copenhagen  by  England 
in  1808,  in  which  the  Ministry  justified  its  ruthless  attack 
upon  a  neutral  power  in  almost  precisely  the  same  language 
that  Von  Bethmann  Hollweg  used  in  justifying  the  attack  on 
Belgium,  and  Lord  Ponsonby  used  the  sort  of  reasoning 
then,  in  answer  to  the  Government,  that  England  is  now 
using  in  answer  to  Germany.  I  was  distrustful  of  the 
quotations  that  were  given  to  me  and  looked  the  volume 
up,  and  found  that  England  was  governed  by  much  the  same 
idea  that  Germany  was  —  just  sheer  necessity.  Of  course, 
your  answer  is  that  we  have  traveled  a  long  way  since  1808. 
Doesn't  it  look  to  you  an  impossible  task  for  England  and 
France  to  get  beyond  the  Rhine,  or  even  get  there?  Eng 
land,  of  course,  has  hardly  tried  her  hand  in  the  game  yet 
and  if  the  Turk  is  cleaned  up  she  will  have  a  lot  of  Austra 
lians  and  others  to  help  out  in  Belgium.  Sir  George  Paish 
told  me  they  expect  to  have  a  million  and  a  half  men  in  the 
field  by  the  end  of  this  summer. 


170          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Pfeiffer  comes  here  to-day  to  spend  a  couple  of  days  trying 
to  do  something  for  the  State  Department;  I  don't  know 
just  what,  but  I  shall  be  mighty  glad  to  see  the  old  chap. 
I  haven't  seen  anything  of  Lamb  since  his  return. 

Do  write  me  again.     Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

On  the  sixteenth  of  March  Lane  again  started  for  San 
Francisco,  crossing  the  continent  for  the  third  time  within 
a  month.  Vice-President  Marshall,  Adolph  C.  Miller, 
now  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board,  and  Franklin  D.  Roose 
velt,  assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  who  were  going  out 
to  visit  officially  the  Exposition,  were  the  principal  members 
of  the  party.  In  Berkeley,  on  March  twenty-third,  1915, 
Lane  received  his  degree  from  the  University  of  California. 
In  conferring  this  degree  President  Wheeler  said  :  — 

"Franklin  K.  Lane,  —  Your  Alma  Mater  gladly  writes 
to-day  your  name  upon  her  list  of  honour, — in  recognition 
not  so  much  of  your  brilliant  and  unsparing  service  to  state 
and  nation,  as  of  your  sympathetic  insight  into  the  insti 
tutions  of  popular  government  as  the  people  intended  them. 
An  instinctive  faith  in  the  righteous  intentions  of  the  average 
man  has  endowed  you  with  a  singular  power  to  discern  the 
best  intent  of  the  public  will.  Men  follow  gladly  in  your 
lead,  and  are  not  deceived. 

"By  direction  of  the  Regents  of  the  University  of  Cali 
fornia  I  confer  upon  you  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  :  — 

"Creative  statesman  in  a  democracy;  big-hearted 
American." 

- 

On  December  7,  1915,  upon  receiving  a  copy  of  the  diploma 
Lane  wrote  in  acknowledgement  to  Dr.  Wheeler,  —  "I 
have  the  diploma  which  it  has  taken  all  the  talent  of  the 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS    171 

office  to  translate.  I  had  one  man  from  Columbia,  another 
from  the  University  of  Virginia,  one  from  Nebraska,  and 
one  at  large  at  work  on  it.  Thank  you.  It  takes  the  place 
of  honor  over  my  mantel." 


To  William  P.  Lawlor 
•Justice,  Supreme  Court  of  California 

Washington,  April  13,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JUDGE, — I  have  read  Eddy  O'Day's  poem  with 
great  delight.     Along  toward  the  end  it  carries  a  sentiment 
that  our  dear  old  friend  John  Boyle  O'Reilly  expressed  in 
his  poem  Bohemia,  in  which  he  speaks  of  those, 
"  Who  deal  out  a  charity,  scrimped  and  iced, 
In  the  name  of  a  cautious,  statistical  Christ." 

I  have  never  been  able  to  write  a  line  of  verse  myself, 
although  I  have  tried  once  in  a  while,  but  long  ago  my  in 
capacity  was  proved.  Pegasus  always  bucks  me  off. 

I  am  sorry  you  took  so  seriously  what  I  had  to  say  of  the 
wedding  invitation,  but  you  know  I  am  one  of  those  very 
sentimental  chaps,  who  loves  hi*  friends  with  a  great  devo 
tion,  and  when  anything  good  comes  to  them  I  want  to  know 
of  it  first,  and  no  better  fortune  can  come  to  any  man  than 
to  marry  a  devoted,  high-minded  woman. 

Your  rise  has  been  a  joy  to  me,  because  neither  you  nor 
I  came  to  the  bar  nor  to  our  positions  by  conventional 
methods.  The  union  spirit  is  very  strong  among  lawyers, 
and  if  a  man  has  ideas  outside  of  law,  or  wishes  to  humanize 
the  law,  he  is  regarded  with  suspicion  by  his  fellows  at  the 
bar.  You  have  proved  yourself  and  arrived  against  great 
odds.  No  man  that  I  know  has  ever  had  such  a  testimonial 
of  public  confidence  as  you  received  in  the  last  election. 
I  hope  that  with  the  hard  work  much  joy  will  come  to  you. 


172         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Mrs.  Lane  has  just  dropped  in  and  wishes  me  to  send 
you  her  warm  regards.  Always  sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  G.  McAdoo 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

Washington,  April  27,  1915 

MY  DEAR  MAC,  —  Here  is  a  man  for  us  to  get  next  to.  He 
is  a  Harriman,  a  Morgan,  a  Huntington,  a  Hill,  a  Bismarck, 
a  Kuhn  Loeb,  and  a  damn  Yankee  all  rolled  into  one !  Can 
you  beat  it?  His  daughter  also  looks  like  a  peach.  I  do 
not  know  the  purpose  of  this  financial  congress  in  which  these 
geniuses  from  the  hot  belt  are  to  gather;  but  unless  I  am 
mistaken  you  are  looking  around  for  some  convenient  re 
treat  to  go  to  when  this  Riggs  litigation  is  over  and  you  are 
turned  out  scalpless  upon  a  cruel  world.  Here  is  your 
chance !  Tie  up  with  Pearson.  He  has  banks,  railroads, 
cows,  horses,  mules,  land,  girls,  alfalfa,  clubs,  and  is  con 
nected  with  every  distinguished  family  in  North  and  South 
America. 

This  man,  Dr.  Hoover,  is  a  genius.  When  I  knew  him  he 
was  giving  lessons  in  physical  training ;  but,  now,  like  my 
self,  he  is  an  LL.D.,  and,  of  course,  as  a  fellow  LL.D. 
I  have  got  to  treat  his  friend  properly.  So  I  pass  him  along 
to  you.  Please  see  that  he  has  the  front  bench  and  is  called 
upon  to  open  the  congress  with  prayer,  which,  being 
Yankee  and  a  pirate,  he  undoubtedly  can  do  in  fine  fashion,. 

When  he  comes,  if  you  will  let  me  know,  I  shall  go  out 
to  meet  him  in  my  private  yacht;  take  him  for  a  drive  in 
my  tally-ho ;  give  him  a  dinner  at  Child's,  and  take  him 
to  the  movies  at  the  Home  Club. 

I  shall  also  ask  Redfield  to  invite  him  to  the  much-heralded 
shad  luncheon,  to  which  I  have  received  the  fourth  invitation. 


f  EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     173 

Do  you  think  he  would  like  to  meet  my  friend,  Jess  Willard  ? 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


A  letter  from  John  Burns,  from  Rome,  spoke  sarcastically 
of  the  American  attitude  of  neutrality  toward  the  European 
war,  and  of  what  he  called  the  "new  American  motto  — 
'Trust  the  President."' 


To  John  Crawford  Burns 
Rome,  Italy 

Washington,  May  29,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  saw  Pfeiffer,  Lamb,  and  Mezes  the 
other  day  up  in  New  York.  Mezes  lives  among  Hebrews, 
Lamb  is  broken-hearted  that  he  can  not  get  into  the  war, 
and  Pfeiffer  is  trying  to  get  England  to  let  his  German  goods 
through  Holland.  Lamb  and  Pfeiffer  do  not  agree  as  to 
England's  duty  to  allow  non-contraband  on  neutral  ships 
to  pass  unmolested. 

England  is  playing  a  rather  high  game,  violating  inter 
national  law  every  day.  .  .  .  England's  attempt  to  starve 
Germany  has  been  a  fizzle.  Germany  will  be  better  off 
this  summer  than  she  was  two  years  ago,  have  more  food 
on  hand.  There  are  no  more  men  in  Germany  outside  of 
the  Army.  Practically  every  one  has  been  called  out  who 
could  carry  a  gun,  but  the  women  are  running  the  mills  and 
the  prisoners  are  tilling  the  farms.  Von  Hindenburg  will 
come  down  upon  Italy,  when  he  has  lured  the  Italians  up 
into  some  pass  and  given  them  a  sample  of  what  the  Russians 
got  in  East  Prussia. 

You  see  I  am  in  quite  a  prophetic  mood  this  afternoon. 

Tell  me  if  you  understand  Italy's  position  —  just  how 


174          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

she  justifies  herself  in  entering  the  war?  I  have  seen  no 
authoritative  justification  that  I  thought  would  hold  water. 
The  Coalition  ministry  in  England  is  weaker  than  the 
Liberal  ministry.  Lord  Northcliffe,  who  is  the  Hearst  of 
England,  has  become  its  boss.  Inasmuch  as  you  object 
to  our  new  motto,  "Trust  the  President,"  I  offer  as  a  sub 
stitute,  "Trust  Lord  Northcliffe,  Bonar  Law,  and  the  Philos 
opher  of  Negation."  The  dear  bishops  won't  give  up  their 
toddy,  so  England  must  go  without  ammunition.  Germany 
is  standing  off  Belgium,  England  and  France,  with  her  right 
hand ;  Russia  with  her  left,  and  is  about  to  step  on  Italy. 
Germany  has  not  yet  answered  our  protest  in  the  Lusitania 
matter.  Neither  has  England  answered  our  protest,  sent 
some  three  months  ago,  against  the  invasion  of  our  rights 
upon  the  seas.  I  was  very  glad  to  read  the  other  day  that 
while  only  eighty  per  cent  of  English-made  shells  explode, 
over  ninety  per  cent  of  American-made  shells  explode. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  E.  W.  Scripps 
Scripps  McRae  Syndicate 

Washington,  June  1,  1915 

MY  DEAR  MR.  SCRIPPS,  —  I  am  extremely  glad  to  get  your 
letter  —  and  such  a  hearty,  noble-spirited  letter.  It  came 
this  morning,  and  was  so  extraordinary  in  its  patriotic  spirit 
that  I  took  it  to  the  White  House  and  left  it  with  the  Pres-i 
ident. 

I  am  sure  that  great  good  will  come  of  the  effort  you  are 
making  to  gather  the  people  in  support  of  the  President. 
The  poor  man  has  been  so  worried  by  the  great  responsi 
bilities  put  upon  him  that  he  has  not  had  time  to  think  or 
deal  with  matters  of  internal  concern.  ...  He  is  extremely 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     175 

appreciative  of  the  spirit  you  have  shown.  I  have  a  large 
number  of  matters  in  my  own  Department  —  Alaskan  rail 
road  affairs  and  proposed  legislation  —  that  I  ought  to  take 
up  with  him ;  but  I  can  not  worry  him  with  them  while 
international  concerns  are  so  pressing 

I  feel  that  at  last  the  country  has  come  to  a  consciousness 
of  the  President's  magnitude.  They  see  him  as  we  do  who 
are  in  close  touch  with  him.  .  .  .  My  own  ability  to  help  him 
is  very  limited,  for  he  is  one  of  those  men  made  by  nature 
to  tread  the  wine-press  alone.  The  opportunity  comes  now 
and  then  to  give  a  suggestion  or  to  utter  a  word  of  warning, 
but  on  the  whole  I  feel  that  he  probably  is  less  dependent 
upon  others  than  any  President  of  our  time.  He  is  conscious 
of  public  sentiment  —  surprisingly  so  —  for  a  man  who  sees 
comparatively  few  people,  and  yet  he  never  takes  public  sen 
timent  as  offering  a  solution  for  a  difficulty ;  if  he  can  think 
the  thing  through  and  arrive  at  the  point  where  public  senti 
ment  supports  him,  so  much  the  better.  He  will  loom  very 
large  in  the  historian's  mind  two  or  three  decades  from  now. 

In  the  fall  I  am  going  to  ask  you  to  lend  a  hand  in  support 
of  my  conservation  bills,  which  look  like  piffling  affairs  now 
in  contrast  with  the  big  events  of  the  day. 

Once  more  I  thank  you  heartily  for  your  letter.  Cordially 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  WicJcersham 

Washington,  July  18,  1915 

MY  DEAR  AND  DISTINGUISHED  SIR,  —  I  once  knew  a  vain- 
glorious  chap  who  wrote  a  poem  on  the  Crucifixion  of  Christ. 
The  refrain  was,  — 

"  Had  I  been  there  with  three  score  men, 
Christ  Jesus  had  not  died." 


176         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

All  of  us  feel  "that-a-way"  once  in  a  while  when  we  think 
of  Germany,  Mexico,  and  sich.  I  shall  have  a  few  words 
to  say  upon  the  German  note  next  Tuesday.1  They  will 
be  short  and  somewhat  ugly  Anglo-Saxon  words,  utterly 
undiplomatic,  and  I  hope  that  some  of  them  will  be  used. 

There  is  no  man  who  has  a  greater  capacity  for  indignation 
than  the  gentleman  who  has  to  write  that  note,  and  no  man 
who  has  a  sincerer  feeling  of  dignity,  and  no  man  who  dis 
likes  more  to  have  a  damned  army  officer,  filled  with  strut- 
titudinousness,  spit  upon  the  American  Flag — a  damned 
goose-stepping  army  officer! 

This  morning  comes  word  that  they  tried  to  torpedo  the 
Orduna,  but  failed  by  a  hair.  This  does  not  look  like  a 
reversal  of  policy.  Of  course  those  chaps  think  we  are 
bluffing  because  we  have  been  too  polite.  We  have  talked 
Princetonian  English  to  a  water-front  bully.  I  did  not 
believe  for  one  moment  that  our  friends,  the  Germans,  were 
so  unable  to  see  any  other  standpoint  than  their  own. 

I  saw  ex-secretary  Nagle  here  the  other  day.  We  were 
at  the  same  table  for  lunch  at  the  Cosmos  Club.  One  of 
the  men  at  the  table  said,  "I  think  Lane  ought  to  have  been 
appointed  Secretary  of  State."  Nagle's  usual  diplomacy 
deserted  him,  and  with  a  face  evidencing  a  heated  mind 
replied,  "Oh,  my  God,  that  would  never  do,  never  do ;  born 
in  Canada."  So  you  see  I  am  cut  out  from  all  these  great 
honors.  Is  this  visiting  the  sins  of  the  fathers  upon  the 
children  ?  [ 

I  wish  you  joy  in  your  work  and  I  wish  I  could  lay  some 
of  my  troubles  on  your  shoulders.  Mrs.  Lane  and  I  are 
going  up  to  see  you  just  as  soon  as  we  get  the  chance.  I  had 
to  decline  to  address  the  American  Bar  Association  because 
I  did  not  want  to  be  away  from  here  for  a  week.  This  is 
1  Day  of  Cabinet  meeting. 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS    177 

Sunday,  and  I  am  trying  to  catch  up  some  of  my  personal 
mail  which  has  been  neglected  for  six  weeks.  Thus  you  may 
know  that  I  am  in  the  Government  Service. 

I  send  you  by  this  mail  a  copy  of  my  speech  in  San  Fran 
cisco,  which  has  been  gotten  up  to  suit  the  artistic  taste  of 
my  private  secretary.  As  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane 

Washington,  July  21,  1915 

MY  DEAR  FRITZ,  —  I  wish  I  could  think  of  something  I  could 
do  for  you  dear  people  back  there.  I  haven't  heard  from 
George  for  a  long  while,  but  I  hope  he  is  getting  something 
in  mind  that  makes  him  think  life  worth  living.  It  is 
strange  that  every  lawyer  I  know  would  like  to  be  situated 
just  as  George  is,  with  a  little  farm  in  a  quiet  dell.  Last 
night  I  talked  with  Senator  Southerland.  It  is  his  hope 
sometime  to  reach  this  ideal.  And  the  other  night  I  talked 
with  Justice  Lamar,  and  told  him  of  George's  life,  and  he 
said  that  he  had  dreamt  of  such  an  existence  for  fifty  years 
but  has  never  been  able  to  see  his  way  to  its  realization. 

There  is  no  chance  of  our  getting  out  to  the  Coast  this 
year.  The  President  expects  us  to  be  within  call,  and  I 
am  very  much  interested  in  the  Mexican  question,  as  to 
which  I  have  presented  a  program  to  him  which  so  far  he 
has  accepted.  These  are  times  of  terrible  strain  upon  him. 
I  saw  him  last  night  for  a  couple  of  hours,  and  the  respon 
sibility  of  the  situation  weighs  terribly  upon  him.  How 
to  keep  us  out  of  war  and  at  the  same  time  maintain  our 
dignity  —  this  is  a  task  certainly  large  enough  for  the 
largest  of  men. 

Conditions  politically  are  very  unsettled,  and  much  will 
turn  I  suppose  on  what  Congress  does.  More  and  more 


178          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  am  getting  to  believe  that  it  would  be  a  good  thing  to  have 
universal  military  service.  To  have  a  boy  of  eighteen  given 
a  couple  of  months  for  two  or  three  years  in  the  open  would 
be  a  good  thing  for  him  and  would  develop  a  very  strong 
national  sense,  which  we  much  lack.  The  country  believes 
that  a  man  must  be  paid  for  doing  anything  for  his  country. 
We  even  propose  to  pay  men  for  the  time  they  put  in  drilling, 
so  as  to  protect  their  own  liberties  and  property.  This 
is  absurd!  We  must  all  learn  that  sacrifices  are  necessary 
if  we  are  to  have  a  country.  The  theory  of  the  American 
people,  apparently,  is  that  the  country  is  to  give,  give,  give, 
and  buy  everything  that  it  gets. 

Hope  things  are  going  well  with  you.     Drop  me  a  line 
when  you  can.     Affectionately, 

FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

To  John  Crawford  Burns 
Rome,  Italy 

Washington,  July  30,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  Things  have  come  to  such  a  tension  here 
that  I  doubt  the  wisdom  of  my  discussing  international 
politics  with  you ;  nevertheless,  I  want  you  not  to  be  weary 
in  well-doing,  but  continue  to  give  me  the  views  of  the  Tory 
Squire.  I  hope  that  your  admiration  for  Balfour  will  prove 
justified.  Of  course,  our  press,  which  can  not  be  said  to 
sympathize  strongly  with  the  conservative  side,  makes  it 
appear  that  Lloyd  George  is  now  bearing  a  great  part  ini 
the  work  of  securing  ammunition.  This  is  the  inevitable 
result  of  allowing  the  people  to  vote.  The  man  who  has  the 
people's  confidence  proves  to  be  the  most  useful  in  a  time  of 
emergency.  However,  it  may  be  that  Balfour  is  himself 
directing  all  that  Lloyd  George  does. 

This  morning's  papers  contain  an  official  statement  from 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS    179 

Petrograd  suggesting  that  the  English  get  to  work  upon  the 
west  line.  This  seems  to  me  extremely  unkind,  inasmuch 
as  the  English  have  already  lost  over  300,000  and  have  fur 
nished  a  large  amount  of  money  to  Russia,  I  understand. 

Pfeiffer  sent  me  an  article  the  other  day  from  a  German 
professor,  in  which  he  said  that  the  three  million  men  that 
Kitchener  talked  about  was  all  a  bluff.  Pfeiffer  keeps 
sending  me  long  protests  against  England's  attitude  re 
garding  our  trade,  which  seem  to  me  to  be  fair  statements 
of  international  law. 

The  word  that  I  get  rather  leads  me  to  believe  that  the 
war  will  last  for  at  least  another  year  and  a  half,  which  is 
quite  in  line  with  Kitchener's  prophecy,  but  where  will  all 
these  countries  be  from  a  financial  standpoint  at  the  end  of 
that  time  ?  I  fancy  some  of  them  will  have  to  go  into  bank 
ruptcy  and  actually  repudiate  their  debt,  and  what  will 
become  by  that  time  of  the  high-spirited  French,  who  are 
holding  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  line  against  eleven 
held  by  the  British  and  thirty  by  the  Belgians  ? 

Yesterday  I  received  a  request  from  a  German  Inde 
pendence  League  for  my  resignation,  as  I  was  born  under 
the  British  flag  and  was  supposed  to  be  influential  with 
the  President,  who  has  recently  sent  a  very  direct  and 
business-like  letter  to  Germany.  My  answer  was  that  they 
had  mistaken  my  nationality.  My  real  name  was  Lange 
and  my  father  had  stricken  out  the  G. !  Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Eugene  A.  Avery 

Washington,  August  2,  1915 

MY  DEAR  AVERT,  —  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  from  you  and 
to  get  your  verse.  I  had  a  glorious  time  at  Berkeley.  I 
could  have  received  no  honor  that  would  have  given  me 


180         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

greater  satisfaction,  but  oh !  as  I  look  over  that  old  list  of 
professors  and  associate  professors !  I  don't  know  a  tenth 
of  them,  and  I  never  heard  of  half  of  them.  How  far  I  am 
removed  from  the  scholastic  life,  and  how  far  we  both  are  from 
those  old  days  when  you  used  to  sit  with  your  pipe  in  your 
mouth,  in  front  of  your  cabin,  and  discourse  to  me  upon 
God  and  men ! 

Well,  we  don't  any  of  us  know  any  more  about  God,  but 
we  know  something  more  about  man.  But  after  all  is  said 
and  done,  I  guess  I  like  him  about  as  much  as  I  did  in  the 
enthusiastic  days  when  we  used  to  quiz  old  Moses.  The 
streak  of  ideality  that  I  had  then  I  still  retain.  The  reason 
that  I  have  remained  a  Democrat  is  because  I  felt  that  we 
gave  prime  concern  to  the  interests  of  men,  as  such,  and  had 
more  faith  that  we  could  help  on  a  revolution. 

These  are  times  of  trial.  The  well  we  look  into  is  very 
deep.  The  stars  are  not  very  bright.  It  is  hard  to  find 
our  way,  but  the  pilot  has  a  good  nerve.  I  know  the  trouble 
that  Ulysses  had  with  Scylla  and  Charybdis. 

Thank  you,  old  man,  very  heartily  for  your  word  of  cheer. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  F.  Davis 

Washington,  August  2,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  am  very  glad  to  get  your  letter  of 
July  28,  telling  me  your  views  regarding  the  last  note,  t 
believe  the  paragraph  to  which  you  refer  was  absolutely 
essential  to  make  Germany  understand  that  we  meant  busi 
ness;  that  she  could  not  have  taken  our  opposition 
seriously  is  evidenced  by  her  previous  note,  and  which,  I 
think,  was  as  insulting  as  any  note  ever  addressed  by  one 
power  to  another.  Think  of  the  absurd  proposition,  that 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS    181 

we  should  be  allowed  a  certain  number  of  ships  to  be  pre 
scribed  by  Germany  upon  which  our  people  could  sail !  Of 
course,  if  we  accepted  her  conditions,  we  would  have  to 
accept  the  conditions  that  any  other  belligerent,  or  neutral, 
for  that  matter,  might  impose.  What  becomes  of  a  neutral's 
rights  under  these  conditions? 

The  Leenalaw  case  shows  that  Germany  can  do  exactly 
what  we  have  been  asking  her  to  do ;  namely,  give  people 
a  chance  to  get  off  the  ship  before  they  blow  her  up.  This 
is  good  sense  and  good  morals ;  and  the  whole  neutral  world 
is  behind  us.  If,  in  response  to  our  note,  Germany  had 
said,  "We  regret  the  destruction  of  American  lives,  and  are 
willing  to  make  reparation,  and  have  directed  our  submarines 
that  they  shall  not  torpedo  any  ships  until  the  ship  has  been 
given  an  opportunity  to  halt,"  there  would  have  been  no 
trouble ;  but  Germany  evidently  did  not  take  us  seriously. 
Our  English  was  a  bit  too  diplomatic. 

I  am  writing  you  thus  frankly,  and  in  confidence,  of 
course,  because  I  respect  your  opinion  greatly.  Cordially 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


In  the  middle  of  August,  Lane  joined  his  family  at  Essex-on- 
Champlain,  New  York,  for  a  few  days.  While  there  he 
went  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  James  S.  Harlan  to  Westport,  some 
miles  further  south  on  the  lake,  to  see  the  summer  boat  races 
and  water  sports.  Mr.  Harlan's  motor-boat,  the  Gladwater, 
which  had  been  built  on  his  dock  by  Dick  Mead,  won  the 
race,  and  that  evening  on  their  return  Lane  gave  the  fol 
lowing  letter  to  the  successful  builder :  — 


182         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

August  21,  1915 

To  "Dick"  Mead  on  winning  the  race  at  Westport  in 
the  Gladwater. 

We  wonder  sometimes  why  man  was  made,  so  full  is  life 
of  things  that  terrorize,  that  sadden  and  embitter.  This 
life  is  a  sea ;  tranquil  sometimes  but  so  often  fierce  and  cruel. 
And  you  and  I  are  conscript  sailors.  Whether  we  will  or 
no  we  must  sail  the  sea  of  life,  and  in  a  ship  that  each  must 
build  for  himself.  To  each  is  given  iron  and  unhewn  timber, 
to  some  more  and  to  some  less,  with  which  to  fashion  his 
craft.  Then  the  race  really  starts. 

Some  of  us  build  ships  that  are  no  more  than  rafts,  form 
less,  lazy  things  that  float.  Fair  weather  things  for  moon 
light  nights.  But  others,  high-hearted  men  of  vision,  will 
not  be  satisfied  to  drift  with  the  current  or  accept  the  easy 
way.  They  know  that  they  can  do  better  than  drift,  and 
they  must !  The  timber  and  the  iron  become  plastic  under 
their  touch.  The  dreams  of  the  long  night  they  test  in  the 
too-short  day.  They  make  and  they  unmake;  they  drop 
their  tools  perhaps  for  a  time  and  drift;  they  despair  and 
curse  their  impatient  and  unsatisfied  souls.  But  rising,  they 
set  to  work  again,  and  one  day  comes  the  reward,  the  planks 
fit  together,  and  feeling  the  purpose  of  the  builder,  clasp  each 
other  in  firm  and  beautiful  lines ;  the  unwilling  metal  at 
last  melts  into  form  and  place  and  becomes  the  harmonious 
heart  of  the  whole  —  and  so  a  ship  is  born  that  masters  the 
cruel  sea,  that  cuts  the  fierce  waves  with  a  knife  of  courage.* 

To  dream  and  model,  to  join  and  file,  to  melt  and  carve,  to 
balance  and  adjust,  to  test  and  to  toil  —  these  are  the 
making  of  the  ship.  And  to  a  few  like  yourself  comes  the 
vision  of  the  true  line  and  the  glory  of  the  victory.  Sin 
cerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     183 

To  John  Crawford  Burns 
Rome,  Italy 

Washington,  August  31,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  — ...  I  met  three  friends  of  yours  in 
New  York  the  other  day,  Lamb,  Fletcher,  and  Pfeiffer,  to 
whom  I  told  in  my  dismal  way,  the  correspondence  that  we 
have  been  carrying  on,  and  all  sympathized  with  me  very 
sincerely. 

Things  look  brighter  now.  The  President  seems  to  have 
been  able  to  make  Germany  hear  him  at  last.  I  am  very 
much  surprised  that  you  think  we  ought  to  enter  the  war. 
Now  that  you  have  secured  Italy  to  intervene,  what  is  the 
necessity?  What  have  you  to  offer  by  way  of  a  bribe? 
I  see  that  you  are  distributing  territory  generously.  Or  do 
you  think  that  we  should  go  in  because  we  were  threatened 
as  England  was  —  although  she  says  it  was  Belgium  that 
brought  her  in  ?  Fletcher  is  very  much  for  fighting ;  Lamb 
says  that  the  Allies  will  win  in  the  next  two  weeks.  Pfeiffer 
thinks  that  nobody  will  win.  I  can't  tell  you  what  I  think. 
If  I  were  only  nearer  I  would  have  more  fun  with  you. 
Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Sidney  E.  Mezes 
President  of  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York 

Washington,  September  7,  1915 

MY  DEAR  SID,  —  I  enclose  a  more  formal  letter  for  presenta 
tion  to  your  friend,  Baron  de .  Why  in  hell  you  should 

plague  me  with  this  thing,  except  that  I  am  the  only  real 
good-natured  man  connected  with  the  Government,  I  don't 
understand.  Speaking  of  good  nature  reminds  me  that 
you  are  a  clam ;  in  fact,  a  clam  is  vociferous  alongside  of 
you. 


184         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

As  you  know  I  have  been  guiding  the  affairs  of  this 
Government  for  the  past  three  months,  and  have  received 
advice  from  every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  the  country, 
including  the  German-American  Union,  the  Independent 
Union,  the  Friends  of  Peace,  the  Sons  of  Hibernia,  and  all 
the  other  troglodytes  that  live ;  and  yet,  you  alone  have  not 
thought  me  of  sufficient  consequence  to  advise  me  as  to 
what  to  do  with  the  Kaiser  or  Carranza  or  Hoke  Smith  or 
Roosevelt. 

Before  you  go  back  to  work  why  don't  you  come  down 
here  and  spend  a  day  or  two  ?  We  can  have  a  perfectly 
bully  time,  and  I  will  tell  you  how  to  run  your  University 
and  you  can  tell  me  how  to  run  the  Government.  .  .  . 

I  have  not  seen  House  nor  heard  from  him,  though  I  have 
wanted  to  talk  with  him  more  than  with  any  other  human 
being,  these  three  months  gone.  Yours  as  always, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Cordenio  Severance 

Washington,  September  13,  1915 

MY  DEAR  CORDY,  —  I  envy  you  very  much  the  opportunity 
that  you  have  to  entertain  Miss  Nancy  Lane.1  When  she 
is  herself,  she  is  a  most  charming  young  lady.  She  has 
powers  of  fascination  excelled  by  few.  If  she  grows  angry, 
owing  to  her  artistic  temperament,  and  throws  plates  at 
you  or  chases  you  out  of  the  house  with  a  broom,  you  must 
forgive  her  because  you  know  that  great  artists  like  Sarah* 
Bernhardt  often  have  this  failing. 

Perhaps  you  do  not  know  it,  but  she  used  to  be  a  great 
violinist  in  her  younger  days.  I  doubt  if  she  knows  one 
string  from  another  now.  The  only  strings  that  she  can 
play  on  are  your  heart  strings,  or  mine,  or  any  other  man's 

1  Born  January  4,  1903. 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     185 

that  comes  into  her  neighborhood.  I  shall  rely  upon  your 
honor  not  to  propose  to  her,  because  she  is  already  engaged 
to  me ;  in  fact,  we  have  been  engaged  nearly  twelve  years, 
and  if  she  should  become  engaged  to  you,  I  will  sue  you  for 
stealing  her  affections  and  will  engage  the  firm  of  Davis 
Kellogg  and  Severance  to  prosecute  my  suit.  If  she  says 
anything  about  a  desire  to  get  back  to  school,  you  can  put 
it  down  as  a  bluff,  and  I  trust  that  you  will  not  swamp  her 
with  attentions  and  with  company  lest  it  should  turn  her 
head.  She  is  accustomed  to  the  simple  life  —  a  breakfast 
of  oatmeal  porridge,  a  luncheon  of  boiled  macaroni,  and  a 
dinner  of  hash  —  these  are  the  three  things  that  she  is  used 
to.  If  she  shows  any  disposition  to  be  affectionate  toward 
you  or  Aunt  Maidie,  I  trust  that  you  will  repress  her  with  an 
iron  hand.  The  young  women  of  this  day,  as  you  know,  are 
very  forward,  and  these  new  dances  seem  to  be  especially 
designed  to  destroy  maiden  modesty. 

.  .  .  You  may  tell  her  that  her  brother  seems  to  be  very 
anxious  to  hear  from  her,  being  solicitous  two  or  three  times 
a  day  as  to  the  mail.  I  judge  from  this  that  he  is  expecting 
a  letter  from  her  —  or  someone  else. 

You  are  very  good  to  be  giving  my  little  one  such  a  fine 
time.  My  love  to  Maidie.  Cordially  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Frederick  Dixon 
Christian  Science  Monitor 

Washington,  October  7,  1915 

DEAR  MR.  DIXON,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  October  1st. 
You  have  asked  me  a  very  difficult  question,  which  is  really 
this  :  —  How  to  get  into  a  man's  nature  an  appreciation  of  our 
form  of  government  and  its  benefits  ? 

I  cannot  answer  this  question.     There  are  certain  natures 


186          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

which  do  not  sympathize  with  the  exercise  of  or  the  develop 
ment  of  common  authority,  which  is  the  essence  of  De 
mocracy.  They  are  instinctively  monarchists.  They  love 
order  more  than  liberty.  They  do  not  see  how  a  balance 
can  be  struck  between  the  two.  By  force  of  environment 
and  education  their  sons  may  see  otherwise.  I  know  of 
no  other  way  of  making  Americans,  than  by  getting  into 
them  by  enviroment  and  education  a  love  for  liberty  and 
a  recognition  of  its  advantages.  Cordially  yours, 

FKANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Robert  H.  Patchin 

Washington,  November  27,  1915 

MY  DEAR  PATCHIN,  —  Mrs.  Lane  and  I  would  be  delighted 
to  join  in  your  fiesta  to  Mrs.  Eleanor  Egan,  but  we  just 
can't.  Why?  Because  we  have  a  dinner  on  December 
2nd,  also  because  we  are  neutral.  .  .  . 

We  can  not  countenance  any  one  who  has  been  in  jail. 
To  have  been  in  jail  proves  poverty.  Nor  do  we  regard  it  as 
fitting  that  a  young  woman  should  have  been  torpedoed 
and  spent  forty-five  minutes  in  the  water  splashing  around 
like  Mrs.  Leeks  or  Mrs.  Aleshine.  If  she  was  torpedoed 
why  didn't  she  go  down  or  up  like  a  heroine?  Then  she 
would  have  had  an  atrocious  iron  statue  erected  in  her  honor 
among  the  other  horrors  in  Central  Park.  After  her  experi 
ence  she  will  doubtless  be  more  sympathetic  toward  those 
of  us  who  are  torpedoed  daily  and  weekly  and  monthly  and* 
have  to  splash  around  for  the  amusement  of  a  curious 
public. 

I  hope  your  dinner  of  welcome  and  rejoicing  will  be  as 
gay  as  the  cherubic  smile  of  the  Right  Honorable  Egan. 
Cordially, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS    187 

To  Francis  R.  Wall 

Washington,  November  27,  1915 

MY  DEAR  WALL,  —  I  wish  that  I  had  time  for  a  long  letter 
to  you,  such  as  yours  to  me.  But  I  am  only  to-day  able  to 
get  at  my  personal  correspondence  which  has  accumulated 
in  the  last  six  weeks.  These  have  been  times  of  annual 
reports  and  estimates,  and  we  have  a  large  number  of 
internal  troubles  which  need  constant  attention. 

I  am  afraid  that  we  are  going  to  have  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  in  getting  our  preparedness  program  through,  be 
cause  of  dissension  in  our  own  ranks  and  because  the  Repub 
licans  are  so  anxious  to  take  advantage  of  this  emergency 
to  raise  the  tariff  duties  and  to  gain  credit  for  whatever  is 
done  in  the  way  of  preparation.  We  are  too  much  dom 
inated  by  partisanship  to  be  really  patriotic.  This  is  a 
very  broad  indictment,  but  it  seems  to  be  justified.  Of 
course,  the  people  like  Bryan  and  Ford,  and  the  women 
generally,  are  moved  by  a  philosophy  that  is  too  idealistic, 
and  some  of  them  are  only  moved,  I  fear,  by  an  intense  ex 
aggerated  ego.  If  I  would  have  to  name  the  one  curse  of 
the  present  day,  I  would  say  it  is  the  love  of  notoriety  and 
the  assumption  by  almost  everyone  that  his  judgment  is 
as  good  as  that  of  the  ablest.  Of  course,  the  trouble  with 
the  ablest  people  is  that  they  are  so  largely  moved  by  forces 
that  do  not  appear  on  the  surface,  that  one  does  not  know 
that  the  views  they  express  are  really  their  own  judgment. 
Democracy  seems  to  be  government  by  suspicion,  in  large 
part.  We  have  faith  in  ourselves,  but  not  in  each  other. 
A  man  to  be  a  good  partisan  seems  called  upon  to  believe 
that  every  man  of  different  view  is  a  crook  or  a  weakling. 
This  is  the  Roosevelt  idea.  And  half  of  it  is  the  Bryan  idea. 

I  wish  that  I  could  see  you,  old  man,  and  have  one  of 
our  old  time  talks. 


188         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  shall  bear  in  mind  what  you  say  as  to  the  availability  of 
your  service,  but  I  hope  it  may  not  be  necessary  to  take  you 
from  that  land  of  sunshine  and  dreams  that  seems  so  remote 
from  this  center  of  intrigue  and  trouble.  Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Washington,  December  8,  1915 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  ...  Things  are  not  looking  at  all  nice 
as  to  Germany  and  Austria.  I  know  that  the  country  is 
not  satisfied,  at  least  part  of  it,  with  our  patience,  but  I 
don't  see  just  what  else  we  can  do  but  be  patient.  Our  ships 
are  not  needed  anywhere,  and  our  soldiers  do  not  exist. 
To-day  brings  word  of  the  blowing  up  of  an  American  ship. 
Of  course,  we  do  not  know  the  details  but  the  thing  looks  ugly. 
Wasn't  the  President's  message  on  the  hyphenated  gentle 
men  bully  ?  You  could  not  have  beaten  that  yourself.  And 
your  dear  friend  T.  Roosevelt,  did  certainly  write  himself 
down  as  one  large  and  glorious  ass  in  his  criticism  of  the 
message.  He  hates  Wilson  so,  that  he  has  just  lost  his  mind. 
I  wish  I  didn't  have  to  say  this  about  Roosevelt,  because 
I  am  extremely  fond  of  him  (which  you  are  not),  but 
a  poorer  interview  on  the  message  could  not  have  been 

written.  ...     As  always  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

The  following  letter  was  written  to  Mrs.  Adolph  Miller 
when  she  was  in  a  hospital  in  New  York. 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  C.  Miller 

Washington,  December  12,  [1915] 

MY  DEAR  MARY,  —  We  have  just  returned  from  Church  and 
all  morning  I  have  been  thinking  of  you  and  Adolph  — 
praying  for  you  I  suppose  in  my  Pagan  way.  • 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS    189 

Poor  dear  girl,  I  know  you  are  brave  but  I'd  just  like  to  hold 
your  hand  or  look  steadily  into  your  eyes,  to  tell  you  that 
you  have  the  best  thing  that  this  world  gives  —  friends 
who  are  one  with  you.  I  can  see  old  Adolph  with  his  grim- 
ness  and  his  great  love,  which  makes  him  more  grim  and 
far  more  mandatory,  what  a  sturdy  old  Dutch  Calvinist  he 
is !  He  really  is  more  Dutch  than  German  —  Dutch  modi 
fied  by  the  California  sun  —  and  Calvinist  sweetened  by 
you  and  Boulder  Creek,  and  Berkeley  and  William  James 
and  B.  I.  Wheeler  and  his  Saint  of  a  Mother.  Well,  let 
him  pass,  why  should  I  talk  of  him  when  you  really  want 
me  to  talk  of  myself! 

Last  night  we  had  the  Gridiron  dinner,  and  the  President 
made  an  exalted  speech.  He  is  spiritually  great,  Mary, 
and  don't  you  dare  smile  and  think  of  the  widow!  We 
are  all  dual,  old  Emerson  said  it  in  his  Essay  on  Free  Will, 
and  Adolph  can  tell  you  what  old  Greek  said  it.  And  this 
duality  is  where  the  fight  comes  in,  and  the  two  people  walk 
side  by  side,  to-day  is  Jekyll's  day,  and  tomorrow  is  Hyde's, 
and  so  they  alternate. 

Well,  the  Gridiron  was  a  grind  on  Bryan  and  Villard  and 
Ford,  and  a  boost  for  preparedness  and  Garrison  and  the 
Army  and  Navy.  Tell  Adolph  they  had  a  Democratic  mule, 
two  men  walking  together  under  a  cover,  the  head  end 
reasonable,  the  hind  end  kicking  —  the  front  end  of  course 
represented  the  Wilson  crowd  and  the  hind  end  the  Bryan- 
Kitchen,  —  and  the  two  wouldn't  work  together.  The 
whole  thing  was  splendidly  done  and  was  a  lesson  to  the 
few  Democrats  who  were  there  —  which  they  won't  learn. 

Nancy  went  to  her  second  party  last  night  —  a  joyous 
thing  in  a  new  evening  cloak  of  old  rose,  which  made  her 
feel  that  Cleopatra  and  the  Queen  of  Sheba  and  Mrs.  Gait 
and  all  other  exalted  ladies  had  nothing  on  her.  What 


190         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K  LANE 

a  glorious  thing  life  would  be  if  we  could  remain  children, 
with  all  the  simple  joys  and  none  of  the  horrors  that  age 
brings  on.  There  is  certainly  a  good  fifty  per  cent  chance 
that  this  fine  spirit  will  marry  some  damn  brute  who  will 
worry  and  harass  the  soul  out  of  her.  For  so  the  world 
goes,  i  I  hope  she'll  be  as  fortunate  as  you  have  been. 

To-night  we  go  to  the  Polks  to  see  Mrs.  Martin  Egan 
who  was  on  a  torpedoed  ship  in  the  Mediterranean,  and 
although  she  couldn't  swim  floated  forty-five  minutes  till 
rescued.  You  must  know  the  Polks  well.  She  has  very 
real  charm  and  your  old  Mormon  of  a  husband  will  desert 
his  other  fairies  for  her. 

Now  I  have  gossiped  and  preached  and  prophesied  and 
mourned  and  otherwise  revealed  what  passes  through  a 
wandering  mind  in  half  an  hour,  so  I  send  you,  at  the  close 
of  this  screed,  my  blessing,  which  is  a  poor  gift,  and  I  would 
send  you  the  parcel  post  limit  of  my  love  if  it  weren't  for 
Anne  and  Adolph,  who  are  narrow-minded  Dutch  Calvinists. 
May  good  fortune  betide  you  and  bring  you  back  very  soon 
to  the  many  whose  hearts  are  sympathetic. 

FRANK 

To  Mrs.  Magnus  Andersen 

Washington,  D.C.,  December  24,  [1915] 

MY  DEAR  MAUDIE,  —  It  is  Christmas  eve,  and  while  Nancy 
and  Anne  are  filling  the  mysterious  stockings,  I  am  writing 
these  letters  to  the  best  of  brothers  and  sister.  It  has  been 
a  long,  a  disgracefully  long  time  since  I  wrote  you,  but  I 
have  kept  in  touch  pretty  well  through  George  and 
Anne.  ...  So  you  have  now  a  philosophy  —  something 
to  hang  to !  I  am  glad  of  it.  The  standpoint  is  the  valu 
able  thing.  There  are  profound  depths  in  the  idea  that 
lies  under  Christian  Science,  but  like  all  other  new  things  it 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS     191 

goes  to  unreasonable  lengths.  "Be  Moderate,"  were  the 
words  written  over  the  Temple  on  the  Acropolis,  and  this 
applies  to  all  things.  This  world  is  curiously  complex,  and 
no  one  knows  how  to  answer  all  our  puzzles.  Sometimes 
I  think  that  God  himself  does  not.  There  is  a  fine  poem 
by  Emerson  called,  The  Sphinx,  which  is  the  most  hopeful 
thing  that  I  have  found,  because  it  recognizes  the  dual  world 
in  which  we  live,  for  everything  goes  not  singly  but  in  pairs 

—  good  and  evil,  matter  and  mind.     Then,  too,  you  may 
be  interested  in  his  essay  on  Fate. 

Dear  Fritz  —  dear,  dear  boy,  how  I  wish  I  could  be  there 
with  him,  though  I  could  do  no  good.  .  .  .  Each  night 
I  pray  for  him,  and  I  am  so  much  of  a  Catholic  that  I  pray 
to  the  only  Saint  I  know  or  ever  knew  and  ask  her  to  help. 
If  she  lives  her  mind  can  reach  the  minds  of  the  doctors 
just  as  surely  as  there  is  such  a  thing  as  transmission 
of  thought  between  us,  or  hypnotism.  I  don't  need  her  to 
intercede  with  God,  but  I  would  like  her  to  intercede  with 
man.  Why,  oh  why,  do  we  not  know  whether  she  is  or  not ! 
Then  all  the  universe  would  be  explained  to  me.  The  only 
miracle  that  I  care  about  is  the  resurrection.  If  we  live 
again  we  certainly  have  reason  for  living  now.  I  think  that 
belief  is  the  foundation  hope  of  religion.  Anne  has  it  with 
a  certainty  that  is  to  me  nothing  less  than  amazing.  And 
people  of  noble  minds,  of  exalted  spirits,  not  necessarily  of 
greatest  intellects  have  it.  George  has  it  in  his  own  way, 
and  he  is  certainly  one  of  the  real  men  of  the  earth.  The 
President  has  it  strongly.  He  is,  in  fact,  deeply,  truly  re 
ligious.  The  slanders  on  him  are  infamous.. 

.  .  .  We  are  to  have  the  quietest  possible  Christmas. 
No  one  but  ourselves  at  dinner  —  I  give  no  presents  at  all 

—  for  financially  we  are  up  to  our  eyebrows.     I  probably 
will  work  all  day  except  for  an  hour  or  two  which  I  shall 


192         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

use  in  playing  with  Nancy,  for  her  gay  spirit  will  not  allow 
anything  but  the  Christmas  spirit  to  prevail.  She  is  so 
like  our  Dear  One,  so  determined,  cheerful,  hopeful, 
courageous,  yet  very  shy.  Ned  will  be  out  all  night 
at  dances  and  tomorrow  too,  for  he  is  a  most  popular  chap 
and  very  well-behaved  indeed.  His  manners  are  excellent 
and  he  has  plenty  of  dash.  He  is  learning  these  things  now 
which  I  learned  only  after  many  years,  the  little  things  which 
make  the  conventional  man  of  the  world. 

I  hope  that  you  will  find  the  New  Year  one  of  great  peace 
of  mind  and  real  serenity  of  soul.  May  you  commune  with 
the  Spirit  of  the  Infinite  and  find  yourself  growing  more 
and  more  in  the  spiritual  image  of  the  Dear  One. 

My  tenderest  love  to  you  and  to  your  good  high-hearted 
man,  and  to  the  Boy. 

FRANK 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  C.  Miller 

Washington  [1915] 

This  is  a  Christmas  letter  and  is  addressed:  —  "To  a 
Brave  Young  Woman."  I  am  afraid  it  is  not  just  as  cheery 
and  merry  as  it  should  be  because,  you  see,  it's  like  this,  I 
am  poor  —  very,  very  poor,  and  I  have  very  good  taste 
—  very,  very  good  taste.  Now  those  two  things  can't  get 
on  together  at  Christmas.  Then,  too,  I  am  busy  —  very, 
very  busy,  so  I  don't  have  time  to  shop.  Now  if  you  were 
very,  very  poor  and  had  very,  very  good  taste  and  were  veryi 
very  busy  and  couldn't  shop  —  how  in  heaven  could  you 
buy  anything  for  anyone? 

I  did  take  half  an  hour  or  so  to  look  at  things,  and  things 
were  so  ugly  that  were  cheap  that  of  course  I  couldn't  buy 
them  without  confessing  poor  taste,  or  they  were  so  very 
expensive  that  I  couldn't  buy  them  without  confessing  bank- 


EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  PERSONAL  CONCERNS    193 

ruptcy.  Now  there  you  are !  So  what  could  a  poor  boy 
do  but  come  home  empty-handed,  nothing  for  Anne  or 
Nancy  or  Ned  or  you  —  not  even  something  for  myself ! 
And  I  need  things,  socks  and  pipe,  and  better  writing  paper 
than  this,  and  music  and  toothpaste  and  some  new  clothes, 
and  a  house  near  your  palace,  and  a  more  contented  spirit 
and  another  job  and  Ahellofalotof  things.  Don't  get 
nervous  about  me,  because  I'm  not  going  to  kill  myself  for 
lack  of  all  these  things,  although  a  true-born  Samurai,  loyal 
to  Bushido  might  do  so.  For  it  is  dishonor  not  to  be  rich 
at  Christmas  time ;  not  to  feel  rich,  anyway.  But  then  let 
me  see  what  I've  got !  There's  Anne !  I  expect  if  sold  on 
the  block,  at  public  auction,  say  in  Alaska,  where  women 
are  scarce,  she  would  bring  some  price;  but  her  digestion 
isn't  very  good  and  her  heart  is  quite  weak  and  her  hair  is 
falling  out.  But  these  things,  of  course,  the  auctioneer 
wouldn't  reveal.  She  would  make  a  fine  Duchess,  but  the 
market  just  now  is  overstocked  with  Duchesses.  And  she 
is  a  good  provider  when  furnished  with  the  provisions. 

Now  there  is  Ned  —  he  could  hire  out  as  a  male  assistant 
to  a  female  dancer  and  get  fifty  a  week,  perhaps.  Nancy 
couldn't  even  do  that.  They  are  both  liabilities.  So  there 
you  are,  with  Duchesses  on  the  contraband  list,  and  Nancy 
not  old  enough  to  marry  a  decayed  old  Pittsburg  million 
aire,  I  will  be  compelled  to  keep  on  working.  For  my  assets 
aren't  what  your  noble  husband  would  call  quick,  though 
they  are  live.  I  really  don't  know  what  to  do.  I  shall  wait 
till  Anne  comes  home  and  then,  as  usual,  do  what  she  says. 

I  really  did  look  for  something  for  you.  But  the  only 
thing  I  saw  that  I  thought  you  would  care  for  was  a  brooch, 
opal  and  diamonds  for  seven  hundred  and  seventy-five  dol 
lars,  so  I  said  you  wouldn't  care  for  it.  But  I  bought  it 
for  you  d  la  Christian  Science.  You  have  it,  see  ?  I  think 


194          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

you  have  it,  that  I  gave  it  to  you.     And  that  Adolph  doesn  't 
know  it,  see  ? 

Well  you  have  the  opal  and  I  am  happy  because  you  are 
enjoying  it.  Such  fire  !  What  a  superb  setting  !  And  such 
refined  taste,  platinum,  do  you  notice  !  oh,  so  modest !  No 
one  else  has  any  such  jewel.  How  Henry  will  admire  it 
—  and  how  mystified  Adolph  is !  Tell  him  you  bought  it 
out  of  the  money  you  saved  on  corned  beef.  How  I  shall 
enjoy  seeing  you  wear  it,  and  knowing  that  it  bears  in  its 
fiery  heart  all  the  ardent  poetry  that  I  would  fain  pour  out, 
but  am  deterred  by  my  shyness.  But  you  will  understand  ! 
Each  night  you  must  take  it  out  just  for  a  glimpse  before 
saying  your  prayers.  The  opal  is  from  Australia,  the 
platinum  from  Siberia,  the  diamonds  from  Africa,  the  setting 
was  designed  in  Paris.  And  here  it  is,  the  circle  of  the  world 
has  been  made  to  secure  this  little  thing  of  beauty  for  you. 
What  symbolism ! 

I  hope  it  will  make  you  happy,  and  cause  you  to  forget 
all  your  pain  and  weakness.  It  has  given  me  great  hap 
piness  to  give  you  this  little  gift.  And  so  we  will  both  have 
a  merry  Christmas. 

FRANK 


VIII 
AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS 

1916 

On  Writing  English  —  Visit  to  Monticello  —  Citizenship  for  Indians 
—  On  Religion  —  American-Mexican  Joint  Commission 

To  William  M.  Bole 
Great  Falls  Tribune 

Washington,  December  29,  1915 

DEAR  BOLE,  —  I  am  very  much  gratified  by  the  manner 
in  which  you  treated  my  annual  report.  Certainly  my 
old  newspaper  training  has  stood  me  in  good  stead  in  writ 
ing  my  reports.  In  fact  it  always  has,  for  while  I  was  Cor 
poration  Counsel  in  San  Francisco,  and  a  member  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  I  wrote  legal  opinions 
that  were  intelligible  to  the  layman,  and  I  tried  to  present 
my  facts  in  such  manner  as  to  make  their  presentation  in 
teresting.  The  result  was  that  the  courts  read  my  opinions 
and  sustained  them,  but  whether  they  were  equally  impres 
sive  upon  the  strictly  legal  mind,  I  have  my  doubts,  because 
you  know  inside  the  "union"  there  is  a  strong  feeling  that 
the  argot  of  the  bar  must  be  spoken  and  the  simplest  legal 
questions  dealt  with  in  profound,  philosophic,  latinized 
vocabulary. 

I  remember  that  after  I  was  elected  Corporation  Counsel, 
when  I  was  almost  unknown  to  the  bar  of  San  Francisco,  I 
began  to  hear  criticism  from  my  legal  friends  that  my  opin 
ion 


196         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

ions  were  written  in  English  that  was  too  simple,  so  I  in 
dulged  myself  by  writing  a  dozen  or  so  in  all  the  heavy  style 
that  I  could  put  on,  writing  in  as  many  Latin  phrases  and 
as  much  old  Norman  French  as  was  possible.  This  was  by 
way  of  showing  the  crowd  that  I  was  still  a  member  of  the 
union. 

I  find  that  all  our  scientific  bureaus  suffer  from  the  same 
malady.  These  scientists  write  for  each  other,  as  the 
women  say  they  dress  for  each  other.  One  of  the  first 
orders  that  I  issued  was  that  our  letters  should  be  written  in 
simple  English,  in  words  of  one  syllable  if  possible,  and  on 
one  page  if  possible. 

Soon  after  I  came  here  I  found  a  letter  from  one  of  our 
lawyers  to  an  Indian,  explaining  the  conditions  of  his  title, 
that  was  so  involved  and  elaborately  braided  and  beaded 
and  fringed  that  I  could  not  understand  it  myself.  I  out 
raged  the  sensibilities  of  every  lawyer  in  the  Department, 
and  we  have  five  hundred  or  more  of  them,  by  sending  this 
letter  back  and  asking  that  it  be  put  in  straightaway  Eng 
lish.  .  .  .  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  C.  Miller 

Washington,  [January  1,  1916] 

Having  just  sent  a  wire  to  you  I  shall  now  indulge  my 
self  in  a  few  minutes  talk  with  that  many-sided,  multiple- 
natured,  quite  obvious-and-yet-altogether-hidden  person  whd 
is  known  to  me  as  Mary  Miller. 

The  flash  of  brilliant  crimson  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
opal,  do  you  catch  it?  Now  that  is  the  flash  of  courage, 
the  brilliant  flame  that  will  lead  you  to  hold  your  head  high, 
...  I  like  very  much  what  you  say  as  to  wearing  our  jewel 
"discreetly  but  constantly."  No  combination  of  words 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      197 

could  more  perfectly  express  the  relationship  which  this 
bit  of  sunrise  has  established  between  us  —  devotion,  loy 
alty,  telepathic  communication  without  publicity.  I  am 
sure  you  are  belittling  yourself,  .  .  .  you  are  a  game  bird, 
—  good,  you  understand,  but  with  a  tang,  a  something 
wild  in  flavor,  a  touch  of  the  woods  and  mountain  flowers 
and  hidden  dells  in  bosky  places,  and  wanderings  and  sweet 
revolt  against  captivity.  .  .  . 

This  is  my  first  line  of  the  New  Year.  Anne  is  a  true 
daughter  of  Martha  this  morning  —  her  heart  is  troubled 
with  many  things,  getting  ready  for  the  raid  of  the  Huns 
this  afternoon.  She  says  she  will  write  when  she  re-pos 
sesses  herself  of  her  right  arm.  Good  health ! 

Some  days  later 

. » 

...  I  have  been  receiving  your  wireless  messages  all 
week,  my  dear  Mary,  and  not  one  was  an  S.  O.  S.  Good ! 
The  fair  ship  Mary  Miller  is  safe.  Hurrah !  She  never 
has  been  staunch,  but  she  was  the  gayest  thing  on  the  sea, 
and  when  her  sails  were  all  set  from  jib  to  spanker  she  made 
a  gladsome  sight,  and  some  speed. 

Of  course,  being  so  gay  she  was  venturesome.  That's 
where  the  Devil  comes  in.  He  is  always  looking  about  for 
the  gay  things.  He  hates  anything  that  doesn't  make  medi 
cine  for  him.  If  you  are  gay  you  are  likely  to  be  venture 
some,  and  if  venturesome,  you  can  be  led  astray.  So  the 
good  ship  Mary  Miller  instead  of  hugging  the  shore  took  a 
try  at  the  vasty  deep  and  got  all  blown  to  pieces.  Then 
she  sent  out  a  cry  for  help.  The  wireless  worked  and  now 
with  a  little  puttering  along  in  the  sunshine  and  a  lazy  sea, 
she  will  be  her  gay  self  once  more,  and  like  Kipling's  Three 
Decker  will  "carry  tired  people  to  the  Islands  of  the  Blest." 

That  was  a  most  charming  letter  you  sent  me,  a  real  bit 
of  intimate  talk.  Anne  read  it  first.  She  is  very  careful  as 


198         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

to  my  reading.  And  I  was  glad  to  know  that  she  could 
discover  nothing  in  it  which  might  injuriously  affect  my 
trustful  young  mind.  Anne  is  really  a  good  woman.  I 
don't  believe  in  husband's  abusing  their  wives,  publicly. 
Good  manners  are  essential  to  happiness  in  married  life. 
We  are  short  on  manners  in  this  country,  and  that  explains 
the  prevalence  of  divorce.  How  much  better,  as  our  friend 
L.  Sterne  once  said,  "These  things  are  ordered  in  France." 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Edward  F.  Adams 
San  Francisco  Chronicle 

Washington,  January  11,  1916 

MY  DEAR  ADAMS,  —  I  have  yours  of  the  2nd.  Of  course, 
you  can  not  sue  the  United  States  to  get  possession  of  its 
property  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States;  but  I 
will  forgive  you  for  all  your  peculiar  and  archaic  notions  re 
garding  government  lands  and  schools  and  sich,  because  I 
love  you  for  what  you  are  and  not  because  of  your  inheri 
tance  of  old-fashioned  ideas. 

As  I  am  dictating  this  letter  I  look  up  at  the  wall  and  dis 
cover  there  the  head  of  a  bull  moose,  and  that  bull  moose 
makes  me  think  of  all  the  things  you  said  four  years  ago 
about  Roosevelt.  And  now  he  is  to  be  again  the  master 
of  your  party  —  perhaps  not  a  candidate,  because  he  may 
be  guilty  of  an  act  of  self-abnegation  and  put  away  the 
crown,  or  take  it  in  his  own  hands  and  place  it  upon  somig 
one  else's  brow. 

I  remember  the  manner  —  the  scornful,  satirical,  some 
times  pitiful  and  sometimes  abusive  manner  —  in  which 
you  treated  the  Bull  Moose ;  and  so  we  are  going  to  have  a 
great  spectacle,  the  Bull  Moose  and  the  Elephant  kissing 
each  other  at  Chicago ;  and  seated  on  the  Elephant's  shoul- 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS       199 

ders  will  be  the  crowned  mahout  with  the  big  barbed  stick 
in  his  hand,  telling  you  which  way  to  turn  and  when  to  kneel ! 

Of  course,  you  will  abuse  us  all  for  our  land  policies,  but 
overlook  the  fact  that  the  brutalities  of  these  policies  were 
committed  in  other  days  —  those  good,  old  Republican 
days.  It  really  is  a  wonder  that  you  are  not  cynical  and 
that  you  still  have  enthusiasm.  I  should  not  be  surprised 
if  you  said  your  prayers  and  had  belief  in  another  world, 
where  all  the  bad  Democrats  would  sizzle  to  the  eternal 
joy  of  the  good  Republicans.  In  those  days  I  shall  look  up 
to  you  and  I  know  that  you  will  not  deny  me  the  drop  of 
cold  water. 

I  shall  be  very  much  interested  in  seeing  what  kind  of  a 
fist  our  man  Claxton  makes  out  of  your  school  system,  and 
I  hope  you  can  use  him  as  a  means  of  arousing  interest  in 
the  schools.  That  is  one  trouble  with  the  public  school 
system,  because  we  get  our  education  for  nothing  we  treat 
it  as  if  it  was  worth  nothing  —  I  mean  those  of  us  who  are 
parents.  We  never  know  that  the  school  exists  except  to 
make  some  complaint  about  discipline  or  taxes. 

May  you  live  long  and  be  happy.     Always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

From  time  to  time  as  vacancies  occurred  on  the  Supreme 
Bench,  letters  and  telegrams  came  to  Lane  from  friends 
that  begged  him  to  allow  them  to  urge  his  appointment  to 
this  office.  In  1912,  1914,  and  1916  the  newspapers  in 
different  parts  of  the  country  mentioned  him  as  a  probable 
appointee.  While,  as  a  young  lawyer,  this  office  had  seemed 
to  him  to  be  one  greatly  to  be  desired,  after  he  came  to 
Washington  and  knew  more  of  the  nature  of  the  cases  that 
necessarily  formed  the  greater  part  of  the  work  passed  upon 
by  the  Supreme  Court,  his  interest  waned.  As  early  as 


200         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K    LANE 

1913  he  wrote  of  the  decisions  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  "If  we  are  wise,  we  are  not  to  be  terrorized 
by  our  own  precedents."  An  office  in  which  there  was  little 
opportunity  for  constructive  or  executive  work  grew  to  have 
less  and  less  attraction  for  him. 


To  Carl  Snyder 

Washington,  January  22,  1916 

MY  DEAR  CARL,  —  I  am  your  most  dutiful  and  obedient 
servant;  the  aforesaid  modest  declaration  being  induced 
by  your  letter  of  January  fifth,  offering  to  place  me  on  the 
Bench.  I  regret  greatly  that  you  are  not  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  but  he  seems  to  have  a  notion  that  it 
would  be  a  shame  to  spoil  an  excellent  Secretary  of  the 
Interior. 

Talking  of  robes,  there  is  an  idea  in  Chesterton  that  is 
not  bad,  that  all  those  who  exercise  power  in  the  world  wear 
skirts — the  judge,  who  can  officially  kill  a  man ;  the  woman, 
wno  can  unofficially  do  the  same  thing ;  and  the  King,  who 
is  the  State ;  likewise  the  Pope,  who  can  save  the  souls  of  all. 

Garrett  was  in  to-day,  and  if  you  haven't  seen  him  since 
his  return,  edge  up  next  to  him.  He  is  full  of  facts,  some  of 
which  are  new  to  us. 

I  guess  I  am  to  credit  you  with  that  little  editorial  in 
Collier's,  eh  ?  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE    ; 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane 
Atlantic  City 

Washington,  February  5,  1916 

MOST  RESPECTED  LADY,  —  Having  just  returned  from  lunch 
eon  and  being  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  cigar  of  fine  aroma 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      201 

I  sit  me  down  for  a  quiet  talk.  I  am  visualizing  you  as  by 
my  side  and  addressing  you  in  person. 

First,  no  doubt,  you  will  care  to  hear  of  the  reception 
given  at  the  White  House  last  evening.  According  to  your 
directions,  I  first  dined  with  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture, 
his  wife,  and  a  lady  from  Providence.  .  .  .  Going  then  to 
the  White  House  we  socialized  for  a  few  minutes  before 
proceeding  down  stairs.  The  President  expressed  himself 
as  regretting  your  absence,  and  the  President's  lady,  having 
heard  from  you,  expressed  solicitude  as  to  your  health.  I 
loitered  for  a  few  minutes  behind  the  line  and  then  betook 
me  to  the  President's  library,  where  I  spent  most  of  the 
evening  hearing  the  Postmaster  General  tell  of  the  great 
burden  that  it  was  to  have  a  Congress  on  his  hands,  Ber 
nard  Shaw  writes  of  the  Superman,  and  so  does,  I  believe, 
the  crazy  philosopher  of  Germany.  I  was  convinced  last 
night  that  I  had  met  one  in  the  flesh.  .  .  . 

The  President  is  cheerful,  regarding  his  Western  tour  as 
one  of  triumph.  His  lady  still  wears  the  smile  which  has 
given  her  such  pre-eminence.  Mrs.  Marshall  was  in  line, 
looking  like  a  girl  of  twenty.  Those  absent  were  the  Wife 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  wife  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  and  the  wife  of  the  Secretary  of  Labor.  .  .  . 

You  have  two  most  excellent  children,  dear  madam  —  a 
youth  of  some  eighteen  years  who  has  a  frisky  wit  and  a 
more  frisky  pair  of  feet.  Your  daughter  is  a  most  charming 
witch.  I  mean  by  this  not  to  refer  to  her  age  .  .  .  but 
to  that  combination  of  poise,  directness,  tenderness,  fire, 
hypocrisy,  and  other  feminine  virtues  which  go  to  make  up 
the  most  charming,  because  the  most  elusive,  of  your  sex. 
I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  Mr.  Ruggles,  of  Red  Gap, 
would  not  regard  either  your  son  or  your  daughter  as  fitted 
for  those  high  social  circles  in  which  they  move  by  reason 


202         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

of  the  precision  of  their  vocabulary  or  their  extreme  reserve 
in  manner,  both  being  of  very  distinct  personality.  One  is 
flint  and  the  other  steel,  I  find,  so  that  fire  is  struck  when 
they  come  together.  While  engaged,  however,  in  the  game 
of  draw  poker,  these  antipathetic  qualities  do  not  reveal 
themselves  in  such  a  manner  as  to  seriously  affect  domestic 
peace.  I  have  spent  two  entire  evenings  with  your  chil 
dren,  much  to  my  entertainment.  That  I  will  not  be  able 
to  enjoy  this  evening  with  them  is  a  matter  of  regret,  but 
I  am  committed  to  a  dinner  with  the  Honorable  Kirke  Por 
ter,  and  tomorrow  evening  I  believe  that  I  am  to  dine  with 
the  lady  on  R.  Street,  the  name  of  the  aforesaid  lady  being 
now  out  of  my  mind,  but  you  will  recall  her  as  having  a  bril 
liant  mind  and  very  slight  eyebrows. 

Neither  the  President  nor  myself  alluded  to  the  late  la 
mented  oversight  on  his  part,  and  on  meeting  the  members 
of  the  Supreme  Court  I  did  not  find  that  by  the  omission 
to  appoint  me  on  said  Court  the  members  thereof  felt  that 
a  great  national  loss  had  been  suffered.  No  one,  in  fact, 
throughout  the  evening  alluded  to  this  miscarriage  of  wis 
dom.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Much  solicitude  was  expressed  by  many  of  those 
present  regarding  your  health.  I  told  them  in  my  off-hand 
manner  that  I  was  enjoying  your  absence  greatly.  .  .  . 

Having  now  had  this  most  enjoyable  talk  with  you,  I 
shall  delight  myself  with  an  hour's  discussion  of  oil  leases 
upon  the  Osage  Reservation  with  one  Cato  Sells. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  madam,  your  most  respectful  obe 
dient,  humble,  meek,  modest,  mild,  loyal,  loving,  and  dis 
consolate  servant, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      203 

To  Will  Irwin 

Washington,  February  11,  1916 

DEAR  WILL,  —  So  you  are  off  for  the  happiest  voyage  you 
have  ever  made,  with  the  girl  of  your  heart,  to  see  the 
whole  world  being  changed  and  a  new  world  made.  What 
a  joy !  Don't  put  off  returning  too  long.  Remember  that 
books  must  be  timely  now,  and  after  you  have  a  gizzard 
full  of  good  chapter  headings,  come  back  and  grind. 

Nancy  entirely  approves  of  your  wife  and  her  books.  As 
always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To 

Washington,  February  29,  1916 

...  It  is  none  of  my  business,  but  I  have  just  seen  an 
article  coming  out  over  your  name  respecting  Pinchot,  the 
wisdom  of  which  I  doubt.  I  have  never  found  any  good 
to  come  by  blurring  an  issue  by  personal  contest  or  antago 
nisms.  You  asked  me  when  you  left  if  you  might  not  come 
in  once  in  a  while  and  talk  with  me,  and  I  am  taking  the 
liberty  in  this  way  of  dropping  in  on  you,  for  I  am  deeply 
interested  in  water  power  development  and  want  to  see 
something  result  this  Session.  ^ 

I  have  no  time  to  waste  in  fighting  people,  and  I  have\ 
found  that  by  pursuing  this  policy  I  can  promote  measures  * 
that  I  favor.     To  fight  for  a  thing,  the  best  way  is  to  show 
its  advantages  and  the  need  for  it,  and  ignore  those  who  do 
not  take  the  same  view,  because  there  is  an  umpire  in  Con 
gress  that  must  balance  the  two  positions,  and  therefore  I 
can  rely  upon  the  strength  of  my  position  as  against  the 
weakness  of  the  other  man's  position.     If  those  who  are  in 
favor  of  water  power  development  get  to  fighting  each  other,  / 
nothing  will  result.  ^J 


204         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  am  giving  you  the  benefit  of  this  attitude  of  mine  for 
your  own  guidance.  It  may  be  entirely  contrary  to  the 
policy  that  you,  or  your  people,  wish  to  pursue  and  my  only 
solicitude  is  that  the  things  I  am  for,  should  not  be  held 
back  any  longer  by  personal  disputes.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  March  13,  1916 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  I  shall  be  pleased  to  go  to  the 
San  Diego  Exposition,  on  my  way  to  San  Francisco,  and  say 
a  word  as  your  representative  at  its  opening. 

I  hope  that  you  may  find  your  way  made  less  difficult 
than  now  appears  possible,  as  to  entering  Mexico.  My 
judgment  is  that  to  fail  in  getting  Villa  would  ruin  us  in  the 
eyes  of  all  Latin- Americans.  I  do  not  say  that  they  respect 
only  force,  but  like  children  they  pile  insult  upon  insult  if 
they  are  not  stopped  when  the  first  insult  is  given.  If  I 
can  be  of  any  service  to  you  by  observation  or  by  carrying 
any  message  for  you  to  anybody,  while  I  am  West,  I  trust 
that  you  will  command  me.  I  can  return  by  way  of  Ari 
zona  and  New  Mexico.  .  .  .  Faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Lane  re-opened  the  California  International  Exposition 
at  San  Diego,  where,  voicing  the  President's  regret  that  he^ 
could  not  himself  be  present,  Lane  said,  —  "He  had  in 
tended  to  make  this  trip  himself ;  but  circumstances,  some  to 
the  east  of  him  and  some  to  the  south  of  him,  made  that 
impossible.  .  .  .  Pitted  against  him  are  the  trained  and 
cunning  intellects  of  the  whole  world,  .  .  .  and  no  one  can  be 
more  conscious  than  is  he  that  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  pride 


FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  WITH   ETHAN  ALLEN,  SUPERINTENDENT  OF 
RAINIER  NATIONAL  PARK 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      205 

and  patience.  I  give  you  his  greeting  therefore,  not  out  of  a 
heart  that  is  joyous  and  buoyant,  but  out  of  a  heart  that  is 
grave  and  firm  in  its  resolution  that  the  future  of  our  Re 
public  and  all  republics  shall  not  be  put  in  peril." 

From  San  Diego  he  went  north  to  San  Francisco,  to  see 
his  brother  Frederic  J.  Lane,  who  had  been  ill  for  some 
months.  After  a  few  days  with  him  Lane  returned  to  his 
desk,  in  Washington. 


To  Frederic  J.  Lane 

Washington,  April  26,  1916 

MY  DEAR  FniTfc,  —  ...  I  certainly  will  not  despair  of 
your  being  cured  until  every  possible  resource  has  been  ex 
hausted.  The  odds,  it  seems  to  me,  are  in  your  favor. 
Whenever  Abrams  and  Vecchi  say  that  they  have  done  all 
that  they  can,  if  you  are  still  in  condition  to  travel,  I  want 
you  to  try  the  Arkansas  Hot  Springs  and  I  will  go  down 
there  to  meet  you.  .  .  . 

I  wrote  you  from  the  train  the  other  day  on  my  way  to 
Harpers  Ferry,  where  I  took  an  auto  and  went  down  through 
the  Shenandoah  Valley  and  across  the  mountains  to  Char 
lottes  ville,  where  the  University  of  Virginia  is.  I  went 
with  the  Harlans.  Anne  joined  us  at  Charlottes  ville.  .  .  . 
We  visited  Monticello,  where  Jefferson  lived,  and  saw  a 
country  quite  as  beautiful  as  any  valley  I  know  of  in  Cali 
fornia,  not  even  excepting  the  Santa  Clara  Valley,  in  prune 
blossom  time.  Those  old  fellows  who  built  their  houses  a 
hundred  years  ago  knew  how  to  build  and  build  beautifully. 
We  have  no  such  places  in  California  as  some  that  were 
built  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago  in  Virginia,  and  they 
did  not  care  how  far  they  got  away  from  town,  in  those 
days. 


206         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Jefferson's  house  is  up  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  as  are  most  of 
the  others,  —  there  are  very  few  on  the  roads.  Most  of 
them  are  from  a  mile  to  five  miles  back,  and  although  the 
land  is  covered  with  timber  they  built  of  brick,  and  im 
ported  Italian  laborers  to  do  the  wood-carving.  When  I 
think  of  how  much  less  in  money  and  in  trouble  make  a 
place  far  more  magnificent  in  California,  I  wonder  our 
people  have  not  lovelier  places.  Of  course,  the  difference  is 
that  in  Virginia  there  were  just  three  classes  of  people  — 
the  aristocrat,  the  middle  class,  and  the  negroes.  The 
aristocracy  had  the  land,  the  middle  class  were  the  artisans, 
and  the  negroes  the  slaves.  The  only  ones  who  had  fine 
houses  were  the  aristocracy,  whereas  with  us  the  great  mass 
of  our  people  are  business  and  professional  men  of  compara 
tively  small  means  and  we  have  few  men  who  build  palaces. 

Things  have  blown  up  in  Ireland,  I  see,  and  the  Irish 
are  going  to  suffer  for  this  foolish  venture.  This  man  Case 
ment  who  is  posing  as  the  George  Washington  of  the  Irish 
revolution,  has  held  office  all  his  life  under  the  English  Gov 
ernment  and  now  draws  a  pension.  His  last  position  was 
that  of  Consul  General  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  I  got  a  pam 
phlet  from  him  a  year  or  so  ago,  in  which  he  proposed  an 
alliance  between  Germany,  the  Republic  of  Ireland,  and  the 
Republic  of  the  United  States,  which  should  control  the 
politics  of  the  world.  .  .  . 

Doesn't  the  thought  of  Henry  Ford  as  Presidential  can 
didate  .  .  .  surprise  you?  It  looks  to  me  very  much  as  if 
the  Ford  vote  demonstrates  Roosevelt's  weakness  as  a  can 
didate.  Last  night  I  went  to  dinner  at  old  Uncle  Joe  Can 
non's  house,  and  as  I  came  out  Senator  O' Gorman  pointed 
to  Uncle  Joe  and  Justice  Hughes  talking  together  and  said, 
"  There  is  the  old  leader  passing  over  the  wand  of  power  to 
the  new  leader. "... 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      207 

Well,  old  man,  I  know  that  I  do  not  need  to  tell  you  to 
keep  your  spirits  up  and  your  faith  strong.  Give  me  all 
the  news,  good  as  well  as  bad.  Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb 
New  York  World 

Washington,  May  8,  1916 

MY  DEAR  COBB,  —  Here  is  a  memorandum  that  has  been 
drafted  respecting  the  leasing  bill,  that  we  are  now  pushing 
to  have  taken  up  by  the  Senate.  This  bill,  as  you  know, 
covers  oil,  phosphate,  and  potash  lands.  .  .  .  There  are 
three  million  acres  of  phosphate  lands,  two  and  a  half  mil 
lion  acres  of  oil  lands,  and  a  small  acreage  of  potash  lands, 
under  withdrawal  now,  that  cannot  be  developed  because 
of  lack  of  legislation.  .  .  . 

The  situation  here  is  tense.  Of  course,  nobody  knows 
what  will  be  done.  I  favor  telling  Germany  that  we  will 
make  no  trade  with  her,  and  if  she  fails  to  make  good  her 
word  we  will  stop  talking  to  her  altogether.  I  am  getting 
tired  of  having  the  Kaiser  and  Carranza  vent  their  impu 
dence  at  our  expense,  because  they  know  we  do  not  want  to 
go  to  war  and  because  they  want  to  keep  their  own  people 
in  line.  .  .  .  Cordially  yours, 

LANE 

To  George  W.  Wickersham 

Washington,  May  17,  1916 

MY  DEAR  WICKERSHAM,  —  I  am  just  back  from  a  trip  to 
South  Dakota,  where  I,  by  ritual,  a  copy  of  which  is  inclosed 
for  your  perusal,  made  citizens  out  of  a  bunch  of  Indians 
who  never  can  become  hyphenates,  and  for  this  reason  your 
letter  has  remained  unanswered, 


208          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

And  just  because  we  love  you,  and  love  ourselves  even 
better,  we  will  break  all  rules,  precedents,  promises,  appoint 
ments,  agreements,  and  covenants  of  all  kinds  whatsoever, 
and  steal  over  to  see  you  a  week  from  Saturday.  Just 
what  hour  I  will  wire  you,  and  what  time  we  can  stay  de 
pends  upon  things  various  and  sundry.  But  you  may  de 
pend  upon  it  that  it  will  be  as  long  a  time  as  a  very  flexible 
conscience  will  permit. 

Remember  me,  in  terms  of  endearment,  to  that  noble 
lady  who  desolated  Washington  by  her  departure.  As 
always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  H.  B.  Brougham 

Washington,  May  20,  1916 

DEAR  MR.  BROUGHAM,  —  ...  I  recently  returned  from 
the  Yankton  Sioux  Reservation  in  South  Dakota  where  I 
admitted  some  one  hundred  and  fifty  competent  Indians 
to  full  American  citizenship  in  accordance  with  a  ritual.  .  .  . 
The  ceremony  was  really  impressive  and  taken  quite  se 
riously  by  the  Indians.  Why  should  not  some  such  cere 
mony  as  this  be  used  when  we  give  citizenship  to  foreigners 
who  come  to  this  country?  Surely  it  tends  to  instil  pa 
triotism  and  presents  the  duties  of  citizenship  in  a  manner 
that  leaves  a  lasting  impression.  Here  is  a  story  that 
should  be  interesting  to  all,  if  properly  presented.  Cor 
dially  yours,  ( 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

INDIAN  RITUAL  ADMISSION  TO  CITIZENSHIP 

The  Secretary  stands  before  one  of  the  candidates  and  says :  — 
"Joseph  T.  Cook,  what  was  your  Indian  name?" 
"Tunkansapa,"  answers  the  Indian, 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      209 

"Tunkansapa,  I  hand  you  a  bow  and  arrow.  Take  this  bow 
and  shoot  the  arrow." 

The  Indian  does  so. 

"Tunkansapa,  you  have  shot  your  last  arrow.  That  means 
you  are  no  longer  to  live  the  life  of  an  Indian.  You  are  from  this 
day  forward  to  live  the  life  of  the  white  man.  But  you  may  keep 
that  arrow.  It  will  be  to  you  a  symbol  of  your  noble  race  and  of 
the  pride  you  may  feel  that  you  come  from  the  first  of  all  Ameri 
cans." 

Addressing  Tunkansapa  by  his  white  name. 

"Joseph  T.  Cook,  take  in  your  hands  this  plough."  Cook  does 
so.  "This  act  means  that  you  have  chosen  to  live  the  life  of  the 
white  man.  The  white  man  lives  by  work.  From  the  earth  we 
must  all  get  our  living,  and  the  earth  will  not  yield  unless  man  pours 
upon  it  the  sweat  of  his  brow. 

"Joseph  T.  Cook,  I  give  you  a  purse.  It  will  always  say  to 
you  that  the  money  you  gain  must  be  wisely  kept.  The  wise 
man  saves  his  money,  so  that  when  the  sun  does  not  smile  and 
the  grass  does  not  grow  he  will  not  starve." 

The  Secretary  now  takes  up  the  American  flag.  He  and  the 
Indian  hold  it  together. 

"I  give  into  your  hands  the  flag  of  your  country.  This  is  the 
only  flag  you  ever  will  have.  It  is  the  flag  of  free  men,  the  flag 
of  a  hundred  million  free  men  and  women,  of  whom  you  are  now 
one.  That  flag  has  a  request  to  make  of  you,  Joseph  T.  Cook, 
that  you  repeat  these  words." 

Cook  then  repeats  the  following  after  the  Secretary. 

"Forasmuch  as  the  President  has  said  that  I  am  worthy  to  be  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  I  now  promise  this  flag  that  I  will 
give  my  hands,  my  head,  and  my  heart  to  the  doing  of  all  that 
will  make  me  a  true  American  citizen." 

The  Secretary  then  takes  a  badge  upon  which  is  the  American 
eagle,  with  the  national  colors,  and,  pinning  it  upon  the  Indian's 
breast,  speaks  as  follows  :  — 

"And  now,  beneath  this  flag,  I  place  upon  your  breast  the  em 
blem  of  citizenship.  Wear  this  badge  always,  and  may  the  eagle 


210         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

that  is  on  it  never  see  you  do  aught  of  which  the  flag  will  not  be 
proud." 

To  Frederic  J.  Lane 

Washington,  June  6,  1916 

MY  DEAR  FRITZ,  —  We  have  a  letter  from  Mary  this  morn 
ing  saying  you  are  holding  your  own  pretty  well,  which  is 
mighty  good  news,  and  that  Abrams  is  still  convinced  that 
he  is  right,  which  is  also  good  news.  By  the  same  mail  I 
learn  that  Hugo  Asher  was  hit  by  a  train  and  nearly  killed. 
Whether  he  will  recover  or  not  is  a  question.  Asher  is  a 
most  lovable  fellow  and  loyal  to  the  core.  It  would  break 
my  heart  to  have  him  go.  I  got  into  my  fight  with  Hearst 
over  Asher.  His  people  demanded  that  I  should  fire  Asher, 
and  I  refused  to  do  it. 

I  guess  you  are  beaten  on  Roosevelt,  old  man.  The  word 
that  we  get  here  is  that  he  is  done  for  at  Chicago.  Of  course 
before  this  gets  to  you  the  nomination  will  be  made.  My 
own  thought  has  been  that  he  laid  too  much  stress  on  the 
support  of  big  business.  To  have  Gary,  and  Armour,  and 
Perkins  as  your  chief  boomers  doesn't  make  you  very  popu 
lar  in  Kansas  and  Iowa.  Hughes  may  be  the  easiest  man 
to  beat,  after  all,  because  he  vetoed  the  Income  tax  amend 
ment  in  New  York,  a  two-cent  fare  bill,  and  other  things 
which  are  pretty  popular.  He  is  a  good  man,  honest  and 
fine,  but  not  a  liberal.  The  whole  Congressional  push  has 
been  for  Hughes  for  months,  but  I  haven't  believed  thati 
he  would  accept  the  nomination.  I  made  the  prophesy 
to  some  newspaper  men  the  other  day  that  Roosevelt  would 
get  in  and  endorse  Hughes  with  both  fists.  They  were  in 
clined  to  doubt  this,  but  I  still  believe  that  I  am  right.  .  .  . 

To-day,  comes  word  that  Kitchener  has  been  drowned  and 
Yuan  Shi  Kai  poisoned.     Heaven  knows  whose  turn  comes 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS 

next.  Just  think  of  three  such  events  within  a  week  as 
that  sea  battle  off  Denmark,  the  greatest  naval  battle  of 
the  world ;  the  torpedoing  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  all 
of  his  staff ;  and  the  poisoning  of  the  Emperor  of  China.  I 
doubt  if  there  ever  was  a  period  in  the  whole  history  of  the 
world  when  things  moved  as  fast  and  there  was  as  much 
that  was  exciting.  Of  course  now  we  have  it  all  thrown  onto 
a  screen  in  front  of  our  faces,  whereas  a  hundred  years  ago 
we  would  have  had  to  wait  for  perhaps  a  year  before  know 
ing  that  the  Emperor  of  China  had  been  killed.  Neverthe 
less  I  think  there  is  more  passion  and  violence  on  exhibition 
to-day  than  at  any  time  in  a  great  many  years. 

I  had  a  talk  with  the  President  the  other  day  which  was 
very  touching.  He  made  reference  to  the  infamous  stories 
that  are  being  circulated  regarding  him  with  such  indigna 
tion  and  pathos  that  I  felt  really  very  sorry  for  him.  I 
suppose  that  these  stories  will  be  believed  by  some  and  made 
the  basis  of  a  very  nasty  kind  of  campaign.  But  there  is 
no  truth  in  them  and  yet  a  man  can't  deny  them.  It  is  a 
strange  thing  that  when  a  man  is  not  liable  to  any  other 
charge  they  trump  up  some  story  about  a  woman.  .  .  . 

Now  my  dear  boy,  may  you  have  a  continuance  of  cour 
age,  for  there  is  no  telling  what  day  the  tide  may  turn  and 
things  swing  your  way.  We  know  so  damned  little  about 
nature  yet.  Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  June  8,  1916 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  I  see  by  the  papers  that  it  is 
repeatedly  announced  that  you  are  writing  the  platform. 
Now  I  want  to  take  the  liberty  of  saying  that  this  is  not 


212         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

altogether  good  news  to  me.  Our  platform  should  contain 
such  an  appreciation  of  you  and  your  administration,  that 
you  could  not  write  it,  much  less  have  it  known  that  you 
have  written  it.  It  should  be  one  long  joyful  shout  of  ex 
ultation  over  the  achievements  of  the  Administration,  and 
I  can't  quite  see  you  leading  the  shout. 

The  Republican  party  was  for  half  a  century  a  construc 
tive  party,  and  the  Democratic  party  was  the  party  of 
negation  and  complaint.  We  have  taken  the  play  from 
them.  The  Democratic  party  has  become  the  party  of  con 
struction.  You  have  outlined  new  policies  and  put  them 
into  effect  through  every  department,  from  State  to  Labor. 
Therefore,  our  platform  should  be  generously  filled  with 
words  of  boasting  that  will  hearten  and  make  proud  the 
Democrats  of  the  country;  a  plain  tale  of  large  things 
simply  done. 

If  there  is  any  truth  at  all  in  the  newspaper  statement 
and  any  purpose  in  making  it,  perhaps  the  end  that  is  de 
sired  might  be  reached  by  a  statement  that  you  are  not 
undertaking  to  write  the  platform,  but  that  at  the  request 
of  some  of  the  leaders  you  are  giving  them  a  concrete  state 
ment  of  your  foreign  policy.  Faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane 
Essex  on  Champlain,  N.  Y. 

Washington,  June  22,  1916  \ 

MY  DEAR  ANNE,  —  I  am  just  back  this  minute  from  Brown 
[University]  where  I  had  a  right  good  time.  I  arrived  in 
the  morning  early  and  kept  the  Dean  waiting  for  me  for  a 
half  an  hour.  .  .  . 

After  breakfast  I  went  over  to  the  University  grounds, 
which  are  very  quaint,  on  the  crest  of  a  hill  with  fine  old 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      213 

buildings,  and  there  found  that  Hughes  was  the  hero  of  the 
day,  of  course ;  every  step  he  took  he  was  cheered.  He  was 
very  genial  about  it.  We  marched  in  our  robes,  down 
through  the  winding  streets  of  this  old  New  England  town 
to  a  meeting  house  one  hundred  and  seventy -five  years  old, 
and  there  we  sat  in  pews,  while  the  President  of  Brown, 
Mr.  Faunce,  gave  the  degrees  in  Latin.  I  have  not  heard 
so  much  Latin  since  I  left  school.  There  were  a  pretty 
good  looking  lot  of  boys,  about  half  of  them  New  Englanders 
and  about  half  of  them  Westerners.  We  heard  some  ora 
tions  by  the  students  and  then  marched  up  the  hill  again 
where  we  had  lunch,  and  then  went  over  to  a  great  tent  on 
the  campus  where  William  Roscoe  Thayer  —  who  wrote 
the  life  of  Hay  —  President  Faunce,  Judge  Brown,  Mr. 
Hughes,  and  I  spoke. 

I  spoke  for  about  half  an  hour.  My  speech  fitted  in 
very  well,  because  Thayer  preceded  me,  and  he  spoke  of  the 
lack  of  an  American  spirit ;  I  had  already  prepared  a  speech 
upon  the  abundance  of  American  spirit,1  so  that  I  answered 
Thayer,  and  answered  him  with  scorn.  I  told  him  that  if 
New  England  was  growing  weak  in  her  American  pride  or 
her  vigor  that  we  would  take  these  boys  and  carry  them  out 
West  where  there  was  not  any  lack  of  virility  or  hardiness 
or  red  blood,  and  that  if  they  wanted  to  know  whether  the 
American  was  willing  to  fight  or  not,  to  go  to  any  recruit 
ing  office  of  the  United  States  to-day  and  see  how  crowded 
it  was.  I  told  them  about  our  pioneers,  who  were  taking 
up  ten  or  twelve  million  acres  of  land,  the  men  who  had 
gone  to  Alaska,  and  then  turned  upon  the  real  proposition 
which  was  that  there  was  a  difference  between  national 
spirit  and  martial  spirit. 

War  used  to  be  the  only  opportunity  for  glory  or  romance 

1  Speech  published  in  book  entitled.  The  American  Spirit. 


214         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

or  achievement,  while  there  are  a  million  other  opportuni 
ties  now  open,  because  man's  imagination  has  grown.  In 
the  morning  the  College  had  given  honorary  degrees  of 
LL.D.  to  Brand  Whitlock  and  Herbert  Hoover.  So  when 
I  came  to  the  close  of  my  talk  I  told  them  about  Hoover's 
Belgian  work,  and  that  Brand  Whitlock  had  refused  to  leave 
Brussels;  and  while  there  was  no  English  and  no  French 
and  no  Italian  and  no  Spanish  and  no  other  flag  in  Brussels, 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  front  of  the  American  Legation  had 
never  come  down,  and  the  Belgian  peasant  when  he  went 
to  his  work  in  the  morning  took  his  hat  off  in  honor  of  our 
flag,  and  I  asked  those  people  to  stand  with  me  in  front  of 
that  peasant  to  take  their  hats  off  and  take  heart. 

Well,  I  had  the  crowd  with  me  right  along.  Then  Hughes 
came  and  he  took  American  Spirit  as  his  text,  and  he  made 
it  quite  evident  what  his  campaign  is  going  to  be;  that  it 
is  going  to  be  a  charge,  veiled  and  very  poorly  supported 
by  facts,  that  we  have  not  known  where  we  were  going,  that 
we  were  vacillating,  that  we  did  not  have  any  enthusiasm, 
that  we  did  not  arouse  the  people  and  make  them  feel  proud 
that  they  were  Americans.  How  in  the  mischief  he  is  going 
to  get  away  with  this,  I  do  not  understand.  Whom  were 
we  to  be  mad  at  —  England,  or  Germany,  or  everybody  in 
the  world?  Were  we  to  war  with  the  entire  outfit?  He 
seems  to  be  able  to  have  satisfied  the  Providence  Journal, 
which  is  run  by  an  Australian  who  has  been  running  the 
spy  system  for  the  British  Embassy,  and  has  been  printing 
a  lot  .  .  .  about  Germany  and  all  the  German  press.  If 
he  can  get  away  with  this  he  is  some  politician.  I  see  that 
Teddy  has  had  an  understanding  with  him.  Von  Meyer 
was  there  yesterday  to  hold  a  conference  with  him. 

But  I  do  not  think  that  we  lost  anything  in  the  discussion 
of  yesterday.  There  were  not  any  Democrats  there  who 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      215 

were  not  on  their  toes  at  the  end  of  the  meeting ;  but,  of 
course,  practically  everybody  in  Rhode  Island  is  a  Repub 
lican.  It  is  the  closest  thing  to  a  proprietary  estate  that  I 
have  ever  seen. 

...  I  left  at  6  o'clock  and  on  my  way  back  met  Presi 
dent  Vincent,  of  Minneapolis,  and  George  Foster  Peabody. 
You  knew  that  Frank  Kellogg  was  nominated,1  didn't  you, 
Clapp  running  third  ?  ... 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  Adolph  Miller 

Washington,  July  4,  1916 

...  I  see  you  with  blooming  cheeks  and  star-lit  eyes 
peeping  out  from  under  a  sun-bonnet,  enshrined  in  all  the 
glories  of  the  mountain  redwoods,  and  I  long  to  be  with  you 
if  only  to  get  some  of  the  freshness  and  joy  of  the  Califor 
nia  mountains  into  my  rather  desolate  soul. 

How  is  the  old  clam  ?  Do  his  lips  come  together  in  that 
precise  Prussian  way,  and  does  he  order  the  universe  about  ? 
Or  does  a  new  spirit  come  over  him  when  he  gets  with  na 
ture?  Is  she  a  soothing  mistress  who  smooths  his  stiff 
hair  with  her  soft  hand,  and  pats  his  cheek  and  nestles  him 
in  her  arms,  and  with  her  cool  breath  makes  him  forget  a 
federal,  or  any  other  kind,  of  reserve  ? 

Why  has  nature  been  so  unkind  to  me  as  to  make  me  a 
lover  but  always  from  afar,  never  to  come  near  her,  never 
to  compel  me  to  a  sweet  surrender,  never  to  give  me  peace 
and  contentment,  never  to  so  surround  me  as  to  keep  out 
the  world  of  fools  and  follies  and  pharisees  ? 

You  know,  I  would  like  to  write  some  servant  girl  novels. 
I  believe  I  could  do  it.  My  love-making  would  either  be 
rather  tame  and  stiff  or  too  intensely  early  Victorian.  But 

1  For  the  United  States  Senate. 


216         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  should  like  to  swing  off  into  an  ecstasy  of  large  turgid 
words  and  let  my  mind  hear  the  mushy  housemaid  cry, 
"Isn't  that  just  too  sweet !"  ... 

I  enclose  a  copy  of  my  speech  made  at  Brown  University. 
Perhaps  it  will  interest  that  old  farmer  potato  bug.  He  does 
not  deserve  to  have  it  said,  but  I  miss  him  very  much. 
Please  obey  him  an*  you  love  me.  Cut  out  all  social  activi 
ties,  giving  yourself  up  to  the  acquisition  of  a  few  more  of 
the  right  kind  of  corpuscles  in  your  too-blue  blood.  As 
always,  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane 
Essex-on-  Champlain 

Washington,  July  4,  1916 

.  .  .  There  is  no  news  that  I  can  give  you.  The  wea 
ther  is  very  warm.  Politics  is  growing  warmer.  I  think 
Heney  will  run  for  Senator  in  California,  probably  against 
Hiram  Johnson.  Will  Crocker  is  also  said  to  be  a  candidate 
for  the  Republican  nomination.  I  could  get  the  nomina 
tion  by  saying  that  I  would  accept.  Phelan  told  me  yes 
terday  that  he  would  see  that  all  the  necessary  money  was 
raised,  —  that  I  could  win  in  a  walk.  Dockweiler  says  the 
same  thing.  The  latter  is  here  and  we  have  seen  much  of 
each  other.  What  do  you  say  if  I  run  for  Senator?  I 
really  feel  very  much  tempted  to  do  it  at  times  because 
things  have  been  made  so  uncomfortable  by  some  of  myi 
fool  colleagues  who  have  butted  in  on  my  affairs ;  and  then 
I  feel  I  would  like  the  excitement  of  the  stump  and  to  make 
the  personal  appeal  once  more.  You  could  go  round  with 
me  over  the  State  in  an  automobile.  While  I  would  not 
insist  upon  your  making  speeches  for  me,  I  know  that  your 
presence  would  add  greatly  to  my  success. 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      217 

There  is  no  telling  what  way  this  campaign  may  go.  It 
may  be  a  landslide  for  Wilson,  it  may  be  a  landslide  the 
other  way.  We  have  the  hazards  because  we  have  the  de 
cision  of  questions.  There  is  bound  to  be  a  lot  of  objection 
to  whatever  course  we  take  with  regard  to  Mexico.  I  fear 
from  what  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler  told  me  the  other  day 
that  Germany  any  day  may  decide  to  put  her  submarines 
into  active  service  again  on  the  oldjines,  especially  if  things 
on  land  go  as  they  have  been  going  lately  against  the  Teu 
tons. 

...  I  shall  not  decide  in  favor  of  accepting  the  nomi 
nation  until  I  hear  from  you.  In  the  meantime  don't  lose 
any  sleep  over  it.  And  so  my  Nancy  has  a  beau?  Well, 
the  little  rascal  must  be  given  some  good  advice  now.  So 
I  shall  turn  my  attention  to  her.  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 

Washington,  July  24,  1916 

.  .  .  To-day  I  have  spent  most  quietly, — had  Bill 
Wheeler  up  for  breakfast  and  then  went  to  the  Cosmos  Club 
for  lunch  with  Dockweiler.  He  is  very  anxious  to  get  a 
Catholic  on  the  Mexican  Commission  and  so  am  I.  I  want 
Chief  Justice  White,  but  I  fear  the  President  won't  ask 
him.  .  .  . 

Dear  old  Dockweiler  is  an  awfully  good  man.  .  .  .  From 
youth  he  has  gauged  every  act  by  his  conception  of  the  will 
of  God,  and  in  doubt  has  asked  God's  representative,  the 
priest.  What  a  comforting  thing  to  have  a  church  like 
that ;  it  makes  for  happiness,  if  it  does  not  make  for  prog 
ress.  Why  is  it  that  progress  must  come  from  discontent  ? 
The  latter  is  the  divine  spark  in  man,  no  doubt, 

"  O  to  be  satisfied,  satisfied, 
Only  to  lie  at  Thy  feet." 


218          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

is  a  hymn  we  used  to  sing  in  church.  We  yearn  to  be  satis 
fied  and  yet  we  know  because  we  are  not  satisfied  we 
grow.  .  .  . 

"The  mystical  hanker  after  something  higher,"  is  reli 
gion,  and  yet  it  should  not  be  all  of  religion;  for  man's 
own  sake  there  should  be  some  cross  to  which  one  can  cling, 
some  Christ  who  can  hear  and  give  peace  to  the  waves.  I 
wish  I  could  be  a  Catholic,  and  yet  I  can  not  feel  that  once 
you  have  a  free  spirit  that  it  is  right  to  go  back  into  the  mon 
astery,  and  shut  yourself  up  away  from  doubts,  making  your 
soul  strong  only  through  prayer.  There  are  two  principles 
in  the  world  fighting  all  the  time,  and  the  one  makes  the 
other  possible.  There  is  no  "perfect,"  there  is  a  "better" 
only.  And  in  this  fight  one  does  not  become  better  by 
prayer  —  prayer  is  only  the  ammunition  wagon,  the  supply 
train,  where  one  can  get  masks  for  poison  gas  and  cartridges 
for  the  guns. 

Pfeiffer  said  a  good  thing  the  other  day,  quite  like  him 
to  say  it,  too.  We  were  talking  of  churches  and  he  said  he 
never  went  to  one  because  he  did  not  believe  in  abasing  or 
prostrating  himself  before  God,  he  saw  no  sense  in  it ;  God 
didn't  respect  one  for  it,  and  moreover  he  was  part  of  God 
himself  and  he  couldn't  prostrate  himself  before  himself. 
I  asked  him  if  he  didn't  recognize  humility  as  a  virtue,  and 
he  said,  "No,  the  higher  you  hold  your  head  the  more  God 
like  you  are." 

Humility,  to  me,  seems  to  be  the  basis  of  sympathy.     We* 
stoop  to  conquer  in  that  we  are  not  self-assertive  and  self- 
assured,  for  if  we  "know"  that  we  are  right  we  can  not  know 
how  others  think  or  feel.     We  can  not  grow. 

You  know  there  are  two  great  classes  of  people,  those 
who  are  challenged  by  what  they  see,  and  those  who  are 
not.  Now  the  only  kind  who  grow  are  the  former.  But 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      219 

what  is  it  to  grow?  If  we  "evermore  come  out  by  that 
same  door  wherein  we  went"  surely  there  is  no  object  in 
being  curious.  Can  there  be  growth  when  we  are  in  an 
endless  circle  ?  .  .  . 

Now  after  all  my  struggle,  I  fall  back  not  on  reason  but 
on  instinct,  on  a  primal  desire,  and  perhaps  this  is  my  rudi 
mentary  soul,  the  mystical  hanker  after  something  higher. 
That  is  a  real  thing.  The  purpose  of  nature  seems  to  be  to 
put  it  into  me  and  make  it  very  important  to  me.  That 
being  so  I  can  not  overlook  it,  and  must  obey  it.  The  thing 
that  pleases  me  as  I  look  back  upon  it,  is  the  thing  I  must 
do;  that  sets  the  standard  for  me;  that  is  morals  and  re 
ligion.  If  there  is  any  chap  who  the  day  after  sings  with 
joy  over  being  a  devil  —  that  man  I  never  heard  of  —  but 
if  he  takes  delight  in  what  he  did  that  was  fiendish,  then  he 
must  follow  and  should  follow  that  bent  until  he  sees  that 
it  is  fiendish.  He  has  to  have  more  light.  But  I  really 
don't  believe  there  is  any  such  fellow,  who  clearly  sees  what 
he  did  and  rejoices  in  it.  All  of  us  sing,  "I  want  to  be  an 
angel."  There  is  the  whole  of  revelation,  and  all  things 
that  tend  to  make  us  gratify  that  desire  are  good.  I  guess 
that  is  pragmatism,  in  words  of  one  syllable. 

You  see  that  all  religion  comes  from  a  desire  to  know 
something  definite.  We  prayed  logically,  in  the  old  time, 
to  the  devil  and  tried  to  propitiate  him,  so  that  harm  would 
not  come  to  us.  That  is  stage  number  one  in  our  climb. 
Then  we  find  the  good  spirit  and  pray  to  him  to  whip  the 
devil,  which  is  stage  number  two.  Then  we  ask  the  good 
spirit  to  give  us  strength  to  whip  the  devil  ourselves.  That 
is  stage  number  three.  Buddha  and  Christ  come  in  the 
number  three  stage,  and  that  is  where  we  are.  We  may 
find,  as  stage  number  four,  that  the  good  spirit  is  only  a 
muscle  in  our  brain  or  a  fluid  in  our  nerves,  which  we 


220        LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

strengthen,  and  become  masters  of  ourselves — greater, 
stronger,  more  clear-sighted  —  without  any  outside  Great 
Spirit.  That  we  are  all  things  in  ourselves,  and  that  we  are, 
in  making  ourselves,  making  the  God.  I  fancy  that  is  Pfeif- 
fer's  idea.  It  is  Mezes',  I  believe.  Then  comes  in  the 
mystery  of  transmitting  that  highly  developed  spirit.  A 
woman  of  such  a  super-soul  may  marry  a  man  of  most  car 
nal  nature  whose  children  are  held  down  to  earth  and  gross 
things,  and  her  fine  spirit  is  lost,  unless  it  lives  elsewhere. 
So  we  come  back  to  the  question,  how  is  the  good  preserved  ? 
"Never  any  bright  thing  dies/'  may  be  true,  but  if  so  it 
means  an  immortality  of  the  spirit.  This  is  all  confusion 
and  despair.  We  do  not  see  where  we  are  going.  But  we 
must  climb,  we  must  grow,  we  must  do  better,  for  the  same 
reason  that  our  bodies  must  feed.  The  rest  we  leave  with 
all  the  other  mysteries.  .  .  . 

July  28,  1916 

I  am  going  to  dinner  .  .  .  and  before  I  go  alone  into  a 
lonesome  club,  I  must  send  a  word  to  you.  Not  that  I 
have  any  particular  word  to  say,  for  my  mind  is  heavy,  nor 
that  you  will  find  in  what  I  may  say  anything  that  will 
illumine  the  way,  but  why  should  we  not  talk  ?  What ! 
may  a  friend  not  call  upon  a  friend  in  time  of  vacancy  to  lis 
ten  to  his  idle  babble  ?  O  these  pestiferous  dealers  in  facts 
and  these  prosy  philosophers,  the  world  must  have  surcease 
from  them  and  wander  in  the  great  spaces.  To  idle  to- 4 
gether  in  the  sweet  fields  of  the  mind  —  this  is  companion 
ship,  when  thoughts  come  not  by  bidding,  and  argument 
is  taboo ;  to  have  the  mind  as  open  as  that  of  a  child  for  all 
impressions,  and  speak  as  the  skylark  sings,  this  is  the  mood 
that  proves  companionship. 

I  shall  be  lonely  to-night,  going  into  a  modern  monastery 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS 

and  driving  home  alone.  The  world  is  all  people  to  me.  I 
lean  upon  them.  They  induce  thought  and  fancy.  They 
give  color  to  my  life.  They  keep  me  from  looking  inward, 
where,  alas !  I  never  find  that  which  satisfies  me.  For  of 
all  men  I  am  most  critical  of  myself.  Others  when  they  go 
to  bed  or  sit  by  themselves  may  chuckle  over  things  well 
done ;  or  find  satisfaction  in  the  inner  life,  as  George  does ; 
but  not  so  with  me.  Thrown  on  myself  I  am  a  stranded 
bark  upon  a  foreign  shore.  And  this  I  know  is  not  as  it 
should  be.  Each  one  should  learn  to  stand  alone  and  find 
in  contemplation  and  in  fancy  the  rich  material  with  which 
to  fashion  some  new  fabric,  or  build  more  solidly  the  sub 
stance  of  his  soul. 

I  like  to  have  you  talk,  as  in  your  latest  letter,  of  the  mak 
ing  of  yourself.  It  seems  so  much  more  possible  than  that 
I  could  do  the  same.  But  I  am  a  miserable  groping  creature, 
cast  on  a  sea  of  doubt,  rejecting  one  spar  to  grasp  another, 
and  crying  all  the  time  against  the  storm,  for  help.  I  do 
not  know  another  man  who  has  tortured  himself  so  insist 
ently  with  the  problems  that  are  unsolvable.  You  are 
firmer  in  your  grasp,  and  when  you  get  something  you  cling 
to  it  and  push  your  way  like  a  practical  person  toward  the 
shore,  that  shore  of  solid  earth  which  is  not,  but  by  the  push 
ing  you  realize  the  illusion,  or  the  reality,  of  progress. 

Here  I  am  talking  loosely  of  the  greatest  things,  and 
perhaps  pedantically;  well,  we  agreed  to  talk,  didn't  we, 
of  anything  and  everything?  You  have  the  birds,  the 
lake,  the  mountains  beyond,  the  children  next  door,  and  the 
Fairy  all  our  own,  and  I  have  my  desk  to  look  at  and  outside 
brick  blocks  and  the  sky.  If  I  ever  do  hypnotize  myself 
into  any  kind  of  faith,  or  find  contentment  in  any  one  thing, 
it  will  be  the  sky.  The  reason  I  like  the  water  is  because 
it  is  so  much  like  the  sky.  There  is  an  amplitude  in  it  that 


222          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

gives  me  chance  for  infinite  wanderings.  The  clouds  and 
the  stars  are  somehow  the  most  companionable  of  all  things 
that  do  not  walk  and  talk. 

Well,  we  have  walked  a  bit  together  and  have  come  to 
the  edge  of  the  field  where  we  look  off  and  see  the  unending 
stretch  of  prairie  and  the  great  dome.  .  .  . 

FRANK 

To  William  R.  Wheeler 

Washington,  August  21,  1916 

MY  DEAR  BILL,  —  Owing  to  your  departure  I  have  been 
laid  up  in  bed,  ill  for  a  week.  You  left  on  Thursday  and 
on  Friday  night  I  went  to  bed.  .  .  .  The  doctors  don't 
know  what  I  had,  excepting  that  I  had  things  with  "itis" 
at  the  end  of  them.  I  have  had  allopaths,  Christian  Scien 
tists,  osteopaths,  and  Dockweilers.  The  latter  has  been  my 
nurse  at  night,  his  chief  service  being  to  keep  me  interested 
in  the  variety  of  his  snoring.  I  really  have  had  one  damn 
hell  of  a  time.  The  whole  back  and  top  of  my  head  blew 
out,  and  I  expected  an  eruption  of  lava  to  flow  down  my 
back.  The  only  explanation  of  it  is  a  combination  of  air- 
drafts  and  a  little  too  much  work  and  worry.  I  am  now 
somewhat  weak,  but  otherwise  in  pretty  good  condition.  .  .  . 

I  have  no  intention  of  saying  anything  in  reply  to  Pin- 
chot.  He  wrote  me  thirty  pages  to  prove  that  I  was  a  liar, 
and  rather  than  read  that  again  I  will  admit  the  fact. 

My  regards  to  the  Lady  Alice  Isabel.     As  always  affec-i 
tionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  James  Harlan 

[August,  1916] 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  I  am  writing  you  from  my  bed  where  I 
have  been  laid  up  for  a  few  days  with  a  hard  dose  of  tonsilli- 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      223 

tis.     Don't  know  what  happened  but  the  wicked  bug  got  me 
and  I  have  suffered  more  than  was  good  for  my  slender  soul. 

I  am  so  glad  to  hear  of  your  Mother's  improvement. 
Bless  her  noble  heart !  I  hope  she  lives  a  long  time  to  give 
you  the  inspiration  of  that  beautiful  smile. 

The  Mexican  business  does  not  hasten  as  I  had  hoped. 
Brandeis'  withdrawal  was  a  great  surprise  to  us  and  I  can't 
quite  understand  it.  Meantime  the  railroad  situation  en 
grosses  our  attention  fully,  and  Mexico  can  wait.  .  .  . 

Hughes'  speeches  have  been  a  surprise  and  disappointment 
to  me.  .  .  .  One  might  fancy  a  candidate  for  Congress 
doing  no  better  but  not  a  man  of  such  record  and  position. 
I  think  your  dear  old  party  relies  upon  holding  the  regular 
party  men  out  of  loyalty  and  protection,  and  buying  enough 
Democrats  and  crooks  to  get  the  majority.  But  I  don't 
believe  it  can  be  done.  The  Republican  organization  is 
perfect,  but  the  people  are  not  as  gullible  as  once  they  were. 

Tell  me  some  more  about  the  Latin-American.  How 
much  form  should  I  put  on?  Can  you  warm  up  to  them? 
How  do  you  get  the  truth  out  of  them?  And  how  do  you 
get  them  to  stay  by  their  word  ?  What  are  they  suspicious 
of,  silence  or  volubility?  Do  they  expect  you  to  ask  for 
more  than  you  expect  to  get?  Do  they  appreciate  candor 
and  fair  dealing,  or  must  you  be  crafty  and  indirect?  If 
they  expect  the  latter  I  am  not  the  man  for  the  job,  but  I 
can  be  patient  and  listen.  My  love  to  the  Lady  Maud. 

FRANK 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  August  28,  1916 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  I  have  had  talks  this  morning 
with  three  men,  all  of  them  Democrats,  all  of  them  strongly 


LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

for  you  under  any  circumstances.  None  of  them  are  re 
lated  to  railroads  or  to  labor  unions.  Two  of  them  have 
recently  been  out  of  this  city  and  believe  that  they  have  a 
knowledge  of  the  feeling  of  the  country.  All  express  the 
same  view  and  I  want  to  tell  it  to  you  in  case  you  write  a 
message  to  Congress. 

They  say  that  the  people  do  not  grasp  the  meaning  of 
your  statement  that  society  has  made  its  judgment  in  favor 
of  an  eight-hour  day.  This,  the  people  think,  is  a  mat 
ter  that  can  be  arbitrated.  They  ask  why  can't  it  be  arbi 
trated  ?  They  say  that  the  country  feels  that  you  have  lined 
yourself  up  with  the  labor  unions  irrevocably  for  an  eight- 
hour  day,  as  against  the  railroads  who  wish  to  arbitrate 
the  necessity  for  putting  in  an  eight-hour  day  immediately, 
and  irrespective  of  the  additional  cost  to  the  railroads. 
They  say  that  the  men  are  attempting  to  bludgeon  the  rail 
roads  into  granting  their  demand  which  has  not  been  shown 
to  the  people  to  be  reasonable.  This  demand  is  that  the 
men  should  have  ten  hours  pay  for  eight  hours  work  or  less. 
They  say  that  if  this  question  cannot  be  arbitrated,  the 
railroads  must  yield  on  every  question  and  that  freight  rates 
and  passenger  rates  instead  of  going  down,  as  they  have  for 
the  past  twenty  years,  must  inevitably  increasingly  go  up. 
They  say  that  the  people  do  not  realize  that  you  have  been 
willing  to  entertain  any  proposition  made  by  the  railroads, 
but  that  you  have  stood  steadfastly  for  something  which 
the  men  have  demanded. 

Now,  all  of  this  indicates  a  lack  of  knowledge  of  what  your 
position  has  been.  I  am  giving  you  the  gist  of  these  con 
versations  because  they  represent  a  point  of  view  so  that 
if  you  desire  you  may  meet  such  criticism.  ••  '  j 

You  must  remember,  Mr.  President,  that  the  American 
people  have  not  had  for  fifty  years  a  President  who  was 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      225 

not  at  this  period  in  a  campaign  bending  all  of  his  power  to 
purely  personal  and  political  ends.  Your  ideality  and  un 
selfishness  are  so  rare  that  things  need  to  be  made  particu 
larly  clear  to  them.  Faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

In  the  beginning  of  September  Lane  was  appointed  Chair 
man  of  the  American-Mexican  Joint  Commission,  the  other 
Americans  being  Judge  George  Gray,  of  Delaware,  and  John 
R.  Mott,  secretary  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Associa 
tion.  The  Mexican  members  were  Luis  Cabrera,  Minister 
of  Finance,  Alberto  Pani,  and  Ignatio  Bonillas,  afterward 
Ambassador  to  Washington. 

It  was  the  hope  of  the  Administration  that  this  Commis 
sion  would  lay  the  foundation  for  a  better  understanding 
between  America  and  Mexico.  The  Commission  started 
its  work  in  New  London,  but  later  as  the  hearings  dragged 
on,  they  went  to  Atlantic  City. 

Just  before  this  Commission  was  named,  Lane  wrote  to 
his  brother,  "I  have  been  turned  all  topsy  turvy  by  the 
Mexican  situation.  I  have  suggested  to  the  President  the 
establishment  of  a  commission  to  deal  with  this  matter 
upon  a  fundamental  basis,  but  Carranza  is  obsessed  with 
the  idea  that  he  is  a  real  god  and  not  a  tin  god,  that  he  holds 
thunderbolts  in  his  hands  instead  of  confetti,  and  he  won't 
let  us  help  him." 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang 
Acting  Secretary  of  the  Interior 

American-Mexican  Joint  Commission 
September  29,  1916 

MY  DEAR  ALECK,  —  Don't  worry  about  yourself.  Don't 
worry  about  the  office.  You  will  be  all  right,  and  so  will 


226         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

the  office.  I  am  not  worrying  about  you  because  I  haven't 
got  time  to.  I'll  take  your  job  if  you  will  take  mine.  The 
interpreting  of  a  city  charter  is  nothing  to  the  interpreting 
of  the  Mexican  mind.  Dealing  with  Congress  is  not  so 
difficult  as  dealing  with  Mexican  statesmen.  I  have  had 
some  jobs  in  my  life,  but  none  in  which  I  was  put  to  it  as  I 
am  in  this.  Now  I  have  not  only  a  question  as  to  what  to 
do  in  the  making  of  a  nation,  the  development  of  its  oppor 
tunity,  the  education  of  its  people,  the  establishment  of  its 
finances,  and  the  opening  of  its  industries  in  the  establish 
ment  of  its  relations  with  other  countries,  but  also  the  prob 
lem  as  to  where  the  men  can  be  found  that  can  carry  out 
the  program,  once  it  is  made.  If  I  were  only  Dictator  I 
could  handle  the  thing,  I  think,  all  right.  The  hardest  part 
of  all  is  to  convince  a  proud  and  obstinate  people  that  they 
really  need  any  help. 

.  .  .     Remember  me  to  the  noble  bunch  of  fellows  who 
add  loyalty  to  pluck,  pluck  to  capacity.     Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


To  Frederic  J.  Lane 


American-Mexican  Joint  Commission 
September  29,  1916 


MY  DEAR  FRITZ,  —  I  sent  you  a  wire  the  other  night  just 
to  let  you  know  that  I  was  thinking  of  you.  I  am  now 
steaming  down  Long  Island  Sound  in  the  midst  of  a  rain 
storm  and  with  fog  all  around  us,  in  the  Government's  boati 
Sylph.  We  are  on  our  way  to  Atlantic  City  where  the  con 
ference  will  continue,  the  hotel  at  New  London  having  been 
closed.  .  .  . 

It  looks  to  me  at  long  range  as  if  Johnson  would  surely 
carry  California.  Whether  Wilson  will,  or  not,  is  a  ques 
tion.  I  hope  to  God  he  may.  Whether  I  shall  get  an  op- 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      227 

portunity  to  get  out  and  stump  for  him  depends  entirely 
upon  this  Commission,  which  is  holding  me  down  hard. 
We  are  working  from  ten  in  the  morning  till  twelve  at  night, 
and  not  making  as  rapid  progress  as  we  should  because  of 
the  Latin-American  temperament.  They  want  to  start  a 
government  afresh  down  there ;  that  is,  go  upon  the  theory 
that  there  never  was  any  government  and  that  they  now 
know  how  a  government  should  be  formed  and  the  kind  of 
laws  there  should  be,  disregarding  all  that  is  past,  and  basing 
their  plans  upon  ideals  which  sometimes  are  very  imprac 
ticable.  They  distrust  us.  They  will  not  believe  that  we 
do  not  want  to  take  some  of  their  territory. 

I  despair  often,  but  I  take  new  courage  when  I  think  of 
you,  of  the  struggle  you  are  making  and  the  brave  way  in 
which  you  are  making  it.  What  a  superbly  glorious  thing 
it  would  be  if  you  could  master  the  hellish  fiend  that  has 
attacked  you !  .  .  . 

My  best  love  to  you,  dear  Fritz,  affectionately  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb 
New  York  World 

American-Mexican  Joint  Commission 
Atlantic  City,  November  11,  1916 

MY  DEAR  COBB, — My  very  warm,  earnest,  and  enthusias 
tic  congratulations  to  you.  You  made  the  best  editorial 
campaign  that  I  have  ever  known  to  be  made.  I  would 
give  more  for  the  editorial  support  of  the  New  York  World 
than  for  that  of  any  two  papers  that  I  know  of.  The  re 
sult  in  California  turned,  really  as  the  result  in  the  entire 
West  did,  upon  the  real  progressivism  of  the  progressives. 
It  was  not  pique  because  Johnson  was  not  recognized.  No 
man,  not  Johnson  nor  Roosevelt,  carries  the  progressives 


228         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

in  his  pocket.  The  progressives  in  the  East  were  Perkins 
progressives  who  could  be  delivered.  The  West  thinks  for 
itself.  Johnson  could  not  deliver  California.  Johnson 
made  very  strong  speeches  for  Hughes.  The  West  is  really 
progressive.  .  .  . 

Speaking  of  the  election,  there  are  two  things  I  want  you 
to  bear  distinctly  in  mind,  my  dear  Mr.  Cobb.  One  is 
that  the  states  which  the  Interior  Department  deals  with 
are  the  states  which  elected  Mr.  Wilson.  .  .  .  And  the  sec 
ond  is  that  we  kept  the  Mexican  situation  from  blowing  up 
in  a  most  critical  part  of  the  campaign,  which  is  also  due  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  damn  you !  In  fact,  next  to 
you,  I  think  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  the  most  impor 
tant  part  of  this  whole  show !  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  R.  M.  Fitzgerald 

American-Mexican  Commission 
Atlantic  City,  November  12,  1916 

DEAR  BOB,  —  I  am  very  glad  to  get  your  telegram.  I 
know  that  it  took  work,  judgment,  and  finesse  to  bring  about 
the  result  that  was  obtained  in  California.  What  a  splen 
did  thing  it  is  to  have  our  state  the  pivotal  state !  The 
eastern  papers  are  attempting  to  make  it  appear  that  the 
state  turned  toward  Wilson  because  of  the  slight  put  upon 
Johnson  by  Hughes.  These  people  in  the  East  are  not 
large  enough  to  understand  that  the  people  think  for  \ 
themselves  out  West,  and  are  not  governed  by  little 
personalities,  that  we  don't  play  "Follow  the  leader,"  as 
they  do  here.  The  real  fact  is  that  Roosevelt  undertook  to 
deliver  the  progressives  and  could  not  do  it  in  the  West. 
Now  we  must  hold  all  these  forward-looking  people  in  line 
with  us  and  make  the  Democratic  party  realize  the  dream 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      229 

that  you  and  I  had  of  it  when  we  were  boys,  thirty  years 
ago,  and  took  part  in  our  first  campaign.  There  is  room  for 
only  two  parties  in  the  United  States,  the  liberal  and  the 
conservative,  and  ours  must  be  the  liberal  party.  Cordially 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  James  K.  Moffitt 

Atlantic  City,  November  12,  1916 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  It  was  fine  of  you  to  send  me  that  tele 
gram,  and  I  am  not  too  modest  to  "allow,"  as  Artemus 
Ward  used  to  say,  as  how  the  Interior  Department  is  rather 
stuck  up  over  the  result.  The  Department  certainly  had 
not  been  very  popular  in  the  West.  .  .  .  All  of  us  will  be 
taken  a  bit  more  seriously  now,  I  guess.  I  wired  Cushing 
and  the  others  who  led  in  the  fight  and  I  am  going  to  write 
a  note  to  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler,  who  from  the  first,  be  it 
said  to  his  credit,  claimed  California  for  Wilson.  Wheeler 
is  certainly  a  thoroughbred.  I  wish  I  could  get  your  way 
soon  and  see  you  all,  and  rejoice  with  you. 

I  have  just  received  a  telegram  from  Bryan,  reading :  — 
"Shake.     Many  thanks.     It  was  great.     The  West,   a 
stone  which  the  builders  rejected,  has  become  the  head  of 
the  corner."     Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 

Atlantic  City,  November  14,  1916 

DEAR  MR.  WHEELER,  —  I  know  that  you  rejoice  with  all 
of  us.  You  were  the  first  man  to  tell  me  that  Wilson  would 
carry  California,  and  I  never  believed  it  as  truly  as  you  did, 
but  I  have  taken  many  occasions  lately  to  say  that  you  were 
a  true  prophet.  And  speaking  of  prophets,  what  a  lot  have 


230         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

been  unmade !  Did  you  see  that  I  wanted  to  bet  a  hat  with 
George  Harvey  that  he  could  not  name  four  states  west  of 
the  Alleghenies  that  would  go  for  Hughes  ?  The  truth  about 
the  thing,  as  I  see  it,  is  that  you  can't  deliver  the  Western 
man  and  you  can't  deliver  the  true  progressive,  anyhow. 
The  people  of  the  East  are  in  a  far  more  feudal  state  than 
the  people  of  the  West.  Here  they  live  by  sufferance,  by 
favor;  they  are  helpless  if  they  lose  their  jobs.  Out  there 
hope  is  high  in  their  hearts  and  they  feel  that  there  is  a  fair 
world  around  them,  in  which  they  have  another  chance. 
The  resentment  was  strong  against  Roosevelt  undertaking 
to  turn  over  his  vote.  Of  course  I  am  glad  of  Johnson's 
election,  as  he  is  a  strong,  stalwart  chap,  capable  of  tremen 
dous  things  for  good.  He  will  probably  be  a  presidential 
candidate  four  years  from  now,  and  I  see  no  man  now  who 
can  beat  him,  nor  should  he  be  beaten  unless  we  have  a 
good  deal  better  material  than  our  run  of  ...  rank  oppor 
tunists. 

I  am  working  on  a  treadmill  here.  Perhaps  by  the  time 
you  come  on  in  December  I  will  be  able  to  report  something 
accomplished.  But  oh !  the  misery  of  dealing  with  people 
who  are  eternally  suspicious  and  have  no  sense  of  good  faith  ! 

We  went  with  the  Millers  to  the  James  Roosevelt  place 
up  at  Hyde  Park  on  the  Hudson,  just  before  election,  and 
had  an  exquisite  time.  I  put  in  four  or  five  days  campaign 
ing,  and  this  was  the  end  of  my  trip.  My  speeches  were 
all  made  in  New  York  where  I  thought  they  might  count  * 
but  the  organizations  were  too  perfect  for  us. 

President  Wilson  will  leave  a  mere  shadow  of  a  party,  un 
less  he  takes  an  interest  in  reorganizing  it.  He  has  drawn 
a  lot  of  young  men  to  him  who  should  be  tied  together,  as 
we  were  in  the  early  Cleveland  days.  Of  course,  we  must 
have  a  cause,  not  merely  a  slogan. 


AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  AFFAIRS      231 

Mrs.  Lane  is  here  while  I  am  writing  this  and  she  sends 
her  love  to  both  you  and  your  wife,  as  do  I.  As  always, 
cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Roland  Cotton  Smith 

Sunday,  [January  7?  1917] 

MY  DEAR  DR.  SMITH,  —  I  know  that  you  are  human  enough 
to  like  appreciation  and  so  I  am  sending  you  this  word,  — 
no  more  than  I  feel ! 

Your  address  of  this  morning  was  a  bit  of  real  literature. 
It  produced  the  effect  you  desired  without  making  a  bid 
for  it.  It  was  as  subtle  and  full  of  suggestion  as  Jusserand's 
book  on  France  and  the  United  States.  You  gave  an  at 
mosphere  to  the  old  building  as  an  institution,  which  made 
every  one  of  us  feel  something  more  of  ennobling  standards 
and  traditions.  You  touched  emotion.  Many  an  old  chap 
there  felt  called  upon  suddenly  and  apologetically  to  blow 
his  nose.  And  the  crowning  bit  of  fine  sentiment  was  ask 
ing  us  all  to  rise,  as  you  read  the  list  of  the  distinguished 
ones  who  had  worshipped  there.  You  have  the  art  of  mak 
ing  men  better  by  not  preaching  to  them.  So  here  is  my 
hand  in  admiration  and  in  gratitude.  Sincerely, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  James  H.  Barry 
San  Francisco  Star 

Washington,  [January  9,  1917] 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  That  card  of  yours  spoke  to  me  so  directly 
and  warmly  from  the  heart,  that  it  revived  in  my  memory 
all  the  long  years  of  our  friendship,  and  made  me  feel  that 
the  world  had  been  good  to  me  beyond  most  men,  in  that 
it  had  brought  a  "few  friends  and  their  affection  tried." 


LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

These  are  to  be  trying  years  —  these  next  four  —  and  it 
will  take  courage  and  rare  good  sense  to  keep  this  old  ship 
on  her  true  path.  You  have  a  part  and  so  have  I.  We 
take  our  turn  at  the  wheel.  May  God  give  us  strength 
and  steadiness ! 

Please  give  my  greetings  to  your  fine  boys,  and  to  all  the 
old  group  that  are  still  with  you,  and  know  that  always  I 
hold  you  in  deep  affection.  Sincerely, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


IX 
CABINET  TALK  AND   WAR  PLANS 

1917 

Cabinet  Meetings  —  National  Council  of  Defense  —  Bernstorff  —  War 
—  Plan  for  Railroad  Consolidation  —  U-Boat  Sinkings  Revealed  — 
Alaska 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  February  9,  1917 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  I  am  going  to  write  you  in  confidence 
some  of  the  talks  we  have  at  the  Cabinet  and  you  may  keep 
these  letters  in  case  I  ever  wish  to  remind  myself  of  what 
transpired.  A  week  ago  yesterday,  (February  1st),  the 
word  came  that  Germany  was  to  turn  "mad  dog"  again, 
and  sink  all  ships  going  within  her  war  zone.  This  was 
the  question,  of  course,  taken  up  at  the  meeting  of  the 
Cabinet  on  February  2nd.  The  President  opened  by  saying 
that  this  notice  was  an  "astounding  surprise."  He  had 
received  no  intimation  of  such  a  reversal  of  policy.  Indeed, 
Zimmermann,  the  German  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  had 
within  ten  days  told  Girard  that  such  a  thing  was  an  "im 
possibility."  At  this  point  Lansing  said  that  he  had  good 
reason  to  believe  that  Bernstorff  had  the  note  for  fully  ten 
days  before  delivering  it,  and  had  held  it  off  because  of  the 
President's  Peace  Message  to  Congress,  which  had  made  it 
seem  inadvisable  to  deliver  it  then.  In  answer  to  a  question 


234          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

as  to  which  side  he  wished  to  see  win,  the  President  said 
that  he  didn't  wish  to  see  either  side  win,  —  for  both  had 
been  equally  indifferent  to  the  rights  of  neutrals  —  though 
Germany  had  been  brutal  in  taking  life,  and  England  only 
in  taking  property.  He  would  like  to  see  the  neutrals 
unite.  I  ventured  the  expression  that  to  ask  them  to  do 
this  would  be  idle,  as  they  could  not  afford  to  join  with  us 
if  it  meant  the  insistence  on  their  rights  to  the  point  of  war. 
He  thought  we  might  coordinate  the  neutral  forces,  but  was 
persuaded  that  an  effort  to  do  this  publicly,  as  he  proposed, 
would  put  some  of  the  small  powers  in  a  delicate  position. 
We  talked  the  world  situation  over.  I  spoke  of  the  likeli 
hood  of  a  German-Russian-Japanese  alliance  as  the  natural 
thing  at  the  end  of  the  war  because  they  all  were  nearly  in 
the  same  stage  of  development.  He  thought  the  Russian 
peasant  might  save  the  world  this  misfortune.  The  fact 
that  Russia  had  been,  but  a  short  time  since,  on  the  verge 
of  an  independent  peace  with  Germany  was  brought  out  as 
evidencing  the  possibility  of  a  break  on  the  Allies'  side. 
His  conclusion  was  that  nothing  should  be  done  now,  — 
awaiting  the  "overt  act"  by  Germany,  which  would  take 
him  to  Congress  to  ask  for  power. 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  on  February  6th, 
the  main  question  discussed  was  whether  we  should  convoy, 
or  arm,  our  merchant  ships.  Secretary  Baker  said  that 
unless  we  did  our  ships  would  stay  in  American  ports,  and 
thus  Germany  would  have  us  effectively  locked  up  by  he* 
threat.  The  St.  Louis,  of  the  American  line,  wanted  to  go 
out  with  mail  but  asked  the  right  to  arm  and  the  use  of  guns 
and  gunners.  After  a  long  discussion,  the  decision  of  the 
President  was  that  we  should  not  convoy  because  that  made 
a  double  hazard,  —  this  being  the  report  of  the  Navy,  - 
but  that  ships  should  be  told  that  they  might  arm,  but  that 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         235 

without  new  power  from  Congress  they  should  not  be  fur 
nished  with  guns  and  gunners. 

The  President  said  that  he  was  "passionately"  determined 
not  to  over-step  the  slightest  punctilio  of  honor  in  dealing 
with  Germany,  or  interned  Germans,  or  the  property  of 
Germans.  He  would  not  take  the  interned  ships,  not  even 
though  they  were  being  gutted  of  their  machinery.  He 
wished  an  announcement  made  that  all  property  of  Germans 
would  be  held  inviolate,  and  that  interned  sailors  on  mer 
chant  ships  could  enter  the  United  States.  If  we  are  to 
have  war  we  must  go  in  with  our  hands  clean  and  without 
any  basis  for  criticism  against  us.  The  fact  that  before 
Bernstorff  gave  the  note  telling  of  the  new  warfare,  the  ships 
had  been  dismantled  as  to  their  machinery,  was  not  to  move 
us  to  any  act  that  would  look  like  hostility. 

February  10 

Yesterday  we  talked  of  the  holding  of  Girard  as  a  hostage. 
Lansing  said  there  was  no  doubt  of  it.  He  thought  it  an 
act  of  war  in  itself.  But  did  not  know  on  what  theory  it 
was  done,  except  that  Germany  was  doing  what  she  thought 
we  would  do.  Germany  evidently  was  excited  over  her 
sailors  here,  fearing  that  they  would  be  interned,  and  over 
her  ships,  fearing  that  they  would  be  taken.  I  said  that 
it  seemed  to  be  established  that  Germany  meant  to  do 
what  she  said  she  would  do,  and  that  we  might  as  well  act 
on  that  assumption.  The  President  said  that  he  had  always 
believed  this,  but  thought  that  there  were  chances  of  her 
modifying  her  position,  and  that  he  could  do  nothing,  in 
good  faith  toward  Congress,  without  going  before  that  body. 
He  felt  that  in  a  few  days  something  would  be  done  that 
would  make  this  necessary. 

So  there  you  are  up  to  date  —  in  a  scrappy  way.     Now 


236         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

don't  tell  what  you  know.  Ned  is  flying  at  Newport  News. 
He  sent  me  a  telegram  saying  that  the  President  could  go 
as  far  as  he  liked,  "  the  bunch "  would  back  him  up.  Strange 
how  warlike  young  fellows  are,  especially  if  they  think  that 
they  are  preparing  for  some  usefulness  in  war.  That's  the 
militaristic  spirit  that  is  bad.  Much  love  to  you  and 
Frances.  Give  me  good  long  letters  telling  me  what  is  in 
the  back  of  that  wise  old  head. 

F.  K. 

To  George  W.  Lane 

February  16,  [1917] 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  That  letter  and  proposed  wire  were 
received  and  your  spirit  is  mine  —  the  form  of  your  letter 
could  not  be  improved  upon  —  and  you  are  absolutely 
sound  as  to  policy. 

At  the  last  meeting  of  the  Cabinet,  we  again  urged  that 
we  should  convoy  our  own  ships,  but  the  President  said  that 
this  was  not  possible  without  going  to  Congress,  and  he  was 
not  ready  to  do  that  now.  The  Navy  people  say  that  to 
convoy  would  be  foolish  because  it  would  make  a  double 
target,  but  it  seems  to  me  the  right  thing  to  risk  a  naval  ship 
in  the  enforcement  of  our  right. 

At  our  dinner  to  the  President  last  night  he  said  he  was 
not  in  sympathy  with  any  great  preparedness  —  that  Europe 
would  be  man  and  money  poor  by  the  end  of  the  war.  I 
think  he  is  dead  wrong  in  this,  and  as  I  am  a  member  of* 
the  National  Council  of  Defense,  I  am  pushing  for  every 
thing  possible.  This  week  we  have  had  a  meeting  of  the 
Council  every  day  —  the  Secretary  of  War,  Navy,  Interior, 
Commerce,  and  Labor  —  with  an  Advisory  Commission 
consisting  of  seven  business  men.  We  are  developing  a 
plan  for  the  mobilization  of  all  our  national  industries  and 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS          237 

resources  so  that  we  may  be  ready  for  getting  guns,  muni 
tions,  trucks,  supplies,  airplanes,  and  other  material  things 
as  soon  as  war  comes  —  if  not  too  soon.  It  is  a  great  organ 
ization  of  industry  and  resources.  I  think  that  I  shall  urge 
Hoover  as  the  head  of  the  work.  His  Belgian  experience 
has  made  him  the  most  competent  man  in  this  country  for 
such  work.  He  has  promised  to  come  to  me  as  one  of  my 
assistants  but  the  other  work  is  the  larger,  and  I  can  get 
on  with  a  smaller  man.  He  will  correlate  the  industrial 
life  of  the  nation  against  the  day  of  danger  and  immediate 
need.  France  seems  to  be  ahead  in  this  work.  The  essentials 
are  to  commandeer  all  material  resources  of  certain  kinds 
(steel,  copper,  rubber,  nickel,  etc.)  ;  then  have  ready  all 
drawings,  machines,  etc.,  necessary  in  advance  for  all  muni 
tions  and  supplies ;  and  know  the  plant  that  can  produce 
these  on  a  standard  basis. 

The  Army  and  Navy  are  so  set  and  stereotyped  and  stand- 
pat  that  I  am  almost  hopeless  as  to  moving  them  to  do  the 
wise,  large,  wholesale  job.  They  are  governed  by  red-tape, 
—  worse  than  any  Union. 

The  Chief  of  Staff  fell  asleep  at  our  meeting  to-day  — 
Mars  and  Morpheus  in  one ! 

To-day's  meeting  has  resulted  in  nothing,  though  in  Mex 
ico,  Cuba,  Costa  Rica,  and  Europe  we  have  trouble.  The 
country  is  growing  tired  of  delay,  and  without  positive  leader 
ship  is  losing  its  keenness  of  conscience  and  becoming  inured 
to  insult.  Our  Ambassador  in  Berlin  is  held  as  a  hostage  for 
days — our  Consuls'  wives  are  stripped  naked  at  the  border, 
our  ships  are  sunk,  our  people  killed  —  and  yet  we  wait  and 
wait !  What  for  I  do  not  know.  Germany  is  winning  by  her 
bluff,  for  she  has  our  ships  interned  in  our  own  harbors. 

Well,  dear  boy,  I'm  not  a  pacifist  as  you  see.  Much  love, 

FRANK 


238          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  February  20,  [1917] 

DEAR  GEORGE,  —  Another  Cabinet  meeting  and  no  light 
yet  on  what  our  policy  will  be  as  to  Germany.  We  evidently 
are  waiting  for  the  "overt  act,"  which  I  think  Germany  will 
not  commit.  We  are  all,  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two 
pro-Germans,  feeling  humiliated  by  the  situation,  but  noth 
ing  can  be  done. 

McAdoo  brought  up  the  matter  of  shipping  being  held 
in  our  ports.  It  appears  that  something  more  than  half  of 
the  normal  number  of  ships  has  gone  out  since  February  1st, 
and  they  all  seem  to  be  getting  over  the  first  scare,  because 
Germany  is  not  doing  more  than  her  former  amount  of 
damage. 

We  were  told  of  intercepted  cables  to  the  Wolfe  News 
Agency,  in  Berlin,  in  which  the  American  people  were  rep 
resented  as  being  against  war  under  any  circumstances  — 
sympathizing  strongly  with  a  neutrality  that  would  keep  all 
Americans  off  the  seas.  Thus  does  the  Kaiser  learn  of  Amer 
ican  sentiment !  No  wonder  he  sizes  us  up  as  cowards  !  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Frank  1.  Cobb 

Washington,  February  21,  1917 

MY  DEAR  COBB,  —  I  have  told  Henry  Hall  that  he  should 
come  down  here  and  give  the  story  of  how  Bernstorff  handled 
the  newspaper  men,  and  thus  worked  the  American  people4 
.  .  .  He  ought  to  get  out  of  the  newspaper  men  themselves, 
and  he  can,  the  whole  atmosphere  of  the  Washington  situ 
ation  since  Dernberg  left,  —  Bernstorff's  little  knot  of 
society  friends,  chiefly  women,  the  dinners  that  they  had, 
his  appeals  for  sympathy,  the  manner  in  which  he  would 
offset  whatever  the  State  Department  was  attempting  to  get 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         239 

before  the  American  people.  He  would  give  away  to  news 
paper  men  news  that  he  got  from  his  own  government  before 
it  got  to  the  State  Department.  He  would  give  away  also 
the  news  that  he  got  from  the  State  Department  before  the 
State  Department  itself  gave  it  out,  and  he  had  a  regular 
room  in  which  he  received  these  newspaper  men,  and  handed 
them  cigars  and  so  on,  and  carried  on  a  propaganda  against 
the  policy  of  the  United  States  while  acting  as  Ambassador 
for  Germany,  the  like  of  which  nobody  has  carried  on  since 
Genet ;  and  worse  than  his,  because  it  was  carried  on  secretly 
and  cunningly.  .  .  . 

Hall  will  be  able  to  get  a  ripping  good  story,  I  am  satisfied, 
—  a  good  two  pages  on  "Modern  Diplomacy/'  which  will 
reveal  how  long-suffering  the  United  States  has  been. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  February  25,  1917 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  On  Friday  we  had  one  of  the  most 
animated  sessions  of  the  Cabinet  that  I  suppose  has  ever 
been  held  under  this  or  any  other  President.  It  all  arose 
out  of  a  very  innocent  question  of  mine  as  to  whether  it 
was  true  that  the  wives  of  American  Consuls  on  leaving 
Germany  had  been  stripped  naked,  given  an  acid  bath  to 
detect  writing  on  their  flesh,  and  subjected  to  other  in 
dignities.  Lansing  answered  that  it  was  true.  Then  I 
asked  Houston  about  the  bread  riots  in  New  York,  as  to 
whether  there  was  shortage  of  food  because  of  car  shortage 
due  to  vessels  not  going  out  with  exports.  This  led  to  a  dis 
cussion  of  the  great  problem  which  we  all  had  been  afraid 
to  raise  —  Why  shouldn't  we  send  our  ships  out  with  guns 
or  convoys  ?  Daniels  said  we  must  not  convoy  —  that 


240          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

would  be  dangerous.  (Think  of  a  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
talking  of  danger!)  The  President  said  that  the  country 
was  not  willing  that  we  should  take  any  risks  of  war.  I  said 
that  I  got  no  such  sentiment  out  of  the  country,  but  if  the 
country  knew  that  our  Consuls'  wives  had  been  treated 
so  outrageously  that  there  would  be  no  question  as  to  the 
sentiment.  This,  the  President  took  as  a  suggestion  that 
we  should  work  up  a  propaganda  of  hatred  against  Germany. 
Of  course,  I  said  I  had  no  such  idea,  but  that  I  felt  that  in 
a  Democracy  the  people  were  entitled  to  know  the  facts. 
McAdoo,  Houston,  and  Redfield  joined  me.  The  President 
turned  on  them  bitterly,  especially  on  McAdoo,  and  re 
proached  all  of  us  with  appealing  to  the  spirit  of  the  Code 
Duello.  We  couldn't  get  the  idea  out  of  his  head  that  we 
were  bent  on  pushing  the  country  into  war.  Houston 
talked  of  resigning  after  the  meeting.  McAdoo  will  - 
within  a  year,  I  believe.  I  tried  to  smooth  them  down  by 
recalling  our  past  experiences  with  the  President.  We  have 
had  to  push,  and  push,  and  push,  to  get  him  to  take  any  for 
ward  step  —  the  Trade  Commission,  the  Tariff  Commission. 
He  comes  out  right  but  he  is  slower  than  a  glacier  —  and 
things  are  mighty  disagreeable,  whenever  anything  has  to 
be  done. 

Now  he  is  being  abused  by  the  Republicans  for  being  slow, 
and  this  will  probably  help  a  bit,  though  it  may  make  him 
more  obstinate.  He  wants  no  extra  session,  and  the  Repub 
licans  fear  that  he  will  submit  to  anything  in  the  way  of 
indignity  or  national  humiliation  without  "getting  back," 
so  they  are  standing  for  an  extra  session.  The  President 
believes,  I  think,  that  the  munitions  makers  are  back  of  the 
Republican  plan.  But  I  doubt  this.  They  simply  want 
to  have  a  "say";  and  the  President  wants  to  be  alone  and 
unbothered.  He  probably  would  not  call  Cabinet  meetings 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         241 

if   Congress   adjourned.     Then   I   would   go   to  Honolulu, 
where  the  land  problem  vexes. 

I  don't  know  whether  the  President  is  an  internationalist 
or  a  pacifist,  he  seems  to  be  very  mildly  national  —  his 
patriotism  is  covered  over  with  a  film  of  philosophic  humani- 
tarianism,  that  certainly  doesn't  make  for  "punch"  at  such 
a  time  as  this. 

My  love  to  you  old  man,  —  do  write  me  oftener  and  tell 
me  if  you  get  all  my  letters. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  March  6,  [1917] 

Well  my  dear  George,  the  new  administration  is  launched 

—  smoothly  but  not  on    a    smooth    sea.     The    old    Con 
gress  went  out  in'  disgrace,  talking  to  death  a  bill  to  en 
able  the  President  to  protect  Americans  on  the  seas.     The 
reactionaries    and    the     progressives    combined  —  Penrose 
and   La   Follette  joined   hands   to  stop  all  legislation,  so 
that  the   government    is    without  money  to  carry  on   its 
work. 

It  is  unjust  to  charge  the  whole  thing  on  the  La  Follette 
group ;  they  served  to  do  the  trick  which  the  whole  Re 
publican  machine  wished  done.  For  the  Penrose,  Lodge 
people  would  not  let  any  bills  through  and  were  glad  to  get 
La  Follette's  help.  The  Democrats  fought  and  died  — 
because  there  was  no  "previous  question"  in  the  Senate 
rules. 

The   weather   changed   for   inauguration  —  Wilson   luck 

—  and  the  event  went  off  without  accident.     To-day,  we 
had  expected  a  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  to  determine  what 
we  should  do  in  the  absence  of  legislation,  but  that  has  gone 
over,  —  I  expect  to  give  the  Attorney  General  a  chance  to 


LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

draft  an  opinion  on  the  armed  ship  matter.  I  am  for  prompt 
action  —  putting  the  guns  on  the  ships  and  convoying,  if 
necessary.  Much  love. 

K.  F. 

To  Edward  J.  Wheeler 
Current  Opinion 

Washington,  March  15,  1917 

MY  DEAR  MR.  WHEELER,  —  I  wish  that  I  could  be  with  you 
to  honor  Mr.  Ho  wells.  But  who  are  we,  to  honor  him  ?  Is 
he  not  an  institution  ?  Is  he  not  the  Master  ?  Has  he  not 
taught  for  half  a  century  that  this  new  and  peculiar  man, 
the  American,  is  worth  drawing?  Why,  for  an  American 
aot  to  take  off  his  hat  to  Howells  would  be  to  fail  in  appre 
ciation  of  one's  self  as  an  object  of  art  —  an  unlikely,  be 
littling,  and  soul-destroying  sin. 

I  do  not  know  whether  Howells  is  a  great  photographer  or 
a  great  artist ;  but  this  I  do  know,  that  I  like  him  because  he 
sees  through  his  own  eyes,  and  I  likev  his  eyes.  If  that  be 
treason,  make  the  most  of  it.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  April  1,  1917 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  I  took  your  letter  and  your  proposed 
wire  as  to  our  going  into  war  and  sent  them  to  the  President 
as  suggestions  for  his  proposed  message  which  in  a  couple  \ 
of  days  will  come  out  —  what  it  is  to  be  I  don't  know, — 
excepting  in  spirit.  He  is  to  be  for  recognizing  war  and 
taking  hold  of  the  situation  in  such  a  fashion  as  will  eventu 
ally  lead  to  an  Allies'  victory  over  Germany.  But  he  goes 
unwillingly.  The  Cabinet  is  at  last  a  unit.  We  can  stand 
Germany's  insolence  and  murderous  policy  no  longer. 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         243 

Burleson,  Gregory,  Daniels,  and  Wilson  were  the  last  to 
come  over. 

The  meetings  of  the  Cabinet  lately  have  been  nothing  less 
than  councils  of  war.  The  die  is  cast  —  and  yet  no  one  has 
seen  the  message.  The  President  hasn't  shown  us  a  line. 
He  seems  to  think  that  in  war  the  Pacific  Coast  will  not  be 
strongly  with  him.  They  don't  want  war  to  be  sure  —  no 
one  does.  But  they  will  not  suffer  further  humiliation. 
I  sent  West  for  some  telegrams  telling  of  the  local  feeling 
in  different  States  and  all  said,  "  Do  as  the  President  says." 
Yet  none  came  back  that  spoke  as  if  they  felt  that  we  had 
been  outraged  or  that  it  was  necessary  for  humanity  that 
Germany  be  brought  to  a  Democracy.  There  is  little  pride 
or  sense  of  national  dignity  in  most  of  our  politicians. 

The  Council  of  National  Defense  is  getting  ready.  I 
yesterday  proposed  a  resolution,  which  was  adopted,  that 
our  contracts  for  ships,  ammunition,  and  supplies  be  made 
upon  the  basis  of  a  three  years'  program.  We  may  win  in 
two  years.  If  we  had  the  nerve  to  raise  five  million  men  at 
once  we  could  end  it  in  six  months. 

The  first  thing  is  to  let  Russia  and  France  have  money. 
And  the  second  thing,  to  see  that  Russia  has  munitions,  of 
which  they  are  short — depending  largely,  too  largely,  upon 
Japan.  I  shouldn't  be  surprised  if  we  would  operate 
the  Russian  railroads.  And  ships,  ships !  How  we  do  need 
ships,  and  there  are  none  in  the  world.  Ships  to  feed  Eng 
land  and  to  make  the  Russian  machine  work.  Hinden- 
burg  is  to  turn  next  toward  Petrograd  —  he  is  only  three 
hundred  miles  away  now.  I  fear  he  will  succeed.  But 
that  does  not  mean  the  conquest  of  Russia !  The  lovable, 
kindly  Russians  are  not  to  be  conquered,  —  and  it  makes 
me  rejoice  that  we  are  to  be  with  them. 

All  sides  need  aeroplanes  —  for  the  war  that  is  perhaps 


244          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

the  greatest  of  all  needs ;  and  there  Germany  is  strongest. 
Ned  will  go  among  the  first.  He  is  flying  alone  now  and  is 
enjoying  the  risk,  —  the  consciousness  of  his  own  skill. 
Anne  is  very  brave  about  it. 

This  is  the  program  as  far  as  we  have  gone :  Navy,  to  make 
a  line  across  the  sea  and  hunt  submarines ;  Army,  one  million 
at  once,  and  as  many  more  as  necessary  as  soon  as  they  can 
be  got  ready.  Financed  by  income  taxes  largely.  Men  and 
capital  both  drafted. 

I'm  deep  in  the  work.  Have  just  appointed  a  War-Secre 
tary  of  my  own — an  ex-Congressman  named  Lathrop  Brown 
from  New  York,  who  is  to  see  that  we  get  mines,  etc.,  at 
work.  I  wish  you  were  here  but  the  weather  would  be 
too  much  for  you,  I  fear.  Very  hot  right  now  ! 

Sometime  I'll  tell  you  how  we  stopped  the  strike.  It 
was  a  big  piece  of  work  that  was  blanketed  by  the 
Supreme  Court's  decision  next  day.  But  we  came  near  to 
having  something  akin  to  Civil  War.  Much  love,  my  dear 
boy. 

F.  K.  L. 

% 

Grosvenor  Clarkson,  Director  of  the  Council  of  National 
Defense,  in  recording  the  activities  of  that  body  says :  - 

"  It  is,  of  course,  well  known  that  Secretary  Lane,  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense,  played  a  dramatic 
and  successful  part  in  the  settlement  of  the  threatened  great 
railroad  strike  of  March,  1917.  By  resolution  of  the  Council 
of  National  Defense  of  March  16,  1917,  Secretary  Lane 
and  Secretary  of  Labor  Wilson,  as  members  of  the  Council, 
and  Daniel  Willard,  President  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  and  Samuel  Gompers  of  the  Advisory  Commission, 
were  designated  to  represent  the  government,  at  the  meeting 
in  New  York  with  the  representatives  of  the  railroad  brother- 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         245 

hoods  and  railroad  executives  —  the  meeting  that  stopped 
the  strike." 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb 
New  York  World 

Washington,  April  12,  1917 

MY  DEAR  FRANK,  —  I  have  your  note  and  am  thoroughly 
in  sympathy  with  it.  The  great  need  of  France  at  this 
moment  is  to  get  ships  to  carry  the  supplies  across  the  water. 
It  is  a  secret,  but  a  fact,  that  France  has  600,000  tons  of 
freight  in  New  York  and  other  harbors  waiting  to  ship.  I 
am  in  favor  of  taking  all  the  German  ships  under  requisition, 
paying  for  their  use  eventually,  but  this  is  a  matter  of 
months.  Immediately,  I  think  we  should  take  all  the 
coastwise  ships,  or  the  larger  portion  of  them.  The  Navy 
colliers  and  Army  transports  can  be  put  into  the  business  of 
carrying  supplies  to  France. 

We  are  to  have  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  National  De 
fense  to-day,  and  I  am  going  to  take  this  matter  up.  I  have 
been  pushing  on  it  for  several  weeks.  As  to  the  purchasing 
of  supplies,  I  think  we  ought  to  protect  the  Allies,  especially 
Russia,  but,  of  course,  we  cannot  touch  their  present  con 
tracts.  .  .  . 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  April  15,  1917 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  I  enclose  a  couple  of  confidential 
papers  that  will  interest  you.  The  situation  is  not  as  happy 
in  Russia  as  it  should  be.  The  people  are  so  infatuated  with 
their  own  internal  reforms  that  there  is  danger  of  their  making 
a  separate  peace,  which  would  throw  the  entire  strength  of 
Germany  on  the  west  front,  and  compel  us  to  go  in  with  mil 
lions  of  men  where  we  had  thought  that  a  few  would  suffice. 


246         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

My  work  on  the  National  Council  of  Defense  lately  has 
been  dealing  with  many  things,  chiefly  mobilization  of  our 
railroads  and  the  securing  of  new  shipping.  At  my  sugges 
tion  to  Mr.  Willard  he  called  together  the  leading  forty -five 
railroad  presidents  of  the  United  States,  and  I  addressed 
them  upon  the  necessity  of  tying  together  all  of  the  railroads 
within  one  unit  and  making  a  single  operating  system  of  the 
250,000  miles.  They  met  the  proposition  splendidly  and 
appointed  a  committee  to  effect  this.  It  will  require  some 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  the  railroads,  and  considerable  on 
the  part  of  the  shippers ;  for  free  time  on  cars  will  have  to  be 
cut  down,  some  passenger  trains  taken  off,  and  equipment 
allowed  to  flow  freely  from  one  system  to  the  other  under 
a  single  direction,  no  matter  who  owns  the  locomotives  or  the 
cars.  I  put  it  up  to  them  as  a  test  of  the  efficiency  of  private 
ownership. 

On  the  shipping  side  we  are  not  only  going  about  the  task 
of  building  a  thousand  wooden  ships,  under  the  direction  of 
Denman  and  Goethals,  but  we  are  going  to  take  our  coastwise 
shipping  off,  making  the  railroads  carry  this  freight,  and 
put  all  available  ships  into  the  trans-Atlantic  business.  We 
want,  also,  to  get  some  steel  ships  built.  The  great  trouble 
with  this  is  the  shortage  of  plates  and  the  shortage  of  ship 
yards.  In  order  to  effect  this,  I  expect  we  will  have  to  post 
pone  the  building  of  some  of  our  large  dreadnaughts  and 
battle  cruisers,  which  could  not  be  in  service  for  three  years 
anyhow.  Whether  we  will  succeed  in  getting  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  agree  to  this  is  a  question,  but  I  am  going  to 
try. 

We,  of  course,  are  going  to  press  into  service  at  once  the 
German  and  Austrian  ships,  such  of  them  as  can  be 
repaired  and  will  be  of  use  in  the  freight  business,  but  we 
will  not  confiscate  them.  We  will  deal  with  them  exactly 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         247 

as  we  will  deal  with  American  ships,  paying  at  the  end  of 
the  war  whatever  their  services  were  worth.  This  spirit  of 
fairness  is  to  animate  us  throughout  the  war.  Of  course 
enemy  warships  were  seized  as  prizes  of  war,  but  there  are 
very  few  of  these,  and  of  no  considerable  value.  I  do  not 
believe  they  can  be  of  any  use. 

England  is  sending  over  Mr.  Balfour  with  a  very  high 
Commission.  These  gentlemen  will  arrive  here  this  week, 
and  I  expect  with  them  Viviani  and  Joffre,  from  France. 
We  will  have  intimate  talks  with  them  and  gain  the  benefit 
of  their  experience.  I  expect  Mr.  Balfour  to  make  some 
speeches  that  will  put  England  in  a  more  favorable  light,  and 
the  presence  of  Joffre  will  stimulate  recruiting  in  our  Army 
and  Navy.  He  is  the  one  real  figure  who  has  come  out  of 
the  war  so  far. 

We  are  raising  seven  billions ;  three  billions  to  go  to  the 
Allies,  largely  for  purchases  to  be  made  here.  Money  con 
tributions  pass  unanimously,  but  there  is  to  be  trouble  over 
our  war  measures  respecting  conscription  and  the  raising 
of  an  adequate  army.  Some  pacifists  and  other  pro-Germans 
are  cultivating  the  idea  that  none  but  volunteers  should  be 
sent  to  Europe.  Some  are  also  saying  Germany  can  have 
peace  with  us  if  she  stops  her  submarine  warfare.  I  doubt 
if  that  line  of  agitation  will  be  successful  before  Congress. 
Certainly  it  will  not  be  successful  with  the  President  or  the 
Cabinet.  We  are  now  very  happily  united  upon  following 
every  course  that  will  lead  to  the  quickest  and  most  complete 
victory. 

The  greatest  impending  danger  is  the  drive  on  the  east 
front  into  Russia,  possibly  the  taking  of  Petrograd,  and  the 
weakness  on  the  part  of  the  Russians  because  of  so  large  a 
socialistic  element  now  in  control  of  Russian  affairs.  We 
offered  Russia  a  commission  of  railroad  men  to  look  over 


248          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

their  railroad  systems  and  advise  with  them  as  to  the  best 
means  of  operating  them.  At  first  Russia  inclined  to  wel 
come  such  a  commission,  but  later  the  offer  was  declined 
because  of  local  feeling.  We  intend  to  send  a  commission 
ourselves  to  Russia,  possibly  headed  by  McAdoo  or  Root, 
and  on  this  commission  we  will  have  a  railroad  man  with  ex 
pert  knowledge  who  can  be  of  some  service  to  them,  I  hope. 
The  Russian  and  the  French  governments  have  ordered 
hundreds  of  locomotives  and  tens  of  thousands  of  cars  in 
this  country,  a  large  part  of  which  are  ready  for  shipment, 
but  which  cannot  be  shipped  because  of  lack  of  shipping 
facilities.  Affectionately  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 

Grosvenor  Clarkson,  who  was  first  Secretary  and  then 
Director  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense,  writes  in 
February,  1922,  this  account  of  the  work  of  the  Council :  — 

"As  early  as  February  12,  1917,  or  nearly  two  months 
before  we  went  into  the  war,  Secretary  Lane  presented  reso 
lutions  at  a  joint  meeting  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense 
and  its  Advisory  Commission,  to  the  effect  that  the  Council 
'Call  a  series  of  conferences  with  the  leading  men  in  each 
industry,  fundamentally  necessary  to  the  defense  of  the 
country  in  the  event  of  war.'  The  resolutions  also  proposed 
that  the  Council  at  once  proceed  to  confer  with  those  familiar 
with  the  manner  by  which  foreign  governments  in  the  war 
enlisted  their  industries  and,  further,  that  the  Council  i 
should  establish  a  committee  to  investigate  and  report  upon 
such  regulations  as  to  hours  and  safety  of  labor  as  should 
apply  to  all  war  labor. 

"Secretary  Lane's  resolution  was  referred  to  the  Ad 
visory  Commission,  and  on  February  13,  at  a  joint  meeting 
of  the  Council  and  Commission,  the  matter  was  thoroughly 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         249 

discussed.  Out  of  this  resolution  grew  the  famous  cooper 
ative  committees  of  the  Advisory  Commission.  Here  was 
the  inception  of  the  doll ar-a-y ear  man. 

"This  organization,  set  up  by  the  Advisory  Commission, 
furnished  for  the  first  eight  or  ten  months  of  our  partici 
pation  in  the  war,  almost  the  only  thing  in  the  way  of  a  war 
machine  under  the  government  on  the  civilian  or  industrial 
side. 

"  In  the  first  week  of  May,  1917,  the  Council  of  National 
Defense  called  to  Washington  representatives  of  each  state 
in  the  Union,  to  confer  with  the  federal  government  as  to  the 
common  prosecution  of  the  war.  The  state  delegates,  con 
sisting  of  many  Governors  and  in  each  case  of  leading  cit 
izens  of  the  respective  commonwealths,  were  received  by  the 
six  Cabinet  officers,  forming  the  Council,  in  the  office  of 
Secretary  Baker  in  April. 

"Secretary  Lane  thought  that  the  most  effective  way  to 
wake  the  country  up  out  of  its  dream  of  security  was  to  tell 
the  truth  about  the  submarine  losses,  the  country  up  to 
that  time  not  having  really  appreciated  what  the  losses 
amounted  to.  He  said,  'The  President  is  going  to  address 
the  State  representatives  at  the  White  House,  and  I  am  going 
to  urge  him  to  cut  loose  on  the  submarine  losses,'  and  he 
asked  me  to  prepare  a  memorandum  for  him  to  give  to  the 
President.  This  I  did.  The  President,  however,  apparently 
decided  not  to  go  into  the  subject,  and  Secretary  Lane,  with 
a  courage  that  can  only  be  appreciated  by  those  who  knew 
the  atmosphere  of  official  Washington  at  that  time,  decided 
to  take  the  bull  by  the  horns  himself,  and  at  the  next  meeting 
with  the  representatives  with  the  Council  in  Secretary 
Baker's  office,  Secretary  Lane  .  .  .  cut  loose  and  told  the 
actual  truth  about  submarine  losses  at  that  time.  .  .  . 
The  next  morning  it  was  the  story  of  the  day  in  the  news- 


250          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

papers  and  it  did  as  much  to  arouse  the  country  as  a  whole 
as  to  what  we  were  up  against  as  any  one  thing  that  occurred 
during  this  period,  save  only  the  President's  war  message 
itself. 

"Secretary  Lane  became  chairman  of  the  field  division 
of  the  Council  of  National  Defense  toward  the  end  of  the 
war.  This  was  the  body  that  guided  and  coordinated  the 
work  of  the  184,000  units  of  the  state,  county,  community, 
and  municipal  Councils  of  Defense,  and  of  those  of  the 
Woman's  Committee  of  the  Council  —  no  doubt  the  greatest 
organization  of  the  kind  that  the  world  has  ever  known." 


To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  May  3,  1917 

These  are  great  days.  Their  significance  will  not  be 
realized  for  many  years.  We  are  forming  a  close  union  with 
France  and  England.  The  most  impressive  sight  I  have  ever 
seen  was  that  at  Washington's  tomb  last  Sunday.  We  went 
down  on  the  Mayflower  —  the  French  and  the  English  com 
missions  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet.  Viviani  and 
Balfour  spoke.  Joffre  laid  a  bronze  palm  upon  Washington's 
tomb,  then  stood  up  in  his  soldierly  way  and  stood  at  salute 
for  a  minute.  Balfour  laid  a  wreath  of  lilies  upon  the  tomb, 
and  leaned  over  as  if  in  prayer.  Above  the  tomb,  for  the 
first  time,  flew  the  flag  of  another  country  than  our  own,  the 
Stars  and  Stripes,  and  on  either  side,  the  British  Jack  and* 
the  French  Tricolor.  This  is  a  combination  of  the  Democ 
racies  of  the  world  against  feudalism  and  autocracy. 

I  heard  a  story  from  one  of  Joffre's  aides.  Joffre,  by  the 
way,  is  the  quietest,  sweetest,  most  naive,  and  babylike  in 
dividual  I  ever  met.  All  of  the  women,  as  well  as  the  men, 
are  in  love  with  him.  When  he  met  Nancy,  at  a  garden 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         251 

party,  he  kissed  her  on  both  cheeks.  Nancy,  as  you  may 
imagine,  was  ecstatically  delighted.  This  simple,  grave, 
kindly  soldier  sat  in  his  room  while  the  Germans  came  march 
ing  upon  Paris,  saying  nothing.  Every  few  minutes  an  aide 
would  come  in  and  move  the  French  markers  back  upon  the 
map,  and  the  German  markers  forward,  toward  Paris.  Day 
after  day  he  saw  this  advance,  but  said  nothing.  At  last 
when  they  came  to  the  valley  of  the  Marne,  an  aide  came  in 
and  marked  the  map,  showing  that  the  Germans  were  within 
thirty  miles  of  Paris.  Then  Joffre  quietly  said,  "This  thing 
has  gone  far  enough,"  and  taking  up  a  pad  of  paper  he  called 
to  his  troops  to  stand  fast  and  die  upon  the  Marne,  if  neces 
sary,  to  save  France.  There  is  nothing  finer  than  this  in 
history. 

Joffre  has  a  skin  like  a  baby.  He  has  the  utmost  frank 
ness  and  simplicity  of  speech.  When  McAdoo  asked  him 
at  the  White  House  if  the  present  drive  was  satisfactory,  he 
said  in  the  most  innocent  way,  "I  am  not  there."  Viviani, 
who  is  the  head  of  the  French  Commission,  is  as  jealous  as 
a  prima  donna,  terribly  jealous  of  Joffre,  (which  makes 
Joffre  feel  most  uncomfortable)  because,  of  course,  Joffre  is 
the  hero  of  the  Marne. 

I  spoke  at  the  Belasco  Theatre  the  other  day  for  the 
benefit  of  the  French  war  relief  fund,  introducing  Ambas 
sador  Herrick  and  the  lecturer,  a  young  Frenchman.  Joffre 
and  Viviani  were  in  a  box.  Every  mention  of  the  name 
of  Joffre  brought  the  people  to  their  feet.  Yesterday  I 
spoke  again  at  a  meeting  of  the  State  Councils  of  De 
fense  and  I  enclose  you  what  the  New  York  Post  had  to 
say. 

Last  night  I  dined  with  Balfour.  I  have  seen  quite  a 
little  of  him.  He  is  sixty -nine  years  old  and  stands  about 
six  feet  two.  He  is  a  perfect  type  of  the  aristocratic  English- 


LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

man,  with  a  charming  smile.  His  real  heart  is  in  the  study 
of  philosophy.  Anne  sat  next  to  him  at  dinner  and  he  told 
her  that  he  believed  in  a  personal  God,  personal  identity 
after  death,  and  answer  to  prayer,  which  is  a  remarkable 
statement  of  faith  for  one  who  has  lived  through  our  scien 
tific  age.  I  think  at  bottom  he  is  a  mystic. 

On  all  sides  they  are  frank  in  telling  of  their  distress.  We 
did  not  come  in  a  minute  too  soon.  England  and  France, 
I  believe,  were  gone  if  we  had  not  come  in.  It  delights  me 
to  see  how  much  sympathy  there  is  with  England  as  well  as 
with  France.  The  Irish  alone  seem  to  be  unreconciled  with 
England  as  our  ally. 

Ned  got  your  letter,  and  I  suppose  in  time  will  answer  it, 
I  had  the  question  put  to  me  by  Baker  yesterday  as  to 
whether  I  wished  him  to  go  to  the  other  side,  and  I  had  to 
say  frankly  that  I  did.  It  was  to  me  the  most  momentous 
decision  that  I  have  made  in  the  war.  He  has  passed  his 
final  test,  and  I  hope  that  he  will  get  his  commission  in  a 
few  days. 

To-night  we  give  a  dinner  to  the  Canadians,  Sir  George 
Foster,  the  acting  Premier,  and  Sir  Joseph  Polk,  the  Under 
Secretary  of  External  Affairs,  who,  by  the  way,  was  born  in 
Charlottetown,  Prince  Edward  Island,  and  says  he  heard 
our  father  preach. 

The  country's  crops  are  going  to  be  short,  I  fear,  and  we 
have  had  little  rain.  Ships  and  grain  —  these  are  the  two 
things  that  we  must  get.  Ships,  to  carry  our  grain  and  our 
locomotives  and  rails,  and  grain  to  keep  the  fighters  alive. 
The  U-boats  are  destroying  twice  as  much  as  the  produc 
ing  tonnage  of  the  world.  We  need  every  bushel  that 
California  can  produce.  With  much  love,  affectionately 
yours, 

F.  K.  L. 


CABINET  TALK  AND   WAR  PLANS         253 

To  Frank  I.  Cobb 
New  York  World 

Washington,  May  5,  1917 

MY  DEAR  COBB,  —  I  had  a  long  talk  with  Hoover  yesterday. 
He  tells  me  that  the  U-boat  situation  is  really  worse  than  I 
stated  it.  There  is  no  question  but  that  the  actual  sink 
ings  amounted  to  more  than  300,000  tons  in  a  week,  and  if 
we  add  those  put  out  of  business  by  mines,  they  will  exceed 
400,000  tons.  The  French  are  absolutely  desperate.  One 
of  the  French  ministers  told  Hoover  that  they  had  fixed  on 
the  first  of  November  as  their  last  day,  if  the  United  States 
had  not  come  in.  Admiral  Chocheprat  told  me,  with  tears 
in  his  eyes,  three  nights  ago,  that  they  felt  themselves  help 
less.  They  were  absolutely  at  the  mercy  of  the  submarines 
because  of  their  lack  of  destroyers,  and  they  had  feared  we 
were  preparing  to  defend  our  own  shores  rather  than  fight 
across  the  water.  I  know  that  the  latter  has  been  the  policy 
of  the  heads  of  the  Navy  Department. 

Do  not,  I  beg  of  you,  minimize  the  immediate  danger. 
This  is  the  time  to  defend  the  United  States ;  and  the  United 
States  is  woefully  indifferent  to  its  dangers  and  to  the  needs 
of  the  situation.  We  have  been  carrying  on  a  ship-building 
program  with  reference  to  conditions  after  the  war.  It  is 
only  within  ten  days  that  we  have  realized  that  the  end  of 
the  war  will  be  one  of  defeat  unless  we  build  twice  as  fast  as 
we  proposed  to  build.  You  know  that  I  am  not  pessimistic. 
It  is  not  my  habit  to  look  upon  the  gloomy  side  of  things.  It 
is  no  kindness  to  the  American  people  or  to  France  or  Eng 
land  to  give  them  words  of  good  cheer  now.  This  war  is 
right  at  this  minute  a  challenge  to  every  particle  of  brains 
and  inventive  skill  that  we  have  got. 

Please  treat  this  as  entirely  confidential.     Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


254          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

May8 

The  only  dissention  in  the  Council  is  over  the  use  that 
will  be  made  of  Hoover.     Houston,  I  think,  is  rather  making 
a  mistake,  though  it  may  work  out  all  right.     I  hope  it  will. 
Don't  "bat"  us;  we  are  a  nervous  lot  right  now.  .  .  . 

"Lane  was  among  the  first  to  grasp  the  bigness  of  the 
danger  to  the  allied  cause,"  James  S.  Harlan  says,  "in  Ger 
many's  underwater  attack  on  the  merchant  marine  of  the 
world.  He  also  realized  the  magnitude  of  the  task  of  frus 
trating  the  new  peril  and  the  need  of  prompt  measures  to 
save  the  situation.  Lane  had  no  anxieties  or  hesitations  in 
his  personal  contact  with  big  men;  but  he  had  a  genuine 
fear  of  small  men  when  big  things  were  doing.  And  so  in 
this  great  emergency  he  naturally  thought  of  Schwab.  How 
well  I  recall  the  fine  force  and  vigor  in  his  expression  when, 
rising  from  his  chair  and  standing  with  clenched  fist  pointed 
at  me,  he  said  in  substance :  -  'The  President  ought  to  send 
for  Schwab  and  hand  him  a  treasury  warrant  for  a  billion 
dollars  and  set  him  to  work  building  ships,  with  no  govern 
ment  inspectors  or  supervisors  or  accountants  or  auditors 
or  other  red  tape  to  bother  him.  Let  the  President  just  put 
it  up  to  Schwab's  patriotism  and  put  Schwab  on  his  honor. 
Nothing  more  is  needed.  Schwab  will  do  the  job.' 

"This  was  a  full  year  before  Schwab  was  called  down  to 
Washington  to  talk  over  the  question  of  building  ships." 

To  Will  Irwin 
Paris,  France 

Washington,  July  21,  1917 

MY  DEAR  WILL,  —  I  have  just  received  your  letter.     Thank 
you  very  much  for  what  you  say  of  my  speech.     I  am  doing 


CABINET  TALK  AND   WAR  PLANS         255 

my  damndest  to  keep  things  going  here  but  it  is  awfully  hard 
work,  because  the  minute  my  head  raises  above  the  water 
some  neighboring  ship  plugs  it. 

I  think  you  are  dead  right  in  staying  with  the  Post.  The 
feeling  here  is  that  we  are  not  getting  real  facts  regarding 
the  desperateness  of  the  U-boat  situation.  We  need  to  be 
told  facts  in  order  to  have  our  minds  challenged.  We  are 
not  cowards,  and  I  hope  you  will  give  us  realistic  pictures  of 
just  what  is  happening  if  you  can.  .  .  . 

My  boy  is  the  youngest  lieutenant  in  the  Army  —  nine 
teen.  He  goes  next  week  to  Illinois  as  an  instructor  in  avia 
tion,  and  I  suppose  in  a  little  while  when  he  gets  the 
machines,  he  will  be  crossing  over. 

With  warm  affection,  my  dear  Will.     Always  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Robert  Lansing 
Secretary  of  State 

Beverly,  Massachusetts.     [August,  1917] 

MY  DEAR  LANSING,  —  I  had  lunch  yesterday  with  Colonel 
House  who  asked  me  what  I  thought  should  be  done  as  to 
the  Pope's  appeal  for  peace.  I  told  him  I  thought  it  should 
be  taken  seriously.  He  agreed  and  asked  what  the  President 
should  say.  I  answered  that,  inasmuch  as  all  the  evidence 
pointed  to  the  conclusion  that  the  German  Centerists  and 
Austria  were  responsible  for  this  appeal,  that  we  could  not 
afford  to  have  them  feel  that  we  were  for  a  policy  of  annihila 
tion,  —  for  this  would  be  playing  the  War  Party's  game  and 
would  place  the  burden  on  us  of  continuing  the  war.  And 
this  we  could  neither  afford  [to  do]  at  home  or  abroad. 
This  opportunity  should  be  seized,  I  said,  to  make  plain  not 
so  much  our  terms  of  peace  as  the  things  in  Germany  that 
seemed  to  make  peace  difficult,  —  Germany's  attitude  to- 


256         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

ward  the  world,  the  spirit  against  which  we  are  fighting. 
That  we  wished  peace ;  that  we  had  been  patient  to  the  limit ; 
that  we  had  come  in  in  the  hope  that  we  could  destroy  the 
idea  in  the  German  mind  that  it  could  impose  its  authority 
and  system,  by  force,  upon  an  unwilling  world ;  that  we  were 
not  opposed  to  talking  peace,  provided,  at  the  outset,  and  as 
a  sine  qua  non,  the  Central  Powers  would  assume  that  Govern 
ment  by  the  Soldier  was  not  a  possibility  in  the  20th  century. 

The  Colonel  said  that  he  had  written  the  President  to 
this  same  effect.  That  he  had  written  you,  or  not,  he  did 
not  say.  So  I  am  telling  you  the  Colonel's  view  for  your 
own  benefit.  He  thought  that  the  Allies  would  strongly  insist 
upon  concerted  action,  putting  aside  the  Pope's  appeal,  and 
that  this  had  to  be  resisted,  for  we  should  play  our  own  game. 

I  find  all  I  meet  here  strong  for  the  war,  but  of  course  I 
only  meet  the  high-spirited.  There  is  much  feeling  that  we 
are  going  about  it  too  mechanically,  with  too  little  emotion 
and  passion.  ...  As  always, 

LANE 

Toward  the  middle  of  August,  Lane  started  for  Mount 
Desert  to  inspect  the  proposed  National  Park  created  there 
through  the  public-spirited  devotion  of  George  B.  Dorr. 
This  northern  trip  was  taken  to  decide  whether  he  would 
accept,  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  this  addition  to  the 
National  Parks.  Two  years  later  in  writing  to  Senator 
Myers,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands,  of  i 
this  National  Park,  the  only  one  east  of  the  Mississippi, 
Lane  said,  "The  name  Lafayette  is  substituted  for  that 
of  Mount  Desert,  the  name  proposed  by  the  former  bill, 
and  I  consider  it  singularly  appropriate  that  the  name  of 
Lafayette  should  be  commemorated  by  these  splendid 
mountains  facing  on  the  sea,  on  what  was  once  a  corner  of 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         257 

Old  France,  and  with  it  the  early  friendship  of  the  two 
nations  which  are  so  closely  allied  in  the  present  war." 


To  Henry  Lane  Eno 
Bar  Harbor,  Maine 

Washington,  Saturday,  [September  2,  19171 

There  are  not  many  weeks  in  a  man's  life  of  which  he  can 
say  that  one  was  without  a  flaw,  that  it  could  not  have  been 
improved  upon  in  company,  comfort,  or  surroundings.  And 
all  these  things,  my  dear  Mr.  Eno,  I  can  affirm  of  the  days 
spent  with  you.  I  have  a  better  opinion  of  my  fellows  and 
of  my  country  because  of  them.  Perhaps,  after  all,  that  is 
as  complete  a  test  as  any  other.  As  I  look  back  I  think  of 
but  one  thing  that  gives  occasion  for  regret  —  we  had  too 
few  good,  mind-stretching  talks,  you,  Dorr,  and  myself.  But 
those  we  had  were  certainly  not  about  affairs  of  small  con 
cern.  We  indulged  ourselves  as  social  philosophers,  psy 
chologists,  war-makers,  and  international  statesmen.  The 
world  was  ours,  and  more  —  the  worlds  beyond.  To  do  */ 
things  worth  while  by  day,  and  to  dream  things  worth  while 
by  night,  and  to  believe  that  both  are  worth  while,  that 
is  the  perfect  life.  If  one  can't  get  to  Heaven  by  following 
that  course,  then  are  we  lost. 

I  am  sending  a  line  to  Dorr,  noble,  unselfish,  high-spirited, 
broad-minded  gentleman  that  he  is.  ...  Sincerely  and 
heartily  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  Dorr, 
Bar  Harbor,  Maine 

Washington,  [September  2,  1917] 

MY  DEAR  MR.  DORR,  —  You  do  not  know  what  good  you 
did  my  tired  politics-soaked  soul  by  showing  me,  under  such 


258          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

happy  conditions,  the  beauties  and  the  possibilities  of  your 
island.  And  I  came  to  know  two  men  at  least,  whose  heads 
and  hearts  were  working  for  a  less  pudgy  and  flat-footed 
world.  ...  To  have  enthusiasm  is  to  beat  the  Devil.  So  I 
have  you  down  in  my  Saints'  book. 

You  know  a  man  in  politics  is  always  looking  about  for 
some  place  to  which  he  can  retire  when  the  whirligig  brings 
in  another  group  of  more  popular  patriots.  Now  I  can 
frankly  say  that  if  I  could  have  an  extended  term  of  exile 
on  your  island  with  you  and  your  friends,  I  would  feel  recon 
ciled  to  banishment  from  politics  for  life,  provided  however 
(I  must  say  this  for  conscience'  sake)  that  we  had  time  and 
money  to  make  the  Park  what  it  should  be  —  a  demonstra 
tion  school  for  the  American  to  show  how  much  he  can  add 
to  the  beauty  of  Nature. 

A  wilderness,  no  matter  how  impressive  and  beautiful, 
does  not  satisfy  this  soul  of  mine,  (if  I  have  that  kind  of 
thing).  It  is  a  challenge  to  man.  It  says,  "Master  me! 
Put  me  to  use!  Make  me  something  more  than  I  am." 
So  what  you  have  done  in  the  Park  —  the  Spring  House  and 
the  Arts  Building,  the  cliff  trails  and  the  opened  woods,  show 
how  much  may  be  added  by  the  love  and  thought  of  man. 

May  the  Gods  be  good  to  you,  the  God  of  Mammon  im 
mediately,  that  your  dreams  may  come  true,  and  that  you 
may  give  to  others  the  pleasure  you  gave  to  yours  sincerely, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

i 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  September  21,  1917 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  It  will  interest  you  to  know 
that  the  Commission  which  I  sent  up  this  year  to  Alaska  to 
look  into  the  Alaskan  Railroad  matters  has  just  returned. 


CABINET  TALK  AND   WAR  PLANS         259 

The  engineer  on  this  Commission  was  Mr.  Wendt,  who  was 
formerly  Chief  Engineer  of  the  Pittsburg  and  Lake  Erie 
Railroad,  and  who  is  now  in  charge  of  the  appraisal  of  east 
ern  roads  under  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission.  He 
tells  me  that  our  Alaskan  road  could  not  have  been  built 
for  less  money  if  handled  by  a  private  concern;  that  he 
has  never  seen  any  railroad  camps  where  the  men  were  pro 
vided  with  as  good  food  and  where  there  was  such  care 
taken  of  their  health.  They  have  had  no  smallpox  and  but 
one  case  of  typhoid  fever.  No  liquor  is  allowed  on  the  line 
of  the  road.  The  road  in  his  judgment  has  followed  the 
best  possible  location.  Our  hospitals  are  well  run.  The  com 
pensation  plan  adopted  for  injuries  is  satisfactory  to  the  men. 
I  have  directed  that  all  possible  speed  be  made  in  connect 
ing  the  Matanuska  coal  fields  with  Seward.  This  involves 
the  heaviest  construction  that  we  will  have  to  undertake, 
which  is  along  Turnagain  Arm,  but  by  the  middle  of  next 
year,  no  strikes  intervening,  and  transportation  for  supplies 
being  available,  this  part  of  the  work  should  be  done. 
Faithfully  and  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

In  Lane's  Annual  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
dated  November  20,  1919,  he  writes  of  the  Alaskan  rail 
road  enterprise  :  —  "One  of  the  first  recommendations  made 
by  me  in  my  report  of  seven  years  ago  was  that  the  Govern 
ment  build  a  railroad  from  Seward  to  Fairbanks  in  Alaska. 
Five  years  ago  you  intrusted  to  me  the  direction  of  this 
work.  The  road  is  now  more  than  two-thirds  built  and 
Congress  at  this  session  after  exhaustively  examining  into 
the  work  has  authorized  an  additional  appropriation  suffi 
cient  for  its  completion.  The  showing  made  before  Congress 
was  that  the  road  had  been  built  without  graft ;  every  dollar 


260          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

has  gone  into  actual  work  or  material.  It  has  been  built 
without  giving  profits  to  any  large  contractors,  for  it  has  been 
constructed  entirely  by  small  contractors  or  by  day's  labor. 
It  has  been  built  without  touch  of  politics ;  every  man  on  the 
road  has  been  chosen  exclusively  for  ability  and  experience." 

This  memorandum  touching  the  early  history  of  Alaska 
was  found  in  Lane's  files. 


Manuscript  Note 

Washington,  December  29,  1911 

Last  night  I  dined  with  Charles  Henry  Butler,  reporter 
for  the  Supreme  Court  and  a  son  of  William  Allen  Butler, 
for  so  long  a  leader  of  the  New  York  bar. 

In  the  course  of  the  evening  Mr.  Charles  Glover,  Pres 
ident  of  the  Riggs  National  Bank,  told  me  this  bit  of  history. 
That  when  he  was  a  boy,  in  the  bank  one  day  Mr.  Cochran 
came  to  him  and  handed  him  two  warrants  upon  the  United 
States  Treasury,  one  for  $1,400,000.  and  the  other  for 
$5,800,000.  He  said,  "Put  those  in  the  safe."  Mr.  Glover 
did  so,  and  they  remained  there  for  a  week,  when  they  were 
sent  to  New  York.  Mr.  Glover  said  "These  warrants  were 
the  payment  of  Russia  for  the  Territory  of  Alaska!*^Why 
were  there  two  warrants?  I  never  knew  until  some  years 
later,  when  I  learned  the  story  from  Senator  Dawes,  who 
said  that  prior  to  the  war,  there  had  been  some  negotiations  * 
between  the  United  States  and  Russia  for  the  purchase  of 
Alaska,  and  the  price  of  $1,400,000.  was  agreed  upon.  In  fact 
this  was  the  amount  that  Russia  asked  for  this  great  terri 
tory,  which  was  regarded  as  nothing  more  than  a  barren 
field  of  ice. 

"During  the  war  the  matter  lay  dormant.     We  had  more 


CABINET  TALK  AND  WAR  PLANS         £61 

territory  than  we  could  take  care  of.  When  England,  how 
ever,  began  to  manifest  her  friendly  disposition  toward  the 
Confederacy,  and  we  learned  from  Europe  that  England  and 
France  were  carrying  on  negotiations  for  the  recognition  of 
the  Southern  States,  and  possibly  of  some  manifestation  by 
their  fleets  against  the  blockade  which  we  had  instituted, 
(and  which  they  claimed  was  not  effective  and  merely  a 
paper  blockade),  we  looked  about  for  a  friend,  and  Russia 
was  the  only  European  country  upon  whose  friendship  we 
could  rely.  Thereupon  Secretary  Seward  secured  from 
Russia  a  demonstration,  in  American  ports,  of  Russian 
friendship.  Her  ships  of  war  sailed  to  both  of  our  coasts,  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific,  with  the  understanding  that  the  expense 
of  this  demonstration  should  be  met  by  the  United  States, 
out  of  the  contingent  fund.  It  was  to  be  a  secret  matter. 
"The  war  came  to  a  close,  and  immediately  thereafter 
Lincoln  was  assassinated  and  the  administration  changed. 
It  was  no  longer  possible  to  pay  for  this  demonstration, 
secretly,  under  the  excuse  of  war,  but  a  way  was  found  for 
paying  Russia  through  the  purchase  of  Alaska.  The  warrant 
for  $1,400,000.  was  the  warrant  for  the  purchase  of  Alaska, 
the  warrant  for  $5,800,000.  was  for  Russia's  expenses  in  her 
naval  demonstration  in  our  behalf,  but  history  only  knows 
the  fact  that  the  United  States  paid  $7,200,000.  for  this 
territory,  which  is  now  demonstrated  to  be  one  of  the  richest 
portions  of  the  earth  in  mineral  deposits." 


To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  November  3,  1917 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  On  April  7,  1917,  the  Council 
of  National  Defense  adopted  a  report,  submitted  by  the 


262         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee  on  Labor  of  the  Ad 
visory  Commission  of  the  Council,  urging  that  no  change  in 
existing  standards  be  made  during  the  war,  by  either  em 
ployers  or  employees,  except  with  the  approval  of  the  Council 
of  National  Defense.  .  .  . 

The  next  step  for  producing  efficiency  must  be  no  strikes. 

The  annual  convention  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor,  consisting  of  international  unions,  will  be  held  at 
Buffalo  on  November  12th.  I  would  urge  that  about  thirty 
executives  of  the  unions,  which  more  directly  control  essen 
tial  war  production,  be  invited  to  confer  with  you  prior  to 
that  date,  to  determine  on  a  policy  which  will  prevent  the 
constant  interruption  of  production  for  war  purposes.  The 
Commissioners  of  Conciliation  of  the  Department  of  Labor 
and  the  President's  Commission  have  a  wonderful  record 
of  accomplishments  for  settling  strikes  after  they  have  oc 
curred.  Organized  labor  should  give  the  Government  the 
opportunity  to  adjust  controversies  before  strikes  occur. 

At  this  conference  it  could  safely  be  made  plain  that  for 
the  war,  employers  would  agree  not  to  object  to  the  peaceable 
extension  of  trade  unionism;  that  they  would  make  no 
efforts  to  "open"  a  "closed  shop" ;  that  they  would  submit 
all  controversies  concerning  standards,  including  wages  and 
lockouts,  to  any  official  body  on  which  they  have  equal  repre 
sentation  with  labor,  and  would  abide  by  its  decisions; 
that  they  would  adhere  strictly  to  health  and  safety  laws, 
and  laws  concerning  woman  and  child  labor ;  that  they  woulcj 
not  lower  prices  now  in  force  for  piece  work,  except  by 
Government  direction;  that  if  a  union  in  a  "closed"  shop 
after  due  notice  was  unable  to  furnish  sufficient  workers, 
any  non-union  employees  taken  on  would  be  the  first  to  be 
dismissed  on  the  contraction  of  business,  and  the  shop  re 
stored  to  its  previous  "closed"  status;  that  the  only  barrier 


CABINET  TALK  AND   WAR  PLANS         263 

in  the  way  of  steady  production  is  the  unwillingness  of  the 
unions  to  uphold  the  proposition  of  settlement  before  a 
strike,  instead  of  after  a  strike. 

The  imminence  of  this  convention  seems  to  me  to  make 
some  step  necessary  at  this  time.  I  would  take  the  matter 
up  with  Secretary  Wilson  were  he  here,  and  have  sent  a 
copy  of  this  letter  to  him.  You  undoubtedly  can  put  an 
end  to  this  most  serious  situation  by  calling  on  the  inter 
national  labor  leaders  to  take  a  stand  that  will  not  be  so 
radical  as  that  taken  in  England,  and  yet  will  insure  to  the 
men  good  wages  and  good  conditions,  and  make  sure  that 
our  industry  will  not  be  paralyzed.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  J.  O'H.  Cosgrave 
New  York  World 

Washington,  December  21,  1917 

MY  DEAR  JACK,  —  My  spirit  does  not  permit  me  to  give  you 
an  interview  on  the  moral  benefits  of  the  war.  This  would 
be  sheer  camouflage.  Of  course,  we  will  get  some  good  out 
of  it,  and  we  will  learn  some  efficiency  —  if  that  is  a  moral 
benefit  —  and  a  purer  sense  of  nationalism.  But  the  war 
will  degrade  us.  That  is  the  plain  fact,  make  sheer  brutes 
out  of  us,  because  we  will  have  to  descend  to  the  methods 
that  the  Germans  employ. 

So  you  must  go  somewhere  else  for  your  uplift  stuff. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


X 

CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME 

1918 

Notes  on  Cabinet  Meetings  —  School  Gardens  —  A  Democracy  Lacks 
Foresight  —  Use  of  National  Resources  —  Washington  in  War-time  — 
The  Sacrifice  of  War  —  Farms  for  Soldiers 

Notes  on  Cabinet  Meetings 
Found  in  Lane's  Files 

February  25,  1918 

As  I  entered  the  building  this  morning  Dr.  Parsons  x  met 
me.  I  asked  how  the  cyanide  plant  was  getting  on.  His 
reply  was  to  ask  if  he  might  request  the  War  Department 
to  allow  us  to  make  the  contract  —  that  he  could  have  the 
whole  thing  done  in  two  days.  This  is  where  we  are  at  the 
end  of  more  than  six  months  of  effort.  It  is  hopeless ! 
We  find  the  process,  everything !  —  but  cannot  get  the 
contract,  through  the  intricate,  infinite  fault-findings  and 
negligence  of  the  War  Department. 

Manning l  came  to  see  me  to  say  that  he  expected,  after 
the  Overman  bill  was  passed,  that  the  President  would  take « 
over  the  gas  work  —  order  it  into  the  War  Department. 
He  had  been  asked  twice  if  he  could  be  tempted  by  a  uni 
form  into  that  Department,  and  had  said  that  he  was  freer 
as  a  civilian,  —  had  planned  the  work  and  gathered  the  force 
as  a  civilian,  and  would  not  leave  the  Department.  He 

1  Of  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  Bureau  of  Mines. 
264 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  265 

felt  damned  sore  and  indignant,  that  a  work"  so  well  done 
should  be  the  subject  of  envy,  and  possibly  be  made  less 
effective  and  useful.  .  .  . 

Everit  Macy  lunched  with  me  and  told  me  the  sad  story 
of  the  mishandling  of  labor  affairs  by  the  Shipping  Board. 
He  had  gone  to  the  Pacific  Coast  and  with  his  colleagues, 
Coolidge  and  others,  made  an  agreement  with  the  ship 
building  trades.  Five  dollars  and  twenty -five  cents  for 
machinists,  etc.  In  Seattle,  however,  because  of  one  firm's 
bidding  for  labor,  he  felt  that  there  would  have  to  come  a 
strike  before  this  schedule  would  be  accepted.  Before  he 
got  back  the  threatened  strike  came,  and  then  the  demand 
of  the  men  for  a  ten  per  cent  bonus  was  acceded  to,  upset 
ting  all  other  settlements  in  San  Francisco,  Portland,  Los 
Angeles,  etc.  Result,  ten  per  cent  gain  everywhere.  And 
now  the  Eastern  and  Southern  men  ask  the  Pacific  scale,  and 
he  can't  see  how  it  can  be  avoided,  nor  can  I.  They  will 
have  to  standardize  all  wages. 

Poor  chap,  his  advice  was  scorned,  for  he  protested  against 
the  bonus  being  given  to  Seattle,  and  as  he  said,  "If  it  had 
not  been  war-time  I  would  have  resigned."  To  increase 
the  men  in  the  South,  to  this  unprecedented  scale,  will  not 
get  more  ships,  he  fears,  but  less,  for  they  will  not  work  if 
they  have  wages  in  four  days,  equal  to  seven  days'  needs. 
I  advised  for  standardization.  He  said  the  Navy  wouldn't 
hear  of  it,  as  it  would  demoralize  their  yards.  .  .  . 

Politics,  politics,  curse  of  the  country !  It  has  gotten 
into  the  whole  war  program.  Hoover  and  McAdoo  are  at 
swords  drawn.  Hoover  had  a  cable  signed  by  the  three 
Premiers,  George,  Clemenceau,  and  Orlando,  crying  for 
wheat  and  charging  us  with  not  keeping  our  word  —  and 
starvation  threatening  all  three  countries  —  in  fact,  almost 
sure,  because  we  have  not  been  able  to  get  the  wheat  to  the 


266         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

ships ;  and  with  starvation  will  come  revolution,  if  it  gets 
bad  enough.  ...  I  asked  Hoover  about  this  on  Sunday 
night,  .  .  .  and  he  said  that  a  list  of  eight  hundred  cars 
had  been  on  McAdoo's  desk  for  a  week.  .  .  . 

(McChord  said  on  the  bench  l  to-day  that  he  thought 
Hoover  seventy -five  per  cent  right.) 

I 

March  1,  [1918] 

Yesterday,  at  Cabinet  meeting,  we  had  the  first  real  talk 
on  the  war  in  weeks,  yes,  in  months !  Burleson  brought 
up  the  matter  of  Russia,  .  .  .  would  we  support  Japan  in 
taking  Siberia,  or  even  Vladivostock  ?  Should  we  join 
Japan  actively  —  in  force  ? 

The  President  said  "No,"  for  the  very  practical  reason 
that  we  had  no  ships.  We  had  difficulty  in  providing  for 
our  men  in  France  and  for  our  Allies,  (the  President  never 
uses  this  word,  saying  that  we  are  not  " allies").  How 
hopeless  it  would  be  to  carry  everything  seven  or  eight  thou 
sand  miles  —  not  only  men  and  munitions,  but  food  !  —  for 
Japan  has  none  to  spare,  and  none  we  could  eat.  Her  men 
feed  on  rice  and  smoked  fish,  and  she  raises  nothing  we 
would  want.  Nor  could  the  country  support  us.  So  there 
was  an  end  of  talking  of  an  American  force  in  Siberia !  Yes, 
we  were  needed  —  perhaps  as  a  guarantee  of  good  faith  on 
Japan's  part  that  she  would  not  go  too  far,  nor  stay  too 
long.  But  we  would  not  do  it.  And  besides,  Russia  would 
not  like  it,  therefore  we  must  keep  hands  off  and  let  Japan  \ 
take  the  blame  and  the  responsibility. 

The  question  is  not  simple,  for  Russia  will  say  that  we 
threw  her  to  Japan,  and  possibly  she  would  rush  into  Ger 
many's  arms  as  the  lesser  of  evils.     My  single  word  of  cau 
tion  was  to  so  act  that  Russia,  when  she  "came  back," 
1  The  Interstate  Commerce  Commission. 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  267 

should  not  hate  us,  for  there  was  our  new  land  for  develop 
ment  —  Siberia  —  and  we  should  have  front  place  at  that 
table,  if  we  did  not  let  our  fears  and  our  hatred  and  our  con 
tempt  get  away  with  us  now. 

Daniels  whispered  to-day  that  Russia  had  five  fast  cruisers 
in  the  Baltic,  which  could  raid  the  Atlantic  and  put  our  ships 
off  the  sea.  He  had  wired  Sims  to  see  if  they  couldn't  be 
sunk.  I  hope  it  is  not  too  late ;  surely  England  must  have 
done  something  on  so  important  a  matter,  though  she  is 
slow  in  thinking.  And  how  is  anyone  to  get  there  with  the 
Baltic  full  of  submarines  and  mines  !  The  thought  is  horri 
ble,  the  possibilities !  We  certainly  have  made  a  bad  fist 
of  things  Russian  from  the  start.  They  have  deserted  us 
because  they  were  trying  to  drive  the  cart  ahead  of  the 
horse,  economical  revolution  before  political  revolution, 
socialism  ahead  of  liberty  with  law.  And  they  know  we  are 
capitalistic,  because  we  do  not  approve  of  socialism  by  force. 

March  12,  [1918] 

Nothing  talked  of  at  Cabinet  that  would  interest  a  nation, 
a  family,  or  a  child.  No  talk  of  the  war.  No  talk  of  Russia 
or  Japan.  Talk  by  McAdoo  about  some  bills  in  Congress, 
by  the  President  about  giving  the  veterans  of  the  Spanish 
war  leave,  with  pay,  to  attend  their  annual  encampment. 
And  he  treated  this  seriously  as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  first 
importance !  No  word  from  Baker  nor  mention  of  his  mis 
sion  or  his  doings.  .  .  . 

To  Franklin  K.  Lane,  Jr. 
Somewhere  in  France 

Washington,  February  15,  1918 

MY  DEAR  BOY,  —  ...  We  are  anxiously  awaiting  some 
word  telling  where  you  are,  what  you  are  doing,  and  how  you 


268         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

got  on  in  your  trip.     I  thought  your  cablegram  was  a  model 
of   condensation,  quite  like  that  of  Caesar,   "Veni,  vidi, 


vici." 


Sergeant  Empey  has  just  left  the  office  with  a  letter  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  asking  that  he  be  given  a  commission. 
He  has  been  lecturing  among  the  cantonments  and  wants 
to  get  back  to  France.  ...  He  says  that  the  boys  in  the 
cantonments  are  anxious  to  go  across,  and  that  they  are 
beginning  to  criticise  us  because  they  do  not  have  their 
chance.  But  they  will  all  get  there  soon  enough  for  them. 
Our  national  problem  is  to  get  ships  to  carry  them,  and  to 
carry  the  food  for  the  Allies.  .  .  .  We  have  undertaken 
to  supply  a  certain  amount  of  food  to  the  other  side,  and  our 
contract,  so  far,  has  not  been  fulfilled.  During  December 
and  January,  however,  this  was,  of  course,  due  to  railroad 
conditions. 

You  are  a  long  way  off,  but  you  must  not  visualize  the 
distance.  Nothing  so  breaks  the  spirit  as  to  dwell  upon  un 
fortunate  facts.  Some  one  day  or  another  you  had  to  leave 
the  nest,  and  this  is  your  day  for  flying.  Wherever  you 
are,  with  people  whose  language  you  understand  only  im 
perfectly,  with  a  civilization  that  is  somewhat  strange,  and 
under  conditions  that  often-times  will  be  trying,  don't  adopt 
the  usual  attitude  of  the  American  in  a  foreign  country  and 
wonder  "why  the  damn  fools  don't  speak  English."  No 
doubt  some  of  the  French  will  pity  you  because  of  your 
delinquency  in  their  language. 

Another  thing  that  differentiates  us  from  other  people 
is  our  lavishness  in  expenditure,  and  in  what  appears  to 
us  to  be  their  "nearness.".  .  .  From  these  same  thrifty 
French  have  come  great  things.  They  have  always  been 
great  soldiers ;  they  have  led  the  world  in  the  arts,  especially 
in  poetry,  painting  and  fiction  —  perhaps,  too,  I  should 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  269 

add  architecture.  So  that  men  who  are  careful  of  their 
pennies  are  not  necessarily  small  in  their  minds.  .  .  . 

I  have  less  doubt,  however,  of  your  ability  to  get  on  with 
the  Frenchman  than  I  have  with  the  Englishman.  .  .  . 
You  will  have  difficulty  —  at  least  I  should  —  in  under 
standing  the  rather  heavy,  sober,  non-humorous  English 
man.  .  .  .  He  is  always  a  self-important  gentleman  who 
regards  England  as  having  spoken  pretty  much  the  last 
word  in  all  things,  and  who  will  abuse  his  own  country,  his 
countrymen,  and  institutions,  frankly  and  with  abandon, 
but  will  allow  no  one  else  this  liberty.  He  is  not  a  "  quitter  " 
though,  and  he  has  done  his  bit  through  the  centuries  for 
the  making  of  the  world. 

.  .  .  See  as  many  people  as  you  can,  present  all  your 
letters,  accept  invitations.  Remember  that  while  you  are 
there  and  we  miss  you,  we  are  not  spending  our  time  in 
moping.  Every  night  we  go  to  dinner  and  we  chatter  with 
the  rest  of  the  magpies,  as  if  the  world  were  free  from  suffer 
ing.  Last  night  I  talked  with  Fader ewski  for  an  hour  on  the 
sorrows  of  Poland,  and  it  was  one  long  tale  of  horror.  .  .  . 

To-day  the  Russians  are  calling  their  people  back  to  arms 
to  stop  the  oncoming  Germans.  Foolish,  foolish  idealists 
who  believed  that  they  could  establish  what  they  call  an 
economic  democracy,  without  being  willing  to  support  their 
ideal  in  modern  fashion  by  force.  The  best  of  things  can 
not  live  unless  they  are  fought  for,  and  while  I  do  not  think 
that  their  socialism  was  the  best  of  anything,  it  was  their 

dream.  .  .  .    With  much  love,  my  dear  boy,  your 

DAD 

To  George  W.  Lane 

February  16,  1918 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  ...  Things  are  going  much  better 
with  the  War  Department.  My  expectation  is  that  this  war 


270          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

will  resolve  itself  into  three  things,  in  this  order :  —  ships 
for  food,  aeroplanes,  big  guns.  We  must,  as  you  know,  do 
all  that  we  can  to  keep  up  the  morale  of  our  own  people. 
There  is  a  considerable  percentage  of  pacifists,  and  of  the 
weak-hearted  ones,  who  would  like  to  have  a  peace  now  upon 
any  terms,  but  the  treatment  that  Russia  is  receiving,  after 
she  had  thrown  down  her  arms,  indicates  what  may  be  ex 
pected  by  any  nation  that  quits  now. 

.  .  .  The  prospects  for  democratization  of  Germany  is 
not  as  good  as  it  was  a  year  ago,  when  we  came  in,  because 
of  their  success  in  arms  due  to  Russia's  debacle.  The  people 
will  not  overthrow  a  government  which  is  successful,  nor 
will  they  be  inclined  to  desert  a  system  which  adds  to  Ger 
many's  glory.  It  is  a  fight,  a  long  fight,  a  fight  of  tremen 
dous  sacrifice,  that  we  are  in  for.  I  said  a  year  ago  that  it 
would  be  two  years.  Then  I  thought  that  Russia  would 
put  up  some  kind  of  front.  Now  I  say  two  years  from  this 
time  and  possibly  a  great  deal  longer.  Lord  Northcliffe 
thinks  four  or  six  or  eight  years. 

Ned  writes  me  that  things  are  very  gloomy  and  glum  in 
England  and  in  Ireland,  where  he  has  been.  He  was  out  in 
an  air  raid,  in  several  of  them,  in  London,  not  up  in  the  air, 
but  from  the  ground  could  see  no  trace  of  the  airships  that 
were  dropping  bombs  on  the  town.  The  Germans  seem  to 
have  discovered  some  way  by  which  they  can  tell  where 
they  are  without  being  able  to  see  the  lights  of  the  city,  for 
now  they  have  bombarded  Paris  when  it  was  protected,  on 
a  dark  night,  by  a  blanket  of  fog,  and  London  also  under 
the  same  conditions.  The  compass  is  not  much  good,  the 
deviations  are  so  great.  It  may  be  that  the  clever  Huns 
have  found  some  way  of  piloting  themselves  surely. 

We  are  starting  two  campaigns  through  the  Bureau  of 
Education  which  may  interest  you.  One  is  for  school  gar- 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  271 

dens.  To  have  the  children  organized,  each  one  to  plant 
a  garden.  The  plan  is  to  raise  vegetables  which  will  save 
things  that  can  be  sent  over  to  the  armies,  and  also  give  the 
children  a  sense  of  being  in  the  war.  Another  thing  we  are 
trying  to  do  is  educate  the  foreign  born  and  the  native  born 
who  cannot  read  or  write  English.  If  you  are  interested 
in  either  of  these  two  things  we  will  send  you  literature,  and 
you  can  name  your  own  district,  and  we  will  put  you  at 
work.  .  .  . 

Well,  my  dear  fellow,  I  long  very  much  for  the  sun  and 
the  sweetness  of  California  these  days,  but  I  could  not  en 
joy  myself  if  I  were  there,  because  I  am  at  such  tension  that 
I  must  be  doing  every  day.  Do  write  me  often,  even  though 
I  do  not  answer.  Affectionately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Albert  Shaw 
Review  of  Reviews 

Washington,  March  7,  1918 

MY  DEAR  DR.  SHAW,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  March  4th. 
The  thing  that  a  democracy  is  short  on  is  foresight.  We  do 
not  have  enough  men  like  the  General  Staff  in  Germany 
who  can  think  ten  and  twenty  years  ahead.  We  are  too 
much  embedded  and  incrusted  in  the  things  that  flow 
around  us  during  the  day,  akid  think  too  little  of  the  future. 
For  five,  long,  weary  years,  I  have  been  agitating  for  the 
use  of  the  water  powers  of  the  United  States.  We  estimate 
the  unused  power  in  tens  and  tens  of  millions  of  horse-power. 
Right  in  New  York  you  have  in  the  Erie  Canal  150,000 
horse-power,  and  on  the  Niagara  river  you  have  probably  a 
million  unused.  If  you  had  a  great  dam  across  the  river 
below  the  rapids  we  should  have  water  power  in  chains,  like 
fire  horses  in  their  stalls,  that  could  be  brought  out  at  the 


272          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

time  of  need.  But  we  are  thinking  in  large  figures  these 
days,  and  while  we  used  to  be  afraid  to  ask  for  a  few  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars  we  now  talk  in  millions,  and  some  day 
we  may  realize  that  to  put  the  cost  of  a  week's  war  into 
power  plants  in  the  United  States  would  be  money  well 
invested.  .  .  . 

We  have  no  law  under  which  private  capital  feels  justi 
fied  in  investing  a  dollar  in  a  water  power  plant  where  public 
lands  are  involved,  because  the  permit  granted  is  revokable 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and  capital 
does  not  enjoy  the  prospect  of  making  its  future  returns 
dependent  upon  the  good  digestion  of  the  Secretary.  But 
if  we  get  this  bill,  which  I  enclose,  through,  we  will  be  able 
to  handle  the  powers  on  all  streams  on  the  public  lands  and 
forests  and  on  all  navigable  waters,  and  give  assurance  to 
capital  that  it  will  be  well  taken  care  of  if  it  makes  the  in 
vestment.  .  .  . 

I  am  greatly  pleased  at  the  kind  things  you  say  about  me. 
The  longer  I  am  in  office  the  more  of  an  appetite  I  have  for 
such  food.  Hoover  l  can  only  commit  one  fatal  mistake  — 
to  declare  a  taffyless  day.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Edward  J.  Wheeler  on  February  1,  1917,  he  had 
written :  — 

"It  is  an  outrage  that  we  should  have  a  total  of  nearly 
six  million  acres  of  land  withdrawn  for  oil,  three  million 
for  phosphates,  and  one  million  for  water  power  sites,  potash, 
etc.,  and  allow  session  after  session  of  Congress  to  pass  with 
out  producing  any  legislation  that  will  sensibly  open  these 
reserves  to  development.  The  extreme  conservationists, 
who  are  really  for  holding  the  lands  indefinitely  in  the  Fed- 

1  Hoover  at  this  time  was  Fpod  Administrator, 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  273 

eral  Government  and  unopened,  and  the  extreme  anti- 
conservationists,  who  are  for  turning  all  the  public  lands 
over  to  the  States,  have  stood  for  years  against  a  rational 
system  of  national  development." 

Although  a  great  part  of  the  energy  of  the  Department 
of  the  Interior  was,  of  necessity,  diverted  to  forward  war 
enterprises  and  to  supply  war  necessities  —  chemical,  metal 
lurgical,  statistical  —  Lane  steadily  pressed  forward  the 
conduct  of  the  normal  activities  of  the  department.  In 
his  report  for  the  year  1918,  he  briefly  summarizes  this 
work,  —  "The  distribution,  survey,  and  classification  of 
our  national  lands;  the  care  of  the  Indian  wards  of  the 
Nation,  their  education,  and  the  development  of  their  vast 
estate;  the  carrying  forward  of  our  reclamation  projects; 
the  awarding  and  issuance  of  patents  to  inventors;  the 
construction  of  the  Alaskan  railroad  and  the  supervision  of 
the  Territorial  affairs  of  Alaska  and  Hawaii ;  the  payment 
of  pensions  to  Army  and  Navy  "veterans  and  their  depend 
ents  ;  the  promotion  of  education ;  the  custody  and  manage 
ment  of  the  national  parks;  the  conservation  of  the  lives 
of  those  who  work  in  mines,  and  the  study  and  guidance  of 
the  mining  and  metallurgical  industries." 


To  Walter  H.  Page 

Washington,  March  16,  1918 

MY  DEAR  MR.  AMBASSADOR,  —  I  am  the  poorest  of  all 
living  correspondents,  in  fact,  I  am  a  dead  correspondent. 
I  do  not  function.  If  it  had  not  been  so  I  would  long  since 
have  answered  your  notes,  which  have  been  in  my  basket, 
but  I  have  had  no  time  for  any  personal  correspondence, 
much  as  I  delight  in  it,  for  I  have  a  very  old-fashioned  love 


274          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

for  writing  from  day  to  day  what  pops  into  my  mind,  con 
tradicting  each  day  what  I  said  the  day  before,  and  gather 
ing  from  my  friends  their  impressions  and  their  spirit  the 
same  way.  For  the  first  time  in  three  months  I  have  leisure 
enough  ...  to  acknowledge  a  few  of  the  accumulated  per 
sonal  letters. 

Let  me  give  you  a  glimpse  of  my  day,  just  to  compare  it 
with  your  own  and  by  way  of  contrasting  life  in  two  different 
spheres  and  on  different  sides  of  the  ocean.  I  get  to  my 
office  at  nine  in  the  morning  and  my  day  is  broken  up  into 
fifteen-minute  periods,  during  which  I  see  either  my  own 
people  or  others.  I  really  write  none  of  my  own  letters,1 
simply  telling  my  secretaries  whether  the  answer  should  be 
"yes"  or  "no."  I  lunch  at  my  own  desk  and  generally 
with  my  wife,  who  has  charge  of  our  war  work  in  the  De 
partment.  We  have  over  thirteen  hundred  men  who  have 
gone  out  of  this  Department  into  the  Army.  .  .  .  My 
day  is  broken  into  by  Cabinet  meeting  twice  a  week,  meet 
ing  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense  twice  a  week,  and 
latterly  with  long  sessions  every  afternoon  over  the  ques 
tion  of  what  railroad  wages  should  be. 

My  office  is  a  sort  of  place  of  last  resort  for  those  who  are 
discouraged  elsewhere,  for  Washington  is  no  longer  a  city 
of  set  routine  and  fixed  habit.  It  is  at  last  the  center  of 
the  nation.  New  York  is  no  longer  even  the  financial  cen 
ter.  The  newspapers  are  edited  from  here.  Society  centers 
here.  All  the  industrial  chiefs  of  the  nation  spend  most  of  \ 
their  time  here.  It  is  easier  to  find  a  great  cattle  king  or 
automobile  manufacturer  or  a  railroad  president  or  a  banker 
at  the  Shoreham  or  the  Willard  Hotel  than  it  is  to  find  him 
in  his  own  town.  The  surprising  thing  is  that  these  great 
men  who  have  made  our  country  do  not  loom  so  large  when 
1  This  referred  to  routine  letters. 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  275 

brought  to  Washington  and  put  to  work.  .  .  .  Every  day 
I  find  some  man  of  many  millions  who  has  been  here  for 
months  and  whose  movements  used  to  be  a  matter  of  news 
paper  notoriety,  but  I  did  not  know,  even,  that  he  was  here. 
I  leave  my  office  at  seven  o'clock,  not  having  been  out  of 
it  during  the  day  except  for  a  Cabinet  or  Council  meeting, 
take  a  wink  of  sleep,  change  my  clothes  and  go  to  a  dinner, 
for  this,  as  you  will  remember,  is  the  one  form  of  entertain 
ment  that  Washington  has  permitted  itself  in  the  war.  The 
dinners  are  Hooverized,  —  three  courses,  little  or  no  wheat, 
little  or  no  meat,  little  or  no  sugar,  a  few  serve  wine.  And 
round  the  table  will  always  be  found  men  in  foreign  uni 
forms,  or  some  missionary  from  some  great  power  who  comes 
begging  for  boats  or  food.  These  dinners  used  to  be  places 
of  great  gossip,  and  chiefly  anti-administration  gossip,  but 
the  spirit  of  the  people  is  one  of  unequaled  loyalty.  The 
Republicans  are  as  glad  to  have  Wilson  as  their  President 
as  are  the  Democrats,  I  think  sometimes  a  little  more  glad, 
because  many  of  the  Democrats  are  disgruntled  over  pat 
ronage  or  something  else.  The  women  are  ferocious  in 
their  hunt  for  spies,  and  their  criticism  is  against  what  they 
think  is  indifference  to  this  danger.  Boys  appear  at  these 
dinners  in  the  great  houses,  because  of  their  uniforms,  who 
would  never  have  been  permitted  even  to  come  to  the 
front  door  in  other  days,  for  all  are  potential  heroes.  Every 
woman  carries  her  knitting,  and  it  is  seldom  that  you  hear 
a  croaker  even  among  the  most  luxurious  class.  Well,  the 
dinner  is  over  by  half  past  ten,  and  I  go  home  to  an  hour 
and  a  half's  work,  which  has  been  sent  from  the  office,  and 
fall  at  last  into  a  more  or  less  troubled  sleep.  This  is  the 
daily  round. 

I  have  not  been  to  New  York  since  the  war  began.     I 
made  one  trip  across  the  continent  speaking  for  the  Liberty 


276          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

Loan,  day  and  night.  And  this  life  is  pretty  much  the  life 
of  all  of  us  here.  The  President  keeps  up  his  spirits  by  go 
ing  to  the  theatre  three  or  four  times  a  week.  There  are 
no  official  functions  at  the  White  House,  and  everybody's 
teeth  are  set.  The  Allies  need  not  doubt  our  resolution. 
England  and  France  will  break  before  we  will,  and  I  do  not 
doubt  their  steadfast  purpose.  It  is,  as  you  said  long  ago, 
their  fault  that  this  war  has  come,  for  they  did  not  realize 
the  kind  of  an  enemy  they  had,  either  in  spirit,  purpose,  or 
strength.  But  we  will  increasingly  strengthen  that  western 
gate  so  that  the  Huns  will  not  break  through. 

We  do  things  fast  here,  but  I  never  realized  before  how 
slow  we  are  in  getting  started.  It  takes  a  long  time  for 
us  to  get  a  new  stride.  I  did  not  think  that  this  was 
true  industrially.  I  have  known  that  it  was  true  politi 
cally  for  a  long  time,  because  this  was  the  most  backward 
and  most  conservative  of  all  the  democracies.  We  take  up 
new  machinery  of  government  so  slowly.  But  industrially 
it  is  also  true.  When  told  to  change  step  we  shift  and 
stumble  and  halt  and  hesitate  and  go  through  all  kinds  of 
awkward  misses.  This  has  been  true  as  to  ships  and  aero 
planes  and  guns,  big  and  little,  and  uniforms.  Whatever 
the  government  has  done  itself  has  been  tied  by  endless  red 
tape.  It  is  hard  for  an  army  officer  to  get  out  of  the  desk 
habit,  and  caution,  conservatism,  sureness,  seem  even  in 
time  of  crisis  to  be  more  important  than  a  bit  of  daring.  In 
my  Department,  I  figure  that  it  takes  about  seven  years; 
for  the  nerve  of  initiative  and  the  nerve  of  imagination  to 
atrophy,  and  so,  perhaps,  it  is  in  other  departments.  It 
took  five  months  for  one  of  our  war  bureaus  to  get  out  a 
contract  for  a  building  that  we  were  to  build  for  them.  Fif 
teen  men  had  to  sign  the  contract.  And  of  course  we  have 
been  impatient.  But  things  are  bettering  every  day.  The 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  277 

men  in  the  camps  are  very  impatient  to  get  away.  But 
where  are  the  ships  to  do  all  the  work?  The  Republicans 
cannot  chide  us  with  all  of  the  unpreparedness,  for  they 
stood  in  the  way  of  our  getting  ships  three  years  ago.  The 
gods  have  been  against  us  in  the  way  of  weather  so  we  have 
not  brought  down  our  supplies  to  the  seaboard,  but  we  have 
not  had  the  ships  to  take  away  that  which  was  there;  or 
coal,  sometimes,  for  the  ships. 

From  now,  however,  you  will  see  a  steadier,  surer  move 
ment  of  men,  munitions,  food,  and  ships.  The  whole  coun 
try  is  solidly,  strongly  with  the  President.  There  are  men 
in  Congress  bitterly  against  him  but  they  do  not  dare  to 
raise  their  voices,  because  he  has  the  people  so  resolutely 
with  him.  The  Russian  overthrow  has  been  a  good  thing 
for  us  in  one  way.  It  will  cost  us  perhaps  a  million  lives, 
but  it  will  prove  to  us  the  value  of  law  and  order.  We  are 
to  have  our  troubles,  and  must  change  our  system  of  life 
in  the  next  few  years. 

A  great  oil  man  was  in  the  office  the  other  day  and  told 
me  in  a  plain,  matter-of-fact  way,  what  must  be  done  to 
win  —  the  sacrifices  that  must  be  made  —  and  he  ended 
by  saying,  "After  all,  what  is  property?"  This  is  a  very 
pregnant  question.  It  is  not  being  asked  in  Russia  alone. 
Who  has  the  right  to  anything?  My  answer  is,  not  the 
man,  necessarily,  who  has  it,  but  the  man  who  can  use  it 
to  good  purpose.  The  way  to  find  the  latter  man  is  the 
difficulty. 

We  will  have  national  woman  suffrage,  national  prohibi 
tion,  continuing  inheritance  tax,  continuing  income  tax, 
national  life  insurance,  an  increasing  grip  upon  the  rail 
roads,  their  finances  and  their  operation  as  well  as  their 
rates.  Each  primary  resource,  such  as  land  and  coal  and 
iron  and  copper  and  oil,  we  will  more  carefully  conserve. 


278          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

There  will  be  no  longer  the  opportunity  for  the  individual 
along  these  lines  that  there  has  been.  Industry  must  find 
some  way  of  profit-sharing  or  it  will  be  nationalized.  These 
things,  however,  must  be  regarded  as  incidents  now;  and 
the  labor  people,  those  with  vision  and  in  authority,  are  very 
willing  to  postpone  the  day  of  accounting  until  we  know 
^what  the  new  order  is  to  be  like. 

Well,  I  have  rambled  on,  giving  you  a  general  look-in  on 
my  mind.  Don't  let  any  of  those  people  doubt  the  Presi 
dent,  or  doubt  the  American  people.  This  is  the  very  dark 
est  day  that  we  have  seen.  But  we  believe  in  ourselves  and 
we  believe  in  our  own  kind,  and  believe  in  a  something, 
not  ourselves,  that  makes  for  righteousness,  —  slowly,  stum- 
blingly,  but,  as  the  centuries  go,  surely. 

I  have  not  yet  seen  the  Archbishop  of  York.  He  has  not 
been  here.  But  he  has  made  a  most  favorable  impression 
where  he  has  been,  and  so  have  the  English  labor  people. 

Poor  Spring-Rice  did  good  work  here.  Washington  felt 
very  sad  over  his  death,  and  is  expecting  that  England  will 
evidence  her  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  he  did  nothing 
to  estrange  us  by  the  way  in  which  his  widow  is  treated. 

Reading  has  been  received  and  fits  in  perfectly.  With 
warm  regards,  as  always,  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  Lyon 
Machine  Gun  Company 

Camp  McClennen,  Alabama 

Washington,  March  15,  1918 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  I  know  how  you  must  feel.  Every 
particle  of  my  own  nature  rebels  against  the  horror  of  this 
war,  or  of  any  war,  and  against  the  dragooning  by  military 
men.  I  had  rather  die  now  and  take  my  chances  of  Hell, 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  279 

than  doom  myself  and  Ned  and  those  who  are  to  come  after, 
to  living  under  a  government  which  is  as  this  government  is 
now  and  as  all  governments  must  be  now,  —  autocratic, 
governed  by  orders  and  commands.  But  this  is  the  game, 
and  we  have  got  to  play  it,  play  it  hard  and  play  it  through. 
Manifestly  we  cannot  quit  as  Russia  did  without  getting 
Russia's  ill-fortune.  There  was  a  great  empire  of  a  hun 
dred  and  eighty  million  people.  They  mobilized  twenty -five 
million  men.  Six  million  of  them  are  dead.  The  Czar  was 
overthrown,  a  new  government  was  set  up,  one  of  conserv 
ative  socialism,  and  that  was  swept  aside  and  a  group  of 
impractical  socialists  put  in  its  stead,  and  where  is  Russia 
now?  Broken  to  bits,  its  population  dying  of  hunger,  its 
industries  un worked,  its  soil  untilled,  and  Germany  coming 
on  with  her  great  feet,  stamping  down  the  few  who  are  brave 
enough  to  interpose  themselves  between  Germany  and  her 
end.  If  we  were  to  quit,  Germany  would  do  to  us,  or  try  to 
do  to  us,  what  she  has  done  to  Russia. 

If  there  ever  was  a  real  defensive  war  it  is  the  one  that  we 
are  engaged  in,  and  we  must  sacrifice,  and  sacrifice,  and  sac 
rifice,  not  merely  for  the  world's  sake  but  for  our  own  sake. 
Ned  is  in  France.  He  went  through  England.  He  tells  me 
that  everybody  is  serious,  solemn,  purposeful.  They  would 
rather  all  die  than  live  under  Germany's  mastery  of  the 
world. 

The  President  is  being  bitterly  criticized  because  he  has 
taken  every  opportunity  to  talk  of  terms  and  of  ways  out, 
but  I  think  he  is  right.  He  must  make  the  people  of  the 
world  feel  that  we  are  not  foolishly,  and  in  a  headstrong 
way,  fighting  to  get  anything  for  ourselves  or  for  anybody 
else,  except  the  chance  to  live  our  own  lives.  And  we  will 
show  these  Germans  something.  Our  capacity  to  produce 
aeroplanes  is  still  altogether  unrealized,  and  we  will  have 


280          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

great  guns  a  few  feet  apart  along  the  entire  front.  We  can 
bomb  German  harbors  where  submarines  are,  and  are  made 
—  that's  the  work  that  Ned  is  going  in  for,  —  and  we  will 
hold  that  western  line  until  every  resource  is  exhausted. 
And  we  will  go  through  it  one  of  these  days,  perhaps  not 
this  year.  But  we  must  go  through  it  or  else  American 
ships  will  live  on  the  sea  by  consent  of  Germany,  and  Canada 
will  become  German  territory.  This  is  no  dream.  Give 
Germany  Paris  and  Calais  and  she  can  exact  terms  from 
England.  Why  should  she  not  ask  for  Canada  ?  And  give 
Germany  Canada  and  what  becomes  of  the  United  States  ? 
An  army  of  Germans  on  our  border,  5,000,000  men  in  arms 
in  the  United  States  always,  the  army  and  navy  budget 
taking  thirty  or  forty  per  cent  of  every  man's  income.  Who 
wants  to  live  in  such  a  country  ?  We  are  fighting  the  great 
est  war  that  history  has  ever  seen,  not  merely  in  numbers 
but  in  principle.  We  are  fighting  to  get  rid  of  the  most 
hateful  survivals  from  the  past.  The  overlord,  the  brusque 
and  arrogant  soldier,  is  the  dominating  factor  in  society 
and  the  government,  the  turning  of  men's  thoughts  away 
from  the  pursuit  of  the  things  of  art  and  beauty  and  social 
beneficence  into  the  one  channel  of  making  everything  serve 
the  military  arm  of  the  nation. 

This  will  be  a  better  world  for  the  poor  man  when  all  is 
over.  We  must  forget  our  dreams,  what  our  own  individual 
lives  would  have  been,  and  with  dash,  and  cheer,  and  cour 
age,  and  willingness  to  make  the  ultimate  sacrifice,  set  ouri 
jaws  and  go  forward.  The  devil  is  in  the  saddle  and  we  must 
pull  him  down,  or  else  he  will  rule  the  world,  —  and  you 
are  to  have  a  tug  at  his  coat.  And  I  envy  you.  I'd  take 
your  place  in  a  minute,  if  I  could.  Remember  that  you 
are  an  individualist,  not  a  collectivist  naturally,  but  in 
dividuals  are  of  no  use  now.  The  war  can  be  made  only 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  281 

by  great  groups  who  conform.     The  free  spirit  of  man  will 
have  its  way  once  more  when  this  bloody  war  is  done. 

I  am  glad  you  wrote  me,  and  I  want  you  to  feel  that  you 
always  can  write  me,  whatever  is  in  your  heart,  and  I  will 
give  you  such  answer  as  my  busy  days  will  permit.  There 
is  only  one  way  to  look  at  life  and  get  any  satisfaction  out 
of  it,  and  that  is  to  bow  to  the  inevitable.  We  all  must  be 
fatalists  to  that  extent,  and  once  a  course  has  been  deter 
mined  upon,  accept  it  and  make  the  best  of  it.  The  life 
of  the  old  gambler  does  not  consist  in  holding  a  big  hand 
but  in  playing  a  poor  hand  well.  You  and  I  are  no  longer 
masters  of  our  own  fortunes.  All  that  we  can  do  is  to  abide 
by  the  set  rules  of  the  game  that  is  being  played.  I  would 
change  many  things,  but  I  am  powerless,  and  because  I  am 
powerless  I  must  say  to  myself  each  day,  "All  that  God 
demands  of  me  is  that  I  shall  do  my  best,"  and  doing  that, 
the  responsibility  is  cast  upon  that  Spirit  which  is  the  Great 
Commander.  I  like  to  feel  at  these  times  that  there  is  a 
personal  God  and  a  personal  devil,  and  there  has  been  no 
better  philosophy  devised  than  that.  God  is  not  supreme, 
He  is  not  omnipotent,  He  has  His  limitations,  His  struggles, 
His  defeats,  but  there  is  no  life  unless  you  believe  that  He 
ultimately  must  win,  that  this  world  is  going  upward,  not 
downward,  that  the  devil  is  to  be  beaten, — the  devil  in 
side  of  ourselves,  the  devil  of  wilfulness,  of  waywardness,  of 
cynicism,  and  the  devil  that  is  represented  by  the  over 
bearing,  cruel  militarism  and  ruthless  inhumanity  of  Ger 
many.  You  are  a  soldier  of  the  Lord,  just  as  truly  as  Christ 
was. 

I  send  you  my  affectionate  regards,  and  with  it  goes  the 
confidence  that  you  will,  with  good  cheer  and  resolution, 
play  your  part.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


282         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

This  boy  died  in  France.  Lane  wrote  to  his  father  of 
him:  — 

To  Frank  Lyon 

Washington,  [November  16,  1918] 

DEAR  FRANK,  —  Have  just  heard.  Dear,  dear  Boy !  I 
was  so  fond  of  him.  He  had  a  brave  adventurous  spirit. 
Well,  he  has  gone  out  gloriously.  There  could  be  no  finer 
way  to  go  and  no  better  time. 

I  know  your  own  strength  will  be  equal  to  this  test  — 
and  the  wife,  poor  woman,  she  too  is  brave.     My  heart  goes 
out  to  you  both  very  really,  wholly.     With  much  affection. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Miss  Genevieve  King 

Washington,  March  16,  1918 

MY  DEAR  Miss  KING,  —  These  are  times  of  terrible  strain 
and  stress,  and  we  cannot  easily  fall  back  upon  those  sources 
of  power  which  seem  so  distant  and  unavailing.  I  like  to 
think  of  you  as  in  our  last  talk  in  the  Miller's  drawing  room, 
where  you  had  a  much  better  opportunity  to  express  your 
self  than  in  the  one  that  we  later  had  out  on  the  porch.  You 
then  seemed  to  live  your  thought  and  to  have  the  capacity 
for  its  expression.  I  think  of  you,  too,  up  on  that  beautiful 
mountainside,  where  things  like  war  and  guns  and  bandages 
and  hospitals  and  men  without  arms  and  the  lack  of  ships, 
the  need  for  saying  goodbye,  are  so  remote. 

We  still  keep  up  a  semblance  of  social  life  by  going  to 
dinners  every  night.  It  is  the  one  relief  I  have,  and  yet 
each  time  I  go  I  feel  ashamed  at  what  appears  like  a  waste 
of  time,  and  yet  I  know  is  not,  and  the  waste  of  good  food 
which  is  needed  by  others  so  much  more  than  by  us.  Still 
the  people  have  come  down  to  a  strict  and  modest  diet  with 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  283 

surprising  firmness.  There  is  little  evidence  of  what  you 
would  call  luxury  or  extravagance,  excepting  in  the  way  a 
few  people  live.  The  place  is  filled  with  soldiers  of  many 
colors,  breeds,  and  uniforms. 

.  .  .  Anne  is  busy  every  day  at  her  work,  and  I  see  little 
of  anyone  who  does  not  come  to  me  on  business.  The  coun 
try  seems  strongly  with  the  President,  and  while  his  spirits  are 
not  gay,  his  purpose  is  high  and  his  determination  is  strong. 
We  will  do  better,  and  increasingly  better,  as  time  goes  on, 
I  believe.  With  warm  regards,  as  always  sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Lane  was  a  member  of  the  Executive  Council  of  the  Red 
Cross,  with  whom  his  wife  was  working  during  the  war.  He 
characterized  its  symbol  as,  —  "The  one  flag  which  binds 
all  nations  is  that  which  speaks  of  suffering  and  healing, 
losses  and  hopes,  a  past  of  courage  and  a  future  of  peace  — 
the  flag  of  the  Red  Cross." 


To  John  McNaught 

Washington,  March  16,  1918 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  It  is  only  now  after  a  month's  delay, 
that  I  have  an  opportunity  even  to  acknowledge  your  letter 
of  the  17th  of  February. 

.  .  .  The  whole  war  situation  seems  to  be  so  big  that 
it  overwhelms  the  minds  of  men.  .  .  .  But  we  are  grinding 
on  and  going  surely  in  the  right  way.  Not  everything  has 
been  done  that  could  be  done,  but  we  are  getting  our  step. 
This  thing  will  be  longer  than  we  thought.  But  as  the 
President  says,  it  is  our  job  —  our  job  is  cut  out  for  us,  and 
we  are  going  to  see  it  through.  Russia  has  taught  us  what 
happens  to  a  nation  that  is  not  self-respecting.  We  are 


284         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

hard  at  work,  every  one  of  us,  big  and  little.  The  nation 
never  was  as  united,  and  while  we  do  not  realize  just  what 
war  is,  yet  we  will  realize  it  more  from  day  to  day  and  harder 
will  our  fibre  grow. 

My  boy  is  in  France.  He  hopes  to  fly  an  aeroplane 
over  a  German  submarine  base,  and  drop  a  ton  of  dynamite 
on  it  and  put  it  out  of  business. 

How  the  world  has  changed  since  we  dreamed  together 
in  the  Cosmos  Club!  How  Paris  has  changed  since  we  wan 
dered  through  its  boulevards  together !  The  day  of  the 
common  man  is  at  hand.  Our  danger  will  be  in  going  too 
fast,  and  by  going  too  fast  do  injustice  to  him.  But  your 
kind  of  socialism  and  mine  is  to  have  its  fling. 

I  was  much  pleased  to  meet  your  wife,  very  much  indeed, 
and  I  hope  we  may  see  you  here  one  of  these  days.  With 
my  affectionate  regards,  sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

rOn  May  31,  1918,  Lane  sent  a  long  letter  to  President 
Wilson  in  relation  to  his  plan  for  providing  farms,  from  the 
public  domain,  for  the  returning  soldiers.  The  letter  is 
given  at  some  length,  because  this  plan  was  so  dear  to  Lane's 
heart,  and  was  one  upon  which  he  had  put  much  earnest 
study.  In  addition  to  the  phases  of  the  subject  printed 
here,  he  gave,  in  his  signed  letter  to  President  Wilson,  de 
tailed  consideration  to  several  other  aspects  of  the  matter ; 
such  as,  a  comparison  of  his  plan  with  land-tenure  in  Den-  i 
mark,  Ireland,  New  Zealand,  and  Australia;  the  need  for 
an  extension  of  the  method  whereby  land  can  be  "developed 
in  large  areas,  sub-divided  into  individual  farms,  then  sold 
to  actual  bona  fide  farmers  on  long-time  payment  basis"; 
and  also  the  part  Alaska  should  be  made  to  play  in  affording 
agricultural  opportunity  to  our  returned  soldiers- 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  285 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  May  31,  1918 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  I  believe  the  time  has  come 
when  we  should  give  thought  to  the  preparations  of  plans 
for  providing  opportunity  for  our  soldiers  returning  from 
the  war.  Because  this  Department  has  handled  similar 
problems  I  consider  it  my  duty  to  bring  this  matter  to  the 
attention  of  yourself  and  Congress.  .  .  . 

To  the  great  number  of  returning  soldiers,  land  will  offer 
the  great  and  fundamental  opportunity.  The  experience 
of  wars  points  out  the  lesson  that  our  service  men,  because 
of  army  life  with  its  openness  and  activity,  will  largely  seek 
out-of-doors  vocations  and  occupations.  This  fact  is  ac 
cepted  by  the  allied  European  nations.  That  is  why  their 
programs  and  policies  of  re-locating  and  readjustment  em 
phasize  the  opportunities  on  the  land  for  the  returning 
soldier.  The  question  then  is,  "What  land  can  be  made 
available  for  farm  homes  for  our  soldiers  ?  " 

We  do  not  have  the  bountiful  public  domain  of  the  sixties 
and  seventies.  In  a  literal  sense,  for  the  use  of  it  on  a  gen 
erous  scale  for  soldier  farm  homes  as  in  the  sixties,  "the 
public  domain  is  gone."  The  official  figures  at  the  end  of 
the  fiscal  year,  June  30,  1917,  show  this  :  We  have  unappro 
priated  land  in  the  continental  United  States  to  the  amount 
of  230,657,755  acres.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  not  one-half 
of  this  land  will  ever  prove  to  be  cultivable  in  any  sense. 
So  we  have  no  lands  in  any  way  comparable  to  that  in  the 
public  domain  when  Appomattox  came  —  and  men  turned 
westward  with  army  rifle  and  "roll  blanket,"  to  begin  life 
anew. 

While  we  do  not  have  that  matchless  public  domain  of 
'65,  we  do  have  millions  of  acres  of  undeveloped  lands  that 


286         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

can  be  made  available  for  our  home-coming  soldiers.  We 
have  arid  lands  in  the  West,  cut-over  lands  in  the  Northwest, 
Lake  States,  and  South,  and  also  swamp  lands  in  the  Middle 
West  and  South,  which  can  be  made  available  through  the 
proper  development.  Much  of  this  land  can  be  made  suit 
able  for  farm  homes  if  properly  handled.  But  it  will  require 
that  each  type  of  land  be  dealt  with  in  its  own  particular 
fashion.  The  arid  land  will  require  water;  the  cut-over 
land  will  require  clearing;  and  the  swamp  land  must  be 
drained.  Without  any  of  these  aids,  they  remain  largely 
"No  Man's  Land."  The  solution  of  these  problems  is  no 
new  thing.  In  the  admirable  achievement  of  the  Reclama 
tion  Service  in  reclamation  and  drainage  we  have  abundant 
proof  of  what  can  be  done. 

Looking  toward  the  construction  of  additional  projects, 
I  am  glad  to  say  that  plans  and  investigations  have  been 
under  way  for  some  time.  A  survey  and  study  has  been 
in  the  course  of  consummation  by  the  Reclamation  Service 
on  the  Great  Colorado  Basin.  That  great  project,  I  believe, 
will  appeal  to  the  new  spirit  of  America.  It  would  mean  the 
conquest  of  an  empire  in  the  Southwest.  It  is  believed  that 
more  than  three  millions  of  acres  of  arid  land  could  be  re 
claimed  by  the  completion  of  the  Upper  and  Lower  Colorado 
Basin  projects.  .  .  . 

What  amount  of  land,  in  its  natural  state  unfit  for  farm 
homes,  can  be  made  suitable  for  cultivation  by  drainage, 
only  thorough  surveys  and  studies  can  develop.  We  know 
that  authentic  figures  show  that  more  than  fifteen  million 
acres  have  been  reclaimed  for  profitable  farming,  most  of 
which  lies  in  the  Mississippi  River  Valley. 

The  amotint  of  cut-over  lands  in  the  United  States,  of 
course,  it  is  impossible  even  in  approximation  to  estimate. 
...  A  rough  estimate  of  their  number  is  about  two  hun- 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  287 

dred  million  acres  —  that  is  of  land  suitable  for  agricultural 
development.  Substantially  all  this  cut-over  or  logged-off 
land  is  in  private  ownership.  The  failure  of  this  land  to  be 
developed  is  largely  due  to  inadequate  method  of  approach. 
Unless  a  new  policy  of  development  is  worked  out  in  co 
operation  between  the  Federal  Government,  the  States, 
and  the  individual  owners,  a  greater  part  of  it  will  remain 
unsettled  and  uncultivated.  .  .  . 

Any  plan  for  the  development  of  land  for  the  returned 
soldier,  will  come  face  to  face  with  the  fact  that  a  new  policy 
will  have  to  meet  the  new  conditions.  The  era  of  free  or 
cheap  land  in  the  United  States  has  passed.  We  must  meet 
the  new  conditions  of  developing  lands  in  advance  —  se- 


A  / 

curity  must  to  a  degree  displace  speculation.  .  .  . 

This  is  an  immediate  duty.  It  will  be  too  late  to  plan 
for  these  things  when  the  war  is  over.  Our  thought  now 
should  be  given  to  the  problem.  And  I  therefore  desire  to 
bring  to  your  mind  the  wisdom  of  immediately  supplying 
the  Interior  Department  with  a  sufficient  fund  with  which 
to  make  the  necessary  surveys  and  studies.  We  should 
know  by  the  time  the  war  ends,  not  merely  how  much  arid 
land  can  be  irrigated,  nor  how  much  swamp  land  reclaimed, 
nor  where  the  grazing  land  is  and  how  many  cattle  it  will 
support,  nor  how  much  cut-over  land  can  be  cleared,  but 
we  should  know  with  definiteness  where  it  is  practicable 
to  begin  new  irrigation  projects,  what  the  character  of  the 
land  is,  what  the  nature  of  the  improvements  needed  will 
be,  and  what  the  cost  will  be.  We  should  know  also,  not 
in  a  general  way,  but  with  particularity,  what  definite  areas 
of  swamp  land  may  be  reclaimed,  how  they  can  be  drained, 
what  the  cost  of  the  drainage  will  be,  what  crops  they  will 
raise.  We  should  have  in  mind  specific  areas  of  grazing 
lands,  with  a  knowledge  of  the  cattle  which  are  best  adapted 


288          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

to  them,  and  the  practicability  of  supporting  a  family  upon 
them.  So,  too,  with  our  cut-over  lands.  We  should  know 
what  it  would  cost  to  pull  or  "blow-out"  stumps  and  to  put 
the  lands  into  condition  for  a  farm  home. 

And  all  this  should  be  done  upon  a  definite  planning 
basis.  We  should  think  as  carefully  of  each  one  of  these 
projects  as  George  Washington  thought  of  the  planning  of 
the  City  of  Washington.  We  should  know  what  it  will  cost 
to  buy  these  lands  if  they  are  in  private  hands.  In  short, 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  war  the  United  States  should  be 
able  to  say  to  its  returned  soldiers,  "If  you  wish  to  go  upon 
a  farm,  here  are  a  variety  of  farms  of  which  you  may  take 
your  pick,  which  the  Government  has  prepared  against  the 
time  of  your  returning."  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  carry 
the  implication  that  we  should  do  any  other  work  now  than 
the  work  of  planning.  A  very  small  sum  of  money  put  into 
the  hands  of  men  of  thought,  experience,  and  vision,  will 
give  us  a  program  which  will  make  us  feel  entirely  confi 
dent  that  we  are  not  to  be  submerged,  industrially  or  other 
wise,  by  labor  which  we  will  not  be  able  to  absorb,  or  that 
we  would  be  in  a  condition  where  we  would  show  a  lack  of 
respect  for  those  who  return  as  heroes,  but  who  will  be 
without  means  of  immediate  self-support. 

A  million  or  two  dollars,  if  appropriated  now,  will  put 
this  work  well  under  way. 

This  plan  does  not   contemplate   anything   like   charity 
to  the  soldier.     He  is  not  to  be  given  a  bounty.     He  is  not  • 
to  be  made  to  feel  that  he  is  a  dependent.     On  the  con-  ' 
trary,  he  is  to  continue,  in  a  sense,  in  the  service  of  the  Gov 
ernment.    Instead  of  destroying  our  enemies  he  is  to  develop 
our  resources. 

The  work  that  is  to  be  done,  other  than  the  planning, 
should  be  done  by  the  soldier  himself.  The  dam  or  the 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  289 

irrigation  project  should  be  built  by  him,  the  canals,  the 
ditches,  the  breaking  of  the  land,  and  the  building  of  the 
houses,  should,  under  proper  direction,  be  his  occupation. 
He  should  be  allowed  to  make  his  own  home,  cared  for  while 
he  is  doing  it,  and  given  an  interest  in  the  land  for  which  he 
can  pay  through  a  long  period  of  years,  perhaps  thirty  or 
forty  years.  This  same  policy  can  be  carried  out  as  to  the 
other  classes  of  lands.  So  that  the  soldier  on  his  return 
would  have  an  opportunity  to  make  a  home  for  himself,  to 
build  a  home  with  money  which  we  would  advance  and 
which  he  would  repay,  and  for  the  repayment  we  would 
have  an  abundant  security.  The  farms  should  not  be 
turned  over  as  the  prairies  were  —  unbroken,  unfenced, 
without  accommodations  for  men  and  animals.  There  should 
be  prepared  homes,  all  of  which  can  be  constructed  by  the 
men  themselves,  and  paid  for  by  them,  under  a  system 
of  simple  devising  by  which  modern  methods  of  finance  will 
be  applied  to  their  needs. 

As  I  have  indicated,  this  is  not  a  mere  Utopian  vision.  It 
is,  with  slight  variations,  a  policy  which  other  countries 
are  pursuing  successfully.  The  plan  is  simple.  I  will  under 
take  to  present  to  the  Congress  definite  projects  for  the 
development  of  this  country  through  the  use  of  the  returned 
soldier,  by  which  the  United  States,  lending  its  credit,  may 
increase  its  resources  and  its  population  and  the  happiness 
of  its  people,  with  a  cost  to  itself  of  no  more  than  the  few 
hundred  thousand  dollars  that  it  will  take  to  study  this 
problem  through  competent  men.  This  work  should  not  be 
postponed.  Cordially  and  faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

"""Tr 

The  bill,  incorporating  this  plan,  was  rejected  by  a  Con 
gress  unwilling  to  accept  any  solution  of  any  part  of  the 


290         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

after- war  problem,  if  the  plan  came  from  the  Wilson  Ad 
ministration. 


In  1918,  Colonel  Mears,  who  had  been  Chief  Engineer 
and  later  Chairman  of  the  Alaskan  Commission,  in  charge 
of  the  construction  of  the  Alaskan  railroad,  went,  with  many 
others,  to  the  front,  and  Lane  was  obliged  to  find  new  men 
to  carry  on  the  Alaskan  work. 


To  Allan  PolloJc 

Washington,  July  17,  1918 

.  .  .  You  certainly  can  have  more  time,  because  I  want 
you,  and  it  is  not  on  my  own  account  altogether,  because  I 
feel  sure  you  will  delight  in  the  kind  of  creative  job  that  it 
is.  I  found  that  Scotchmen  had  made  Hawaii,  and  I  would 
like  to  see  some  of  that  same  stuff  go  into  Alaska.  You  see 
we  have  a  fine  bunch  of  men  there,  practical  fellows  of  ex 
perience,  but  not  one  of  them  looms  large  as  a  business  man 
or  as  a  creator.  I  would  personally  like  to  spend  a  few 
years  of  my  life  just  dreaming  dreams  about  what  could  be 
done  in  that  huge  territory,  and  if  I  only  got  by  with  one 
out  of  five  hundred,  I  would  leave  a  real  dent  in  the  history 
of  the  territory. 

That  coal  must  be  brought  out  of  Alaska  for  the  Navy, 
if  the  Navy  is  going  to  use  any  coal,  and  we  ought  to  be  able 
to  send  a  great  many  thousands  of  Americans,  as  stock; 
raisers  and  farmers,  into  Alaska  after  this  war.  The  cli 
mate  is  just  as  good  as  that  of  Montana,  and  in  some  places 
much  better.  Of  course  it  is  not  a  swivel-chair  job.  It 
is  a  challenge  to  everything  that  a  fellow  has  in  him  of  am 
bition,  courage,  imagination,  enterprise,  and  tact,  and  if  we 
can  possibly  get  that  road  completed  by  the  end  of  the  war, 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  291 

and  know  that  we  have  another  national  domain  there  for 
settlement,  it  would  help  out  mightily  on  the  returning  sol 
dier  problem.  You  and  I  cannot  fight  and  that  is  our  bad 
luck.  We  were  born  about  thirty  years  too  early  but  I 
have  a  notion  that  we  can  make  Alaska  do  her  bit  through 
that  railroad.  ...  If  you  want  a  great  mining  expert 
to  go  in  with  you  I  can  get  one.  .  .  .  Come  on  into  the 
game. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  E.  S.  Pillsbury 

Washington,  July  30,  1918 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PILLSBURY,  —  ...  In  these  radical  times 
when  things  are  changing  so  quickly  it  does  not  do  to 
be  too  conservative  or  things  will  go  altogether  to  the 
bad.  .  .  . 

Pragmatic  tests  must  be  applied  strictly  and  the  way 
to  beat  wild-eyed  schemes  is  to  show  that  they  are  im 
practicable,  and  to  harness  our  people  to  the  land.  Every 
man  in  an  industry  ought  to  be  tied  up  in  some  way  by  profit- 
sharing  or  stock-owning  arrangements,  and  we  should  get 
as  large  a  proportion  of  our  people  on  small  farms  as  possi 
ble.  If  this  is  not  done  we  are  going  to  have  a  reign  of  law 
lessness. 

When  a  sense  of  property  goes,  it  becomes  more  and  more 
apparent  to  me,  that  all  other  conserving  and  conservative 
tendencies  go,  and  the  man  who  has  something  is  the  man 
who  will  save  this  country.  So  it  is  necessary  that  just  as 
many  have  something  as  possible.  .  .  .  The  one  thing 
which  the  Bolsheviki  do  not  understand  is  that  the  eco 
nomic  world  is  not  divided  between  capital  and  labor,  but 
that  there  is  a  great  class  unrepresented  in  these  two  di 
visions  —  the  managing  class  which  furnishes  brains  and 


r 


292         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

direction,  tact  and  vision,  and  no  socialistic  scheme  pro 
vides  for  the  selection  and  reward  of  these  men.  .  .  .  Cor 
dially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  Marion  Reedy 
Reedy 's  Mirror 

Washington,  September  13,  1918 

MY  DEAR  MR.  REEDY,  —  In  the  first  place  ...  as  to  the 
coal  agreement,  when  coal  was  more  than  six  dollars  a  ton 
and  climbing,  and  it  was  nobody's  business  to  reduce  the 
price,  I  made  an  appeal  to  the  coal  operators  to  fix  volun 
tarily  a  maximum  price  of  one-half  of  what  they  were  then 
getting.  This  they  did,  with  the  understanding  that  it 
would  stand  only  until  the  Government  fixed  the  price,  if 
it  chose  to  do  so  later.  The  price  was  three  dollars  in  the 
East,  and  two  dollars  and  seventy-five  cents  in  the  West, 
and  there  is  not  a  coal  mine  in  the  country  to-day,  under 
Government  operation,  that  is  producing  coal  for  as  little  as 
that  price,  which  the  operators  themselves  upon  my  appeal, 
fixed.  .  .  . 

Some  day  or  another  we  will  meet,  .  .  .  and  I  am  in 
clined  to  believe  that  you  will  think  me  less  of  a  reactionary 
than  a  radical.  I  am  against  a  standardized  world,  an 
ordered,  Prussianized  world.  I  am  for  a  world  in  which 
personal  initiative  is  kept  alive  and  at  work.  There  are 
a  lot  of  people  here  who  believe  that  you  can  do  things  by! 
orders,  which  I  know  from  my  knowledge  of  the  human  and 
the  American  spirit  can  much  more  effectively  be  done  by 
appeal. 

Everything  goes  happily  here  these  days,  because  we  are 
winning  the  war,  and  the  future  of  the  world  will  soon  be  in 
the  hands  of  a  man  who  not  so  long  ago  was  a  school  teacher. 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  293 

A  great  world  this,  isn't  it?  And  the  greatest  romance  is 
not  even  the  fact  that  Woodrow  Wilson  is  its  master,  but 
the  advance  of  the  Czecho-Slavs  across  five  thousand  miles 
of  Russian  Asia,  —  an  army  on  foreign  territory,  without  a 
government,  holding  not  a  foot  of  land,  who  are  recognized 
as  a  nation !  This  stirs  my  imagination  as  I  think  nothing 
in  the  war  has,  since  Albert  of  Belgium  stood  fast  art  Liege. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Notes  on  Cabinet  Meetings 
Found  in  Lane's  Files 

October  23,  1918 

*?  Yesterday  we  had  a  Cabinet  Meeting.  All  were  present. 
The  President  was  manifestly  disturbed.  For  some  weeks 
we  haye  spent  our  time  at  Cabinet  meetings  largely  in  telling 
stories.  \Even  at  the  meeting  of  a  week  ago,  the  day  on 
which  the  President  sent  his  reply  to  Germany  —  his  second 
Note  of  the  Peace  Series  —  we  were  given  no  view  of  the  Note 
which  was  already  in  Lansing's  hands  and  was  emitted  at 
four  o'clock;  and  had  no  talk  upon  it,  other  than  some 
outline  given  offhand  by  the  President  to  one  of  the  Cabinet 
who  referred  to  it  before  the  meeting;  and  for  three-quar 
ters  of  an  hour  told  stories  on  the  war,  and  took  up  small 
departmental  affairs. 

This  was  the  Note  which  gave  greatest  joy  to  the  people 
of  any  yet  written,  because  it  was  virile  and  vibrant  with 
determination  to  put  militarism  out  of  the  world.  As  he 
sat  down  at  the  table  the  President  said  that  Senator  Ashurst 
had  been  to  see  him  to  represent  the  bewildered  state  of 
mind  existing  in  the  Senate.  They  were  afraid  that  he 
would  take  Germany's  words  at  their  face  value. 

"I  said  to  the  Senator,"  said  the  President,  "do  they 


294         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

think  I  am  a  damned  fool?".  .  .  Yet  Senator  Kellogg 
says  that  Ashurst  told  the  Senators  that  the  President 
talked  most  pacifically,  as  if  inclined  to  peace,  and  that 
Ashurst  was  "afraid  that  he  would  commit  the  country  to 
peace,"  so  afraid  that  he  wanted  all  the  pressure  possible 
brought  to  bear  on  the  President  by  other  Senators.  At 
any  rate,  the  Note  when  it  came  had  no  pacificism  in  it,  and 
the  President  gained  the  unanimous  approval  of  the  country 
and  the  Allies. 

But  all  this  was  a  week  ago.  Germany  came  back  with 
an  acceptance  of  the  President's  terms  —  a  superficial  ac 
ceptance  at  least  —  hence  the  appeal  to  the  Cabinet  yes 
terday.  This  was  his  opening,  "I  do  not  know  what  to  do. 
I  must  ask  your  advice.  I  may  have  made  a  mistake  in 
not  properly  safe-guarding  what  I  said  before.  What  do 
you  think  should  be  done  ?  " 

This  general  query  was  followed  by  a  long  silence,  which 
I  broke  by  saying  that  Germany  would  do  anything  he  said. 

"What  should  I  say?"  he  asked. 

"That  we  would  not  treat  until  Germany  was  across  the 
Rhine." 

This  he  thought  impossible. 

Then  others  took  a  hand.  Wilson  said  the  Allies  should 
be  consulted.  Houston  thought  there  was  no  real  reform 
inside  Germany.  McAdoo  made  a  long  talk  favoring  an 
armistice  on  terms  fixed  by  the  military  authorities. 
Strangely  enough,  Burleson,  who  had  voted  against  all  our; 
stiff  action  over  the  Lusitania  and  has  pleaded  for  the  Ger 
mans  steadily,  was  most  belligerent  in  his  talk.  He  was 
ferocious  —  so  much  so  that  I  thought  he  was  trying  to 
make  the  President  react  against  any  stiff  Note  —  for  he 
knows  the  President  well,  and  knows  that  any  kind  of  strong 
blood-thirsty  talk  drives  him  into  the  cellar  of  pacifism.  .  .  . 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  295 

One  of  the  things  McAdoo  said  was  that  we  could  not 
financially  sustain  the  war  for  two  years.  He  was  for  an 
armistice  that  would  compel  Germany  to  keep  the  peace, 
military  superiority  recognized  by  Germany,  with  Foch, 
Haig,  and  Pershing  right  on  top  of  them  all  the  time.  Sec 
retary  Wilson  came  back  with  his  suggestion  that  the  Allies 
be  consulted.  Then  Baker  wrote  a  couple  of  pages  outlining 
the  form  of  such  a  Note  suggesting  an  armistice.  I  said  that 
this  should  be  sent  to  our  "partners"  in  the  war,  without 
giving  it  to  the  world,  that  we  were  in  a  confidential  re 
lation  to  France  and  England,  that  they  were  in  danger  of 
troubles  at  home,  possible  revolution,  and  if  the  President, 
with  his  prestige,  were  to  ask  publicly  an  armistice  which 
they  would  not  think  wise  to  grant,  or  which  couldn't  be 
granted,  the  sending  of  such  a  message  into  the  world  would 
be  coercing  them.  The  President  said  that  they  needed  to 
be  coerced,  that  they  were  getting  to  a  point  where  they 
were  reaching  out  for  more  than  they  should  have  in  justice. 
I  pointed  out  the  position  in  which  the  President  would  be 
if  he  proposed  an  armistice  which  they  (the  Allies)  would 
not  grant.  He  said  that  this  would  be  left  to  their  military 
men,  and  they  would  practically  decide  the  outcome  of  the 
war  by  the  terms  of  the  armistice,  which  might  include  leav 
ing  all  heavy  guns  behind,  and  putting,  Metz,  Strasburg, 
etc.,  in  the  hands  of  the  Allies,  until  peace  was  declared. 

I  suggested  that  Germany  might  not  know  what  the 
President's  terms  were  as  to  Courland,  etc.,  that  this  was 
not  "invaded  territory."  He  replied  that  they  evidently 
did,  as  they  now  were  considering  methods  of  getting  out 
of  the  Brest-Litovsk  treaty.  He  said  he  was  afraid  of  Bol 
shevism  in  Europe,  and  the  Kaiser  was  needed  to  keep  it 
down  —  to  keep  some  order.  He  really  seemed  alarmed 
that  the  time  would  come  soon  when  there  would  be  no 


296         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

possibility  of  saving  Germany  from  the  Germans.  This 
was  a  new  note  to  me. 

He  asked  Secretary  Wilson  if  the  press  really  represented 
the  sentiment  of  the  country  as  to  unconditional  surrender. 
Wilson  said  it  did.  He  said  that  the  press  was  brutal  in 
demanding  all  kinds  of  punishment  for  the  Germans,  in 
cluding  the  hanging  of  the  Kaiser.  At  the  end  of  the  meet 
ing,  which  lasted  nearly  two  hours,  he  asked  to  be  relieved 
of  Departmental  matters  as  he  was  unable  to  think  longer. 
I  wrote  a  summary  of  the  position  he  took,  and  read  it  after 
Cabinet  meeting  to  Houston  and  Wilson,  who  agreed.  It 
follows :  — 

If  they  (the  Allies)  ask  you  (the  President),  "Are  you 
satisfied  that  we  can  get  terms  that  will  be  satisfactory  to 
us  without  unconditional  surrender?" 

You  will  answer,  "Yes  —  through  the  terms  of  the  Armis 
tice." 

"By  an  armistice  can  you  make  sure  that  all  the  fourteen 
propositions  will  be  effectively  sustained,  so  that  militarism 
and  imperialism  will  end?" 

"Yes,  because  we  will  be  masters  of  the  situation  and 
will  remain  in  a  position  of  supremacy  until  Germany  puts 
into  effect  the  fourteen  propositions." 

"Will  that  be  a  lasting  peace?" 

"It  will  do  everything  that  can  be  done  without  crushing 
Germany  and  wiping  her  out  —  everything  except  to  gratify 
revenge." 

November  1,  1918 

At  last  week's  Cabinet  we  talked  of  Austria  —  again  we 
talked  like  a  Cabinet.  The  President  said  that  he  did  not 
know  to  whom  to  reply,  as  things  were  breaking  up  so  com 
pletely.  There  was  no  Austria-Hungary.  Secretary  Wil- 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  297 

son  suggested  that,  of  course,  their  army  was  still  under 
control  of  the  Empire,  and  that  the  answer  would  have  to 
go  to  it. 

Theoretically,  the  President  said,  German-Austria  should 
go  to  Germany,  as  all  were  of  one  language  and  one  race, 
but  this  would  mean  the  establishment  of  a  great  central 
Roman-Catholic  nation  which  would  be  under  control  of 
the  Papacy,  and  would  be  particularly  objectionable  to 
Italy.  I  said  that  such  an  arrangement  would  mean  a  Ger 
many  on  two  seas,  and  would  leave  the  Germans  victors 
after  all.  The  President  read  despatches  from  Europe  on  the 
situation  in  Germany  —  the  first  received  in  many  months. 

Nothing  was  said  of  politics  —  although  things  are  at  a 
white  heat  over  the  President's  appeal  to  the  country  to 
elect  a  Democratic  Congress.  He  made  a  mistake.  .  .  . 
My  notion  was,  and  I  told  him  so  at  a  meeting  three  or  four 
weeks  ago,  that  the  country  would  give  him  a  vote  of  con 
fidence  because  it  wanted  to  strengthen  his  hind.  But 
Burleson  said  that  the  party  wanted  a  leader  with  guts  — 
this  was  his  word  and  it  was  a  challenge  to  his  (the  Presi 
dent's)  virility,  that  was  at  once  manifest. 

The  country  thinks  that  the  President  lowered  himself 
by  his  letter,  calling  for  a  partisan  victory  at  this  time.  .  .  . 
But  he  likes  the  idea  of  personal  party-leadership  —  Cabinet 
responsibility  is  still  in  his  mind.  Colonel  House's  book, 
Philip  Dru,  favors  it,  and  all  that  book  has  said  should  be, 
comes  about  slowly,  even  woman  suffrage.  The  President 
comes  to  Philip  Dru  in  the  end.  And  yet  they  say  that 
House  has  no  power.  .  .  . 

Election  Day.     November  5,  [1918] 

At  Cabinet  some  one  asked 'if  Germany  would  accept 
armistice  terms.  The  President  said  he  thought  so.  ... 


298        LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

The  President  spoke  of  the  Bolsheviki  having  decided 
upon  a  revolution  in  Germany,  Hungary,  and  Switzerland, 
and  that  they  had  ten  million  dollars  ready  in  Switzerland, 
besides  more  money  in  Swedish  banks  held  by  the  Jews 
from  Russia,  ready  for  the  campaign  of  propaganda.  He 
read  a  despatch  from  the  French  minister  in  Berne,  to  Jusse- 
rand,  telling  of  this  conspiracy.  Houston  suggested  the 
advisability  of  stopping  it  by  seizing  the  money  and  intern 
ing  the  agitators.  After  some  discussion,  the  President 
directed  Lansing  to  ask  the  Governments  in  Switzerland 
and  Sweden  to  get  the  men  and  money,  and  hold  them,  and 
then  to  notify  the  Allies  of  what  we  had  done  and  suggest 
that  they  do  likewise.  Lansing  suggested  a  joint  Note, 
but  the  President  vetoed  this  idea,  wanting  us  to  take  the 
initiative.  He  spoke  of  always  having  been  sympathetic 
with  Japan  in  her  war  with  Russia,  and  thought  that  the 
latter  would  have  to  work  out  her  own  salvation.  But  he 
was  in  favor  of  sending  food  to  France,  Belgium,  Italy, 
Serbia,  Roumania,  and  Bulgaria  just  as  soon  as  possible; 
and  the  need  was  great,  also  in  Austria. 

He  said  that  the  terms  had  been  agreed  upon,  but  he  did 
not  say  what  they  were  —  further  than  to  say  that  the  Coun 
cil  at  Versailles  had  agreed  to  his  fourteen  points,  with  two 
reservations  :  — (1)  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  freedom  of  the 
seas,  (2)  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  restoration  of  Belgium  and 
France.  This  word  he  had  directed  Lansing  to  give  to  the 
Swiss  minister  for  Germany  —  and  to  notify  Germany  also 
that  Foch  would  talk  the  terms  of  armistice.  ...  He  is 
certainly  in  splendid  humor  and  in  good  trim  —  not  worried 
a  bit.  And  why  should  he  be,  for  the  world  is  at  his  feet, 
eating  out  of  his  hand !  No  Caesar  ever  had  such  a  tri 
umph  !  .  . 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  299 

November  6,  1918 

Yesterday  we  had  an  election.  I  had  expected  we  would 
win  because  the  President  had  made  a  personal  appeal  for 
a  vote  of  confidence,  and  all  other  members  of  the  Cabinet 
had  followed  suit,  except  Baker  who  said  he  wanted  to  keep 
the  Army  out  of  politics.  The  President  thought  it  was 
necessary  to  make  such  an  appeal.  He  liked  the  idea  of 
personal  leadership,  and  he  has  received  a  slap  in  the  face  — 
for  both  Houses  are  in  the  balance.  This  is  the  culmination 
of  the  policy  Burleson  urged  when  he  got  the  President  to 
sign  a  telegram  which  he  (Burleson)  had  written  opposing 
Representative  Slayden,  his  personal  enemy,  from  San  An 
tonio,  and,  in  effect,  nominating  Burleson's  brother-in-law  for 
Congress.  We  heard  of  it  by  the  President  bringing  it  up 
at  Cabinet.  Burleson  worked  it  through  Tumulty.  The 
President  said  that  he  did  not  know  whether  to  write  other 
letters  of  a  similar  nature  as  to  Vardaman,  Hardwick,  et  al. 
I  advised  against  it,  saying  that  the  voters  had  sense  enough 
to  take  care  of  these  people.  Burleson  said,  "The  people 
like  a  leader  with  guts."  The  word  struck  the  President's 
fancy  and  although  Lansing,  Houston,  and  Wilson  also  pro 
tested,  in  as  strong  a  manner  as  any  one  ever  does  pro 
test,  the  letters  were  issued.  .  .  .  Even  before  the  Slayden 
letter  was  one  endorsing  Davies,  in  Wisconsin,  as  against 
Lenroot.  .  .  .  Then  came  the  letter  to  the  people  of  the 
whole  country,  reflecting  upon  the  Republicans,  saying  that 
they  were  in  great  part  pro-war  but  not  pro-administration. 

November  11,  1918 

On  Sunday  I  heard  that  Germany  was  flying  the  red  flag, 
and  postponed  my  promised  visit  to  the  Governors  of  the 
South,  to  be  held  at  Savannah.  At  eleven  yesterday  word 


300         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

came  that  the  President  would  speak  to  Congress  at  one, 
and  that  he  would  have  no  objection  if  the  Departments 
closed  to  give  opportunity  for  rejoicings.  I  went  to  a  meet 
ing  of  the  Council  of  National  Defence  and  spoke,  welcom 
ing  the  members.  It  was  a  meeting  called  by  Baruch  to 
plan  reconstruction  —  but  the  President  had  notified  him 
on  Saturday  that  he  could  not  talk  or  have  talking  on  that 
subject.  So  all  I  could  do  was  to  give  a  word  of  greeting 
to  men  who  are  bound  to  be  disappointed  at  being  called 
for  nothing. 

The  President's  speech  was,  as  always,  a  splendidly  done 
bit  of  work.  He  rose  to  the  occasion  fully  and  it  was  the 
greatest  possible  occasion.  .  .  .  Lansing  says  that  they 
(he  and  the  President)  had  the  terms  of  Armistice  before  elec 
tion  —  terms  quite  as  drastic  as  unconditional  surrender. 


To  Daniel  Willard 
President,  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad 

Washington,  November  7,  1918 

DEAR  MR.  WILLARD,  —  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  receive 
word  that  you  are  leaving  us,  but  of  course  you  are  going 
into  a  sphere  of  action  much  larger  than  the  one  you  are  in 
here,  and  we  must  yield  you  with  every  grace,  no  matter 
how  unwillingly.  You  will  be  gone  from  us  only  a  short 
time,  I  trust,  and  then  I  shall  have  the  opportunity  of  see 
ing  more  of  you  and  continuing  a  friendship  which  has  been 
of  very  real  value  to  me. 

All  that  you  say  about  the  Advisory  Commission  is  true, 
and  more.  If  the  history  of  the  Council  of  National  De 
fence  and  of  the  Advisory  Commission  is  ever  written  it 
will  be  seen  that  you  gentlemen,  who  gave  your  time  and 
experience  freely,  gave  the  first  real  impulse  to  war  prepa- 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  301 

ration,  and  we  missed  out  only  because  we  did  not  have 
more  authority  to  vest  in  you.  I  am  very  proud  of  the 
first  six  months  of  the  Council's  work  and  of  the  Commis 
sion's  work. 

I  received  your  letter  telling  me  of  the  death  of  your  son 
and  daughter-in-law,  and  I  did  not  have  the  heart  to  write 
you  another  line.  The  mystery  and  the  ordering  of  this 
world  grow  altogether  inexplicable  when  the  affections  are 
wrenched.  It  requires  far  more  religion  or  philosophy  than 
I  have,  to  say  a  real  word  that  might  console  one  who  has 
lost  those  who  are  dear  to  him.  Ten  years  ago  my  mother 
died,  and  I  have  never  become  reconciled  to  her  loss.  This 
is  a  wrong  state  of  mind,  and  I  hope  that  you  are  sustained  by 
that  unfaltering  trust  of  which  Bryant  spoke.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKUN  K.  LANE 

To  James  H.  Hawley 

Washington,  November  9,  1918 

MY  DEAR  GOVERNOR,  —  ...  To  my  great  surprise  we 
have  lost  both  Houses.  We  felt  sure  that  we  would  carry 
both,  and  did  not  appreciate  the  extent  to  which  the  Re 
publicans  would  be  consolidated  by  the  President's  letter, 
which,  from  what  I  hear  was  one  of  the  inducing  causes  of 
the  result;  although  not  by  any  means  the  only  one,  for 
the  feeling  in  the  North  and  West  was  strong  that  the  South 
in  some  way  was  being  preferred.  I  am  fresh  from  a  talk 
with  Senator  Phelan  who,  to  my  surprise,  tells  me  that  these 
were  the  factors  in  the  New  England  States  from  which  he 
has  just  come.  .  .  . 

The  Wilson  administration  may  be  judged  by  the  great 
things  that  it  has  done  —  the  unparallelled  things  —  and 
the  election  of  last  Tuesday  will  get  but  a  line  in  the  history 
of  this  period,  while  the  Versailles  conference  and  the  Four- 


302         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

teen  Points  of  Wilson's  message  will  have  books  written 
about  them  for  a  century  to  come.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Samuel  G.  Blythe 
London,  England 

Washington,  November  13,  1918 

MY  DEAR  SAM,  —  I  had  not  seen  the  review  of  my  little 
book  of  speeches  1  made  by  the  Daily  Mail  until  you  sent  it 
to  me.  I  guess  we  are  a  nation  of  idealists  and  it  won't  do 
any  harm  to  have  a  little  of  this  leaven  thrown  into  the 
European  lump.  I  am  amused  when  I  read  the  reviews 
on  this  book  to  see  myself  regarded  as  the  rather  imagina 
tive  interpreter  of  the  national  attitude,  after  these  twenty 
years  of  quiet,  stiff  legal  opinions  on  municipal  law  and  rail 
road  problems. 

Glad  to  hear  of  the  boy !  He  is  a  poor  correspondent,  as 
most  two-fisted  young  chaps  are  apt  to  be.  I  envy  you  your 
opportunity  now  to  see  the  revolution  in  Germany,  and  its 
possible  spreading  elsewhere.  I  think  you  might  write  an 
article  on  how  revolution  comes  to  a  country ;  a  picture  of 
just  how  the  thing  happens ;  what  the  first  step  was ;  what 
kind  of  organization  there  was  and  how  they  went  about 
their  business  and  got  hold  of  the  Government.  There  is 
a  whole  book  in  this,  but  immediately  there  is  a  chance  for 
a  couple  of  mighty  interesting  articles. 

Here  we  have  gone  wild  over  the  victory  and  peace,  and  • 
the  fact  that  the  election  went  against  us  means  nothing,  so 
far  as  international  questions  are  concerned.  We  had  not 
fixed  the  price  on  cotton  while  we  had  fixed  the  price  on 
wheat,  and  that  made  the  North  feel  that  this  is  a  South 
ern  Administration.  The  Republicans  were  united  for  the 

1  The  American  Spirit. 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  303 

first  time  in  ten  years.  These  are  the  big  reasons  for  the 
shift.  You  see  we  have  no  idea  here  of  Cabinet  responsi 
bility  or  votes  of  confidence  or  lack  of  confidence.  I  expect 
there  will  be  some  fun  in  Congress  for  the  next  two  years. 
As  always,  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  December  16,  1918 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  I  have  your  long  letter,  telling  me 
of  all  your  sad  experiences  with  red  tape  and  how  you  have 
settled  down  at  last  to  do  your  bit  at  home.  You  have  gone 
through  the  bitterness  that  most  fellows  have  experienced 
in  trying  to  do  anything  with  the  Government.  I  really 
am  very  sorry  that  you  had  to  make  such  a  financial  sacri 
fice  and  break  up  your  home  and  then  be  fooled,  but  prob 
ably  it  is  all  for  the  best.  The  war  is  over,  the  boys  are 
coming  home  soon  and  this  brings  me  to  the  main  point. 

Ned  got  home  this  morning.  Nancy,  Anne,  and  I  went 
to  Norfolk  to  meet  him.  He  had  no  expectation  of  seeing 
us  there  and  at  eight  o'clock  on  a  very  rainy  foggy  morning, 
we  came  up  along  side  of  his  transport  and  he  was  taken  by 
surprise.  He  had  a  fine  lot  of  boys  with  him,  but  since 
May  he  had  been  at  the  Naval  Aviation  Headquarters  as 
one  of  the  General  Staff. 

He  had  many  narrow  escapes ;  had  men  killed  standing  be 
side  him,  torn  to  pieces  by  shrapnel ;  was  knocked  over  by  the 
concussion  of  shells ;  was  over  the  lines  in  the  battle  of  Cha 
teau-Thierry  in  an  aeroplane,  flew  across  the  Austrian-Italian 
lines  and  chased  the  German  on  his  retreat  through  Belgium. 

He  seems  to  be  in  good  health,  though  rather  nervous. 
He  very  much  admires  the  men  who  were  his  comrades  and 
his  superiors,  but  is  glad  to  be  out  of  it  all.  I  think  he  would 


304         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

like  to  get  on  a  big  farm.  My  plan  for  getting  farms  for 
the  soldier  is  making  slow  progress.  I  have  got  to  put  in 
all  my  effort  now  to  get  some  decisive  answer  out  of  Con 
gress  —  either  yes  or  no.  .  .  . 

[Ned]  has  seen  France  very  thoroughly,  all  the  north  of 
Italy  from  Rome  up,  England,  and  Ireland.  In  the  latter 
spot,  he  was  shot  at  three  times,  notwithstanding  a  general 
order  that  no  Irishman  is  allowed  to  have  a  gun.  He  was 
challenged  to  a  duel  by  a  Frenchman  who  tried  to  get  away 
with  his  seat  in  a  car.  He  gave  the  Frenchman  a  good  lick 
ing  and  then  discovered  that  he  was  liable  to  court  martial, 
but  he  got  the  seat  and  then  told  the  French  lieutenant  he 
would  throw  him  out  of  the  car  window  if  he  talked  any 
more  about  dueling.  The  following  morning  he  offered  the 
Frenchman  a  cigarette  which  was  taken,  and  they  shook 
hands  and  parted. 

He  went  up  in  an  aeroplane  in  Italy  at  one  place  and  had 
a  hunch,  he  said,  that  something  was  wrong  with  the  ma 
chine  and  so  he  brought  it  down  and  landed.  Another 
fellow  took  it  up,  an  Italian.  He  got  up  about  one  thousand 
feet  in  the  air  and  the  gas  tank  exploded.  The  poor  fellow 
came  down  burnt  to  a  cinder,  all  within  five  minutes. 

He  shot  a  German  from  the  Belgian  trenches  and  has  been 
recommended  four  times  for  promotion,  but  hasn't  got  it  yet. 

With  much  love  to  Frances  and  yourself,  I  am,  affection 
ately  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE  j 

/ 

To  Edgar  C.  Bradley 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Interior 

Washington,  [December  18,  1918] 

MY  DEAR  BRADLEY,  —  You  wouldn't  let  me  close  my  sen 
tence  yesterday  and  I  don't  propose  to  close  it  to-day. 


CABINET  NOTES  IN  WAR-TIME  305 

Yet  I  am  not  going  to  let  you  drive  westward  toward  the 
land  and  people  we  both  love  so  much,  without  letting  you 
carry  a  word  of  affection  and  greeting  from  me,  which  you 
can  just  throw  to  the  winds  when  you  get  there,  throw  it 
out  of  the  window  to  Tamalpais,  it  will  sweep  over  those 
eucalyptus  trees  on  the  right,  throw  it  up  to  the  Berkeley 
hills,  which  now  are  turning  green,  I  suppose,  throw  it  up 
the  long  stretch  of  Market  Street  till  it  reaches  Twin  Peaks, 
and  let  it  flow  down  over  "south  of  the  slot"  that  was,  and 
up  over  Nob  Hill,  even  to  the  sacred  brownstone  of  the 
Pacific-Union. 

Go  with  a  heart  that  is  full  of  rejoicing  that  peace  has 
come,  through  our  sacrifice  as  well  as  that  of  other  of  the  no 
bler  peoples  of  earth,  and  with  a  heart  that  is  proud  that  you 
were  able  to  help  with  your  strength  and  sane  judgment 
and  great  gentleness  of  speech  and  manner,  in  carrying  on 
this  nation's  affairs  in  the  day  of  its  greatest  adventure. 

We  shall  all  miss  you  greatly,  whether  you  are  gone  two 
weeks  or  two  years !  Do  just  what  you  think  is  right,  just 
what  she  who  is  so  much  to  you  thinks  you  should  do.  There 
is  no  better  test  of  a  man's  duty. 

If  you  can't  return  we  shall  stagger  on.  I  shan't  stop 
climbing  this  ladder  because  a  rung  is  gone  —  tho'  many  a 
rung  is  gone  —  and  a  damn  hard  old  ladder  this  is  some 
times.  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 


XI 

AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  —  LEAVING 
WASHINGTON 

1919 

After-war  Problems  —  Roosevelt  Memorials  —  Americanization  — 
Religion  —  Responsibility  of  Press  —  Resignation 

To  E.  C.  Bradley 

Washington,  January,  1919 

MY  DEAR  BRADLEY,  —  ...  I  am  terribly  broken  up  over 
Roosevelt's  death.  He  was  a  great  and  a  good  man,  a  man's 
man,  always  playing  his  game  in  the  open.  .  .  . 

I  loved  old  Roosevelt  because  he  was  a  hearty,  two-fisted 
fellow.  .  .  .  The  only  fault  I  ever  had  to  find  with  him  was 
that  he  took  defeat  too  hard.  He  had  a  sort  of  "  divine 
right"  idea,  but  he  was  a  bully  fighter.  I  went  to  his 
funeral  and  have  joined  in  mass  meetings  in  his  memory, 
which  I  suppose  is  all  I  can  do.  ...  Of  course  ...  he 
said  a  lot  of  things  that  were  unjust  and  unjustifiable,  but 
if  a  fellow  doesn't  make  a  damned  fool  of  himself  once  in  a 
while  he  wouldn't  be  human.  The  Republicans  would  have 
nominated  him  next  time  undoubtedly.  They  are  without 
a  leader  now,  and  we  are  just  as  much  up  in  the  air  as  ever. 
...  I  am  standing  by  the  President  for  all  I  am  worth. 
I  talked  to  the  Merchants'  Association  the  other  day  and 
gave  him  a  great  send-off,  but  they  didn't  rise  to  their  feet 
at  all,  which  is  the  first  time  this  has  happened  in  two  years. 
.  .  .  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

306 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  307 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  January  30,  1919 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  ...  The  one  thing  that  bothers  us 
here  is  the  problem  of  unemployment.  We  have  not,  of 
course,  had  time  to  turn  around  and  develop  any  plan  for 
reconstruction.  Our  whole  war  machine  went  to  pieces  in 
a  night.  Everybody  who  was  doing  war  work  dropped  his 
job  with  the  thought  of  Paris  in  his  mind,  with  the  result 
that  everything  has  come  down  with  a  crash,  in  the  way  of 
production,  but  nothing  in  the  way  of  wages  or  living  costs. 
Wages  cannot  go  down  until  the  cost  of  living  does,  and 
production  won't  increase  while  people  believe  prices  will 
be  lower  later  on.  I  to-day  proposed  to  Secretary  Glass 
that  he  enter  upon  a  campaign  to  promote  production, 
(1)  by  seeing  what  the  Government  could  buy,  (2)  by  seeing 
what  the  industries  would  take  as  a  bottom  price,  (3)  by 
getting  the  Food  Administration  at  work  to  reduce  prices. 
Perhaps  it  may  do  some  good.  .  .  . 

I  have  always  thought  the  President  was  right  in  going 
across,  and  I  believe  that  he  will  pull  through  a  League  of 
Nations.  When  I  get  a  copy  of  it  I  will  send  you  my  speech 
on  this  subject,  which  is  rather  loose  but  is  a  plea  for  dreams. 

Ned  is  going  West  to  work  for  Doheny  in  some  oil  field, 
starting  at  the  bottom.  I  rather  think  this  is  right,  but  of 
course  he  won't  stay  as  a  laborer  very  long.  The  boy  is 
fine  and  gay,  and  did  splendid  work,  and  is  anxious  to  get 
into  the  game  and  make  money.  Just  where  he  gets  this 
desire  for  making  money  I  don't  know.  Certainly  I  never 
had  it.  But  he  was  telling  me  the  other  day  of  his  hope  that 
by  forty  he  would  have  made  enough  money  to  retire.  I 
told  him  you  were  the  only  fellow  I  ever  knew  who  had 
actually  retired,  and  you  had  only  done  it  half  way.  He  will 
report  at  Los  Angeles,  but  I  expect  he  will  get  up  to  see  you 


308          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

as  soon  as  he  can.  He  has  a  remarkable  affection  for  Cali 
fornia,  considering  he  has  seen  so  little  of  it,  and  so  has 
Nancy.  They  both  regard  it  as  the  golden  land  where  all 
things  smile,  and  people  have  hearts.  I  have  not  attempted 
to  cure  them  of  their  illusion. 

Do  write  me  a  good,  long  letter,  for  I  am  always  eager  to 
hear  from  you. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  May  1,  [1919] 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  Well,  what  do  you  think  of  the  Italian 
situation?  I  think  the  President  right,  that  Fiume  should 
not  go  to  Italy.  Certainly  she  has  no  moral  claim,  for  by 
the  Pact  of  London,  Fiume  was  to  go  to  Croatia.  Orlando 
says  that  he  is  answering  the  call  of  the  Italians  in  exile. 
Let  them  stay  in  exile,  I  say.  They  went  into  a  foreign 
land  to  make  money  and  now  they  wish  to  annex  the  land 
they  are  visiting,  to  the  home  country.  How  would  we 
like  it  if  the  Chinese  swamped  San  Francisco  and  then  asked 
to  be  annexed  to  China  ?  This  is  carrying  the  Fiume  idea 
to  its  ultimate,  a  ridiculous  ultimate,  of  course,  as  most 
ultimates  are. 

Whether  he  [President  Wilson]  gave  out  the  statement 
as  to  the  break  too  early,  and  without  the  consent  of  England 
and  France,  of  course  I  don't  know.  Quite  like  him  to  do 
it  if  he  thought  the  thing  had  hung  long  enough,  and  that 
Italy  was  too  damn  predatory.  And  she  does  seem  to  be. 
The  New  Idea  seems  to  have  less  real  hold  in  Italy  —  at 
least  among  the  governing  class  —  than  in  any  other  Euro 
pean  country.  Her  present  position  will  postpone  peace. 
This  will  cause  us  trouble  over  the  extra  session  of  Congress 
for  our  appropriations  will  run  out.  And  perhaps  in  Eng- 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  309 

land  it  may  give  a  chance  for  labor  troubles  to  rise.  It  will 
postpone  the  return  of  good  times  to  this  country.  But 
ultimately  Italy  will  have  to  come  through.  If  economic 
pressure  were  put  upon  her  she  would  be  compelled  to  yield 
at  once,  for  she  depends  on  England  and  ourselves  for  all 
the  coal  she  uses,  and  on  us  chiefly  for  her  wheat.  Of  course 
this  form  of  coercion  will  not  be  resorted  to.  She  might 
think  more  kindly  if  she  were  given  an  extended  credit, 
say  of  two  hundred  million  dollars.  But  the  people  being 
aroused  now  over  what  they  think  is  a  matter  of  principle 

—  loyalty  to  their  compatriots  in  Fiume  —  they  may  not 
be  able  to  compromise.     Lord  Reading  rather  fears  that  this 
is  the  situation  and  that  it  might  have  been  avoided  if  the 
President  had  not  issued  his  statement  when  he  did.     How 
ever,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  President  will  have  his  way. 
He  nearly  always  does.     Surely  the  God  that  once  was  the 
Kaiser's  is  now  his. 

To  be  the  First  President  of  the  League  of  Nations  is  to 
be  the  crowning  glory  of  his  life.     I  believe  in  the  League 

—  as  an  effort.     It  will  not  cure,  but  it  is  a  serious  effort 
to  get  at  the  disease.     It  is  a  hopeful  effort,  too,  for  it  makes 
moral  standards,  standards  of  conduct  between  nations  which 
will  bring  conventional  pressure  to  bear  on  the  side  of  peace, 
to  offset  the  old  convention  of  rushing  into  war  to  satisfy 
hurt  feelings.     Sooner  or  later  there  will  come  disarmament 

—  the  pistol  will  be  taken  away  and  the  streets  will  be  safer. 
The  boy  is  having  a  tough  time  in  his  oil  work.     It  is  so 

dirty  !  But  I  hope  he  sticks  out  until  he  proves  himself.  I 
hear  that  the  Dutch  Shell  people  have  bought  out  Cowdray 
in  Mexico,  and  now  are  trying  to  get  Doheny's  lands.  They 
bestride  the  earth,  and  as  soon  as  their  activities  are  known 
generally,  this  country  will  look  upon  the  Standard  Oil  as 
the  American  champion  in  a  big  international  fight. 


310         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

.  .  .  Well,  dear  old  chap,  I  know  that  I  could  add  nothing 
to  your  cure  if  I  were  there  but  I  am  not  content  to  be  so 
far  away  from  you.  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 

To  William  Boyce  Thompson 
Roosevelt  Permanent  Memorial  National  Committee 

Washington,  May  20,  1919 

MY  DEAR  MR.  THOMPSON,  —  I  told  Mr.  Loeb  that  I  would 
feel  greatly  honored  to  be  a  member  of  a  Memorial  Com 
mittee,  to  do  honor  to  Ex-President  Roosevelt.  To-day,  I 
receive  an  agreement  which  I  am  asked  to  sign  in  which  the 
members  of  the  Committee  are  to  pledge  themselves  to  a 
memorial  for  the  furtherance  of  Mr.  Roosevelt's  policies. 
I  do  not  know  what  such  a  phrase  means.  With  some  of 
his  policies  I  know  I  was  in  hearty  accord  but  as  to  others, 
such  as  the  tariff,  I  have  my  doubts.  This  might  be  turned 
or  construed  into  a  great  machine  for  propaganda  of  a  par 
tisan  character,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  the  Colonel's  memory 
is  altogether  too  precious  a  national  possession  to  have  that 
construction  possibly  given  to  any  memorial  to  him. 

There  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Democrats,  like  myself, 
who  admired  him  and  who  would  contribute  toward  a  memo 
rial,  who  should  not  be  asked  to  do  this  if  it  was  any  more 
than  a  straight-out  memorial  to  the  man,  the  soldier,  the  natu 
ralist,  the  historian,  the  President,  the  intense,  vital  American. 

And  all  of  your  officers,  so  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with 
them,  are  Republicans.  This  does  not  seem  to  convey  quite 
the  right  suggestion. 

I  have  already  planned  for  a  lasting  Roosevelt  memorial 
in  the  creation  of  a  park  in  California,  to  bear  Colonel  Roose 
velt's  name.  I  expect  this  will  have  Congressional  approval 
at  the  present  session  of  Congress. 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  311 

Last  night  I  talked  with  Senator  Frank  Kellogg  about 
this  matter,  and  he  agrees  with  my  view.  He  says  that  he 
understood  the  memorial  was  to  be  something  in  Washington 
of  a  permanent  and  artistic  character,  and  perhaps  the  home 
at  Oyster  Bay,  and  that  the  personnel  of  all  committees  was 
to  be  popular,  including  if  possible  as  many  Democrats  as 
Republicans. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  beg  leave  to  withhold  my 
signature  to  the  agreement  sent  me.  I  would  have  no 
objection  to  asking  Congress  to  provide  for  a  memorial, 
though  I  think  this  should  be  deferred  as  a  matter  of  pol 
icy  until  the  public  had  subscribed  generously.  Cordially 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 
President  Emeritus,  University  of  California 

Washington,  June  16,  1919 

MY  DEAR  WHEELER,  —  I  have  seen  your  goodbye  address 
at  Berkeley,  and  I  am  very  glad  I  did  not  hear  it,  for  it  must 
have  been  a  sad  day  for  Berkeley  and  for  you.  The  address 
itself  was  a  noble  word.  I  hear  that  you  have  bought 
Lucy  Sprague's  home  and  are  to  remain  in  Berkeley.  This 
is  as  it  should  be.  You  can  ripen  into  the  Sage  of  Berkeley, 
and  be  a  center  of  influence,  stimulating  the  best  in  others. 
A  long,  long  life  to  you !  Always  sincerely  and  devotedly 

yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  E.  S.  Martin 
Life 

Washington,  August  23,  1919 

MY  DEAR  MR.  MARTIN,  — ...  It  does  not  seem  to  me  that 
this  country  will  rise  to  a  class  war.  We  have  too  many 


312         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

farmers  and  small  householders  and  women  —  put  the  ac 
cent  on  the  women.  They  are  the  conservatives.  Until 
a  woman  is  starving,  she  does  not  grow  Red,  unless  she  is 
without  a  husband  or  babies  and  has  a  lot  of  money  that  she 
did  not  earn.  .  .  .  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  September  11,  1919 

DEAR  GEORGE,  —  You  do  not  know  how  much  of  sympathy 
I  send  out  to  you  and  how  many  words  of  prayer  I  send  up 
for  you.  You  need  them  all,  I  expect.  .  .  .  What  a  long 
siege  you  have  had  ! 

I  suppose  you  will  not  be  able  to  hear  the  President  speak 
when  he  is  there.  You  will  miss  much.  He  is  not  impas 
sioned  nor  a  great  orator,  such  as  Chatham  or  Fox,  or  Web 
ster  or  Dolliver,  or  even  Bryan  —  but  he  has  a  keen,  quick, 
cutting  mind,  the  mind  of  a  really  great  critic,  and  his  manner 
is  that  of  the  gentleman  scholar.  He  is  first  among  all  men 
to-day,  which  is  much  for  America. 

My  Nancy  has  been  having  a  splendid  time,  even  if  she 
only  saw  your  ranch  for  a  week  —  but  she  is  the  gayest 
thing  alive  —  God  grant  she  may  continue  so  always.  .  .  . 

For  the  first  time  in  twenty-five  years  we  are  living  in 
an  apartment,  large  and  in  a  nice  place,  but  somehow  my 
sense  of  the  fitness  of  things  will  not  let  me  call  the  place 
"home"  —  altho'  it  is  the  most  comfortable  habitation  Ij 
have  ever  lived  in,  elevator,  whole  floor  to  ourselves,  .  .  .  and 
they  let  me  keep  my  dog.  I  wouldn't  have  come  if  they 
hadn't.  We  turned  down  a  fine  place  with  a  more  ex 
pansive  view  because  Jack  was  not  wanted.  But  surely  in 
these  days  of  doubt  and  disloyalty  one  must  have  some  rock 
to  cling  to,  why  not  a  trusting-eyed  dog?  .  .  .  But  all 


AFTER -WAR  PROBLEMS  313 

this  does  not  recompense  me  for  the  absence  of  a  "home" 
which  is  a  house,  anywhere.  Yet  we  may  have  to  do  our 
own  work.  .  .  .  The  cooks  are  all  too  proud  to  work  —  I 
wish  you  would  tell  me  just  how  this  economic  problem 
should  be  settled.  How  much  do  you  believe  in  socialism 
or  socialization  ?  .  .  .  Do  you  think  there  can  be  a  partner 
ship  in  business  ?  I  am  inclined  to  think  this  can  be  worked 
out,  along  lines  of  cooperative  ownership,  but  not  until  an 
enterprise  is  well  standardized. 

I  expect  bad  times  soon  with  labor.  We  are  only  post 
poning  the  evil  day.  The  President  seems  less  radical  than 
he  was.  He  is  sobered  by  conditions,  I  suspect.  The  negro 
is  a  danger  that  you  do  not  have.  Turn  him  loose  and  he 
is  a  wild  man.  Every  Southerner  fears  him. 

...  I  am  trying  hard  to  believe  something  that  might 
be  called  the  shadow  of  a  religion  —  a  God  that  has  a  good 
purpose,  and  another  life  in  which  there  is  a  chance  for 
further  growth,  if  not  for  glory.  But  when  I  bump  up 
against  a  series  of  afflictions  such  as  you  have  been  subjected 
to,*  I  fall  back  upon  Fred's  philosophy  of  a  purposeless  or 
else  a  cruel  God.  ...  I  simply  have  a  sinking  of  the  heart, 
a  goneness,  a  hopelessness  —  not  even  the  pleasure  of  a 
resignation.  Old  Sid's  cold  mind  has  worked  itself  through 
to  a  decision  that  there  is  no  purpose  and  no  future,  and 
finds  solace  in  the  ultimate;  having  reached  the  cellar  he 
finds  the  satisfaction  of  rest.  I  can't  get  there  for  my 
buoyancy,  the  hold-over  of  early  teachings  or  perhaps  my 
naturally  sanguine  nature  will  not  permit  me  to  hit  bottom, 
but  forever  I  must  be  floating,  floating  —  nowhere.  Happy 
the  man  who  strikes  the  certainty  of  a  rock-bottom  hell, 
rather  than  one  who  is  kept  floating  midway  —  that  is  a 
purgatory  worse  than  hell.  I  don't  seem  to  have  any  capac 
ity  for  anger,  as  against  God  or  man,  for  anything  that  be- 


314          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K  LANE 

falls  me,  but  I  get  morbid  over  the  injustices  done  to  others. 
Now  I  shall  stop  philosophizing  on  this  matter  for  it  is  three 
in  the  morning,  and  too  hot  to  sleep,  and  such  a  time  is 
made  for  wickedness  and  not  for  righteousness. 

I  am  sorry  you  will  not  see  the  President.  He  is  worth 
hearing,  better  than  reading,  and  he  always  talks  well.  He 
can  not  pass  his  treaty  without  some  kind  of  reservations 
and  he  should  have  seen  this  a  month  ago.  The  Republicans 
will  not  struggle  to  pass  it  in  his  absence  and  think  that  they 
have  done  a  smart  thing,  but  in  the  end  Wilson  and  not 
Lodge  would  win  by  such  a  trick.  The  one  greatest  of 
vices  is  smart-aleckism.  Sometime  I  shall  write  an  essay  on 
that  subject.  The  burglar  and  the  confidence  operator  and 
the  profiteer  and  the  profligate  and  the  defaulting  bank 
cashier  are  all  victims  of  that  disease  —  smart-aleckism. 
They  will  do  a  trick,  to  prove  how  clever  they  are.  I  be 
lieve  that  is  the  way  ninety  per  cent  of  the  boys  and  girls 
go  wrong,  and  instead  of  teaching  them  the  Bible,  why  not 
try  reducing  the  size  of  their  conceit  and  their  disposition 
to  boast.  I  just  wonder  how  far  wrong  I  am  on  this  ? 

.  .  .  Don't  let  the  family  worry  you.  Call  for  the  police 
if  they  don't  let  you  have  your  own  way.  .  .  .  What  a 
plague  of  women!  But  how  did  monks  manage  to  live 
anyhow  ?  Maybe  they  chose  a  hard  death  —  perhaps  that 
was  the  secret  of  the  whole  monkery  game !  Women  let 
us  down  into  the  grave  with  much  unction  to  our  ego,  I 
mean  sweet  oil  of  adoration  .  .  .  poured  out  upon  the  way 
down  to  Avernus.  .  .  .  Don't  feel  discouraged  because 
you  lie  there.  I  feel  much  more  discontented  than  you  do, 
right  here  at  the  heart  of  the  world.  .  .  .  Love  to  Maude 
and  Frances,  and  mention  me  with  proper  respect  and 
dignity  to  Miss  Nancy  Lane. 

F.  K. 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  315 

To  Van  H.  Manning 
Director,  Bureau  of  Mines 

Washington,  September  24,  1919 

MY  DEAR  MR.  MANNING,  —  I  have  been  intending  for  sev 
eral  days  to  write  you  a  letter  regarding  the  Petroleum 
Institute,  but  the  opportunity  has  been  denied  me.  Perhaps 
you  will  be  good  enough  to  say  to  the  gentlemen,  whom  I 
understand  you  are  to  meet  tomorrow,  that  I  regard  their 
work,  if  taken  hold  of  whole-heartedly,  as  of  the  greatest 
national  importance.  It  is  quite  manifest  now  that  private 
enterprise  must  stand  in  the  forefront  in  the  development  of 
this  industry,  and  that  what  the  government  can  do  will  be 
supplemental  and  suggestive.  It  is  not  an  exaggeration  to 
say  that  millions  of  dollars  must  be  spent  in  experiment 
before  we  know  the  many  services  to  which  a  barrel  of  oil 
can  be  put.  There  is  almost  an  indefinite  opportunity  for 
research  work  along  this  line. 

Petroleum  is  a  challenge  to  the  chemists  of  the  world. 
And  now  the  world  is  dependent  upon  it,  as  it  is  upon  nothing 
else  excepting  coal  and  iron,  and  the  foodstuffs  and  textiles. 
It  has  jumped  to  this  place  of  eminence  within  twenty  years, 
and  the  world  is  concerned  in  knowing  how  large  a  supply 
there  is  and  how  every  drop  of  it  can  best  be  used.  Prac 
tically,  I  think  you  should  urge  that  there  be  cooperative 
effort  to  protect  against  waste.  The  oil  men  themselves 
should  see  the  value  of  this  and  spend  their  money  freely 
to  keep  their  wells  from  being  flooded,  to  keep  their  pipe 
lines  from  leaking,  and  to  save  their  gas. 

We  are  behind  the  rest  of  the  world  in  the  use  of  our  oil 
for  fuel  purposes.  We  are  spendthrifts  in  this  as  in  other 
of  our  national  resources.  We  can  get  three  times  as  much 
energy  as  we  do  out  of  our  oil  through  the  use  of  the  Diesel 
engine,  yet  we  are  doing  little  to  promote  development  of 


316         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

a  satisfactory  type  of  stationary  Diesel,  or  marine  design. 
Instead  of  seeing  how  many  hundred  millions  of  barrels  of  oil 
we  can  produce  and  use,  our  effort  should  be  to  see  how  few 
millions  of  barrels  will  satisfy  our  needs.  I  say  this  although 
I  am  not  a  pessimist  as  to  the  available  supply,  which  I  believe 
has  been  underestimated  rather  than  overestimated.  I  am 
satisfied  that  the  man  who  has  a  barrel  of  oil  has  something 
which,  if  he  can  save,  is  better  than  a  government  bond. 
Throughout  the  Nation  we  must  make  a  drive  to  increase 
production  —  that  is  the  slogan  of  this  time  —  but  that  does 
not  mean  that  we  should  make  a  drive  to  exhaust  resources 
which  God  alone  can  duplicate. 

Then  too,  I  think  that  Congress  can  be  largely  helped  by 
the  sane  presentation  of  wise  policies  touching  this  industry. 
I  have  the  belief  that  whatever  the  body  of  oil  men  would 
agree  upon  would  be  something  that  would  make  for  the 
best  use  of  petroleum,  and  for  the  protection  over  a  long 
period  of  this  fundamental  resource  in  our  industry.  Con 
gress  has  difficulty  often  in  getting  the  large  view  of  prac 
tical  men  who  speak  without  personal  interest,  and  such  an 
Institute  could  speak  not  for  the  individual  but  for  the  in 
dustry  and  show  how  it  may  best  be  developed  in  the 
interest  of  the  country. 

To  do  these  things,  and  to  do  them  adequately,  will  re 
quire  the  men  in  the  industry  to  take  the  attitude  of  states 
men  and  not  of  selfish  exploiters.  It  means  they  must  tax 
themselves  liberally,  generously.  It  means  that  they  must 
think  of  themselves  as  trustees  for  a  Public  as  wide  as  the 
world. 

Please  give  my  regards  to  the  members  of  the  Institute. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  317 

To  E.  C.  Bradley 

Washington,  October  2,  1919 

MY  DEAR  BRADLEY,  —  ...  I  have  all  along  said  that  the 
treaty  could  not  be  ratified  without  some  interpretive  reser 
vations.  I  think  that  the  President  will  see  that,  although  he 
sees  clearly,  as  I  do,  that  these  interpretations  are  already 
in  the  treaty  itself,  but  on  a  question  of  construction  two 
men  may  honestly  differ.  The  whole  damn  thing  has  gotten 
into  the  maelstrom  of  politics,  of  the  nastiest  partisanship, 
when  it  ought  to  have  been  lifted  up  into  the  clearer  air  of 
good  sense  and  national  dignity.  .  .  . 

Hoover  can  be  elected.  He  came  home  modestly  and 
made  a  splendid  speech.  We  need  a  man  of  great  adminis 
trative  ability  and  of  supreme  sanity  who  can  lead  us  into 
quiet  waters,  if  there  are  any. 

.  .  .  We  have  imported,  with  our  labor,  their sdiscontent, 
and  the  theories  which  are  founded  upon  it  to  obtain  the 
price.  But  the  American  workingman  is  a  sensible  fellow, 
when  he  can  have  the  chance  to  think  without  being  over 
whelmed  by  fear,  and  he  will  realize  that  his  betterment  in 
a  material  way  must  come  through  his  own  individual 
growth  and  the  growth  of  the  conscience  of  the  people  who 
believe  in  a  square  deal.  The  serious  thing  in  the  whole 
situation,  to  my  mind,  is  the  fact  that  so  many  workingmen 
seem  to  accept  the  idea  that  they  are  of  a  fixed  class ;  that 
they  can  not  move  out  of  their  present  conditions ;  that  they 
want  always  to  remain  as  employees  and  have  no  hope  of 
becoming  superintendents,  employers,  managers,  or  capital 
ists  ;  and  therefore  think  that  their  only  prospect  is  in  better 
ing  their  condition  as  a  part  of  a  class.  Great  propaganda 
should  be  carried  on  to  show  how  false  this  is  and  how  much 
demand  there  is  for  men  of  ability. 

With  warm  regards,  old  man,  I  am  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


318          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  Louise  Her  rick  Wall 

Washington,  Friday,  [October  10,  1919] 

MY  DEAR  MRS.  WALL,  —  We  heard  through  Ned  of  the 
Commodore's  death,  and  you  can  realize  how  shocked  and 
terribly  grieved  we  were,  and  still  are. 

Poor  dear  girl,  there  is  nothing  anyone  can  say  that  will 
help  even  a  little  bit.  Every  word  of  appreciation  makes 
the  loss  more  serious.  And  you  need  no  one  to  tell  you  that 
he  was  loved  by  us,  and  every  single  person  who  really  knew 
him.  He  was  to  me  Christlike,  beautiful,  gentle,  wise  and 
noble.  Since  that  first  day,  nearly  thirty  years  ago  on 
Grays  Harbor,  I  have  known  him  as  one  of  the  rare  spirits 
of  the  world,  and  Anne  and  I  have  loved  him  deeply.  Surely 
he  must  live  on,  and  we  must  all  see  him  again  ! 

May  strength  come  to  you  out  of  the  Infinite  resources 
of  the  Universe  to  bear  this  blow.  The  world  was  made 
better  by  him  !  In  deep  sympathy, 

FRANK  LANE 

To- 

Wednesday,  November,  [1919] 

MY  DEAR  OLD  MAN,  —  I  am  sitting  alone  in  my  den  having 
come  down  stairs  to  write  a  line  on  my  report,  but  instead 
have  been  lured  into  an  evening  of  delight  with  Robert  Louis 
Stevenson,  whose  letters,  in  four  volumes,  I  advise  you  to  read 
for  the  spirit  of  the  man.  Much  like  your  own,  my  brave 
fine  fellow !  He  went  through  tortures  with  a  smile  and  4 
merry  imagination  which  made  him  great,  and  makes  all  of 
us,  and  many  more  to  come,  his  debtor.  I  know  how  little 
you  read.  The  birds  have  been  yours  and  the  trees  and  the 
dogs  and  fishes,  but  there  are  men  in  the  world,  or  have  been, 
whom  one  can  know  through  their  writings.  Did  you  ever 
read  Trevelyan's  three  volumes  on  Garibaldi  ?  No,  —  well 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  319 

get  it  before  you  are  a  week  older  and  you  will  thank  me  for 
ever  and  a  day. 

All  of  this,  however,  I  had  not  intended  to  write,  rather 
to  tell  you  .  .  .  how  emotional  I  have  been  all  day  with  the 
old  soldiers  passing  by  on  parade  —  the  last  that  many  of 
them  will  ever  have. 

Fifty  years  ago,  Andrew  Johnson  received  Grant's  re 
turned  forces  on  the  same  spot.  There  were  180,000,  or  so, 
then  —  and  20,000  now  —  crippled,  lame,  one-legged,  bent, 
halting  most  of  them,  but  determined  to  make  the  long 
journey  from  the  Capitol  to  the  White  House,  and  prove 
that  they  had  lived  this  long  time  and  were  still  good  for  a 
longer  journey.  There  was  little  of  gaiety  among  them, 
tho'  some  were  swinging  flags,  torn,  tattered,  be-shot  .  .  . 
and  raised  their  hats  to  the  President  as  they  passed,  tho' 
most  of  them,  doubtless,  were  sorry  that  he  was  not  a  Repub 
lican.  It  was  a  time  to  remember. 

.  .  .  Nancy  is  back  after  her  tour  of  glory  —  larger  than 
ever  but  not  less  tender  or  playful.  She  is  the  brightest 
spirit  I  have  ever  met  —  and  all  her  vanities  are  so  dear 
and  human  and  lie  so  frankly  exposed.  I  thank  you  for 
your  kindness  to  her,  she  loves  you  very  much ;  yes,  really 
recognizes  those  qualities  which  some  cannot  see,  poor 
blind  things  !  But  I  can,  and  she  can,  and  Frances  can,  and 
many  more  when  you  give  them  a  look  in.  May  your  grass 
grow  and  soul  keep  warm  and  your  spirit  lift  itself  in  song 
at  morning  and  at  night.  Affectionately  always, 

F.  L. 

To  M.  A.  Mathew 

Washington,  November  3,  1919 

MY  DEAR  MR.  MATHEW,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  October 
27th,  and  I  appreciate  very  much  its  kind  words.     The 


320         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Industrial  Conference  was  not  a  success  because  we  got  into 
the  steel  strike  at  first,  and  people  talked  about  their  rights 
instead  of  talking  of  their  duties.  We  will  have  another 
conference,  however,  which  I  think  will  do  some  real  work 
and  lay  a  foundation  for  the  future.  The  coal  strike  is  a 
bad  one,  but  the  people  are  not  in  sympathy  with  it,  and 
sooner  or  later,  in  my  judgment,  it  will  come  to  an  adjust 
ment  situation  in  which  the  President  will  be  perfectly 
willing  to  participate.  He,  by  the  way,  is  getting  along 
very  well,  but  I  expect  it  will  be  many  weeks  before  he  is 
himself  again.  .  .  .  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Herbert  C.  Pell,  Jr. 
House  of  Representatives 

Washington,  November  8,  1919 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PELL,  —  I  wish  you  success  with  your  Con 
stitutional  League.  I  have  no  objection  whatever  to  my 
name  being  used  in  connection  with  it,  providing  the  League 
is  not  an  institution  for  denouncing  people  or  denouncing 
theories  of  government  or  economic  panaceas ;  but  is  a 
positive,  aggressive  institution  for  the  presentation  to  our 
people  of  the  fact  that  we  have  in  this  Democracy  a  method 
of  doing  whatever  we  wish  done,  which  avoids  the  necessity 
for  anything  like  revolutionary  action.  The  objection  to 
Bolshevism  is  that  it  is  absolutism  —  as  Lenine  has  said 
himself,  the  absolutism  of  the  proletariat.  It  is  an  economic^ 
government  by  force,  while  our  Democracy  is  a  government 
by  persuasion. 

I  find  that  no  good  comes  from  calling  names.  The  men 
who  are  to  be  reached  are  the  men  who  are  not  committed 
against  us,  but  are  disposed  to  be  with  American  institutions. 
We  must  show  them  that  we  have  a  system  that  it  is  worth 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  321 

while  betting  on,  and  that  if  they  have  another  way  of  doing 
things  economical,  machinery  by  which  it  can  be  instituted 
is  in  the  peoples'  hands.  Our  policy  is  to  look  before  we 
leap,  and  to  submit  our  methods  to  the  judicial  judgment  of 
the  people.  This  permits  any  doctrine  to  be  preached  that 
does  not  subvert  our  institutions.  Where  do  our  institu 
tions  come  from  ?  What  have  they  been  effective  in  bring 
ing  about?  What  is  the  condition  of  the  United  States 
as  a  whole  compared  with  other  countries?  Can  we  hope 
to  work  out  our  salvation  without  civil  war?  These  are 
legitimate  questions,  the  answer  to  which  is  found  in  this 
other  question  —  is  not  political  Democracy  the  one  prac 
tical  way  to  eventual  industrial  Democracy?  Cordially 
yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Henry  P.  Davison 

Washington,  November  23,  1919 

MY  DEAR  MR.  DAVISON,  —  I  wired  you  yesterday  my  con 
clusion,  as  to  your  very  generous  and  patriotic  offer,  which 
was  the  same  that  I  had  come  to  before  seeing  you  in  New 
York.  Your  appeal  was  so  strong  and  went  so  much  to 
my  impulse  for  public  service  that  you  made  me  feel  that, 
perhaps,  I  was  giving  undue  weight  to  the  considerations  I 
had  presented  to  you.  So  I  sought  the  judgment  of  others 
—  all  of  them  men  of  large  distinction  whom  you  know,  or 
at  least  have  confidence  in,  and  without  dissent  I  found  them 
saying,  voluntarily  and  unbidden,  what  I  had  said  to  you  — 
that  for  me  to  undertake  this  work  of  arousing  the  best 
patriotic  feeling  of  America,  on  a  salary,  would  make  seri 
ously  against  the  success  of  the  work  and  against  my  own 
value  in  it,  or  in  anything  else  I  might  undertake.  If  I 
were  rich  I  would  go  into  it  with  my  whole  heart.  But  a 


LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

poor  man  can  not  be  charged  with  making  money  out  of 
the  exploitation  of  the  good  opinion  others  have  of  his  love 
of  country.  This  is  not  squeamishness,  it  is  a  rough  stand 
ard,  arrived  at  by  instinct  rather  than  by  any  refined  process 
of  reasoning. 

I  say  this  to  you  because  of  my  deep  confidence  in  you  and 
my  very  real  confidence  that  you  are  my  friend,  and  sought 
to  do  me  a  kindness  and  give  me  an  opportunity.  Now 
let  me  see  if  I  can  be  of  any  help  in  this  work.  .  .  . 

[Here  followed  a  full  detailed  plan  of  an  Americanization 
program,  that  concluded  with  the  paragraph.] 

These  outline  some  methods  of  reaching  the  public  with 
the  idea  that  this  is  a  land  that  is  lovable,  prosperous,  good- 
humored,  great,  and  noble-spirited.  To  carry  it  out  will 
cost  a  great  deal  of  money,  I  should  say  that  not  less  than 
five  million  a  year  should  be  available.  With  warm  regard, 
cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  George  W.  Lane 

Washington,  November  28,  [1919] 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  Do  not  be  surprised  if  you  hear  that 
I  am  out  of  the  Cabinet  soon,  for  I  have  been  offered  two 
fifty  thousand  a  year  places,  and  another  even  more.  I 
don't  want  to  leave  if  it  will  embarrass  the  President,  but  I 
do  want  something  with  a  little  money  in  it  for  awhile.  .  .  . 
But  I  must  see  the  President  before  I  decide  .  .  .  and  I 
don't  know  when  that  will  be,  now  that  he  is  sick. 

This  life  has  a  great  fascination  for  everyone  and  I  dread 
to  leave  it ;  for  anything  else  will  bore  me  I  am  sure.  I  deal 
here  only  with  big  questions  and  not  with  details  —  with  pol 
icies  that  affect  many,  and  yet  I  have  but  a  year  and  a  half 
more,  and  then  what?  Perhaps  it  is  as  well  to  take  time 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  323 

by  the  forelock,  tho'  I  do  not  want  to  decide  selfishly  nor 
for  money  only.  I  must  go  where  I  can  feel  that  I  am  in 
public  work  of  some  kind.  .  .  . 

...  I  have  served  him  [the  President]  long  and  faithfully 
under  very  adverse  circumstances.  It  is  hard  for  him  to 
get  on  with  anyone  who  has  any  will  or  independent  judg 
ment.  Yet  I  am  not  given  to  forsaking  those  to  whom  I 
have  any  duty.  However  we  shall  see.  I  write  you  this, 
that  you  may  not  be  misled  by  the  thought  that  there  has 
been  or  is  any  friction.  Of  course  you  won't  speak  of  it 
to  anyone. 

I  am  so  glad  you  are  able  to  be  out  a  little  bit.  "Ain't 
it  a  glorious  feelin'?"  The  farm  must  look  mighty  good. 
Well,  old  man,  goodnight,  and  God  give  you  your  eyes 
back !  With  my  warmest  love, 

FRANK 

To  C.  S.  Jackson 
Oregon  Journal 

Washington,  December  29,  1919 

MY  DEAR  SAM,  —  I  hear  from  Joe  Teal  that  your  boy  has 
been  lost  at  sea,  and  I  write  this  word,  not  in  the  hope  that 
I  can  say  anything  that  will  minimize  your  loss,  for  all  the 
kindly  words  of  all  men  in  all  the  world  could  not  do  as  much 
as  one  faint  smile  from  that  boy's  lips  could  do  to  bring  a 
bit  of  joy  into  your  heart. 

But  you  are  an  old,  old  friend  of  mine.  It  is  more  than 
thirty  years  since  we  dreamed  a  dream  together  which  you 
were  able  to  realize.  We  both  have  had  our  fortune  in  good 
and  bad,  and  on  the  whole  I  think  our  lives  have  not  added 
to  the  misery  of  men,  but  have  done  something  toward 
making  life  a  bit  more  kind  for  many  people.  And  why 
should  that  boy  be  taken  from  you  ?  There  is  the  mystery 


324          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

—  if  you  can  solve  it  you  can  solve  all  the  other  mysteries. 
I  hope  you  have  some  good  staunch  faith,  which  I  have 
never  been  able  to  get,  that  would  enable  me  to  look  upon 
these  things  in  humility,  in  the  confidence  that  this  thing 
we  call  a  body  is  only  a  temporary  envelope  for  a  permanent 
thing  —  a  lasting,  growing  thing  called  a  spirit,  the  only 
thing  that  counts.  If  we  can  get  that  sense  we  can  have  a 
new  world.  I  do  not  believe  we  will  change  this  world  much 
for  the  good  out  of  any  materialistic  philosophy  or  by  any 
shifting  of  economic  affairs.  We  need  a  revival  —  a  belief 
in  something  bigger  than  ourselves,  and  more  lasting  than 
the  world. 

With  my  warmest  sympathy,  I  am,  yours  as  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  Crawford  Burns 

Washington,  December  29,  [1919] 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  -  The  manner  in  which  you  write  assures 
me  that  you  are  very  happy,  notwithstanding  your  marriage 
and  your  new  religion,  for  which  I  am  glad.  An  even  better 
assurance  is  the  picture  of  the  bride.  By  what  wizardry 
have  you  been  able  to  lure  and  capture  so  young,  good,  and 
intelligent-looking  a  girl?  I  presume  she  was  fascinated 
by  the  indirectness  of  your  speech,  the  touches  of  humor  and 
your  very  stern  manner.  John,  you  are  a  humbug,  you  have 
made  that  aloofness  and  high  indifference  a  winning  asset. 
I  shan't  give  you  away.  Only  you  fill  me  with  a  mortify  ing; 
envy. 

As  for  your  religion,  various  of  your  friends  think  it  odd. 
I  think  that  you  are  a  subject  for  real  congratulation.  A 
man  who  can  believe  anything  is  miles  ahead  of  the  rest  of 
us.  I  would  gladly  take  Christian  Science,  Mohammedan 
ism,  the  Holy  Rollers  or  anything  else  that  promised  some 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  325 

answer  to  the  perplexing  problems.  But  you  have  been 
able  to  go  into  the  Holy  of  Holies  and  sit  down  on  the  same 
bench  of  belief  with  most  of  the  saints  —  this  is  miraculous 
good  fortune.  I  mean  it.  I  am  not  scoffing  or  jeering.  I 
never  was  more  serious. 

This  whole  damned  world  is  damned  because  it  is  standing 
in  a  bog,  there  is  no  sure  ground  under  anyone's  feet.  We 
are  the  grossest  materialists  because  we  only  know  our 
bellies  and  our  backs.  We  worship  the  great  god  Comfort. 
We  don't  think ;  we  get  sensations.  The  thrill  is  the  thing. 
All  the  newspapers,  theatres,  prove  it.  We  resign  ourselves 
to  a  life  that  knows  no  part  of  man  but  his  nerves.  We  study 
"reactions,"  in  human  beings  and  in  chemistry  —  recog 
nizing  no  difference  between  the  two  —  and  to  my  great 
amazement,  the  war  has  made  the  whole  thing  worse  than 
ever.  John,  if  you  have  a  religion  that  can  get  hold  of 
people,  grip  them  and  lift  them  —  for  God's  sake  come  over 
and  help  us.  I  know  you  can  understand  how  people  be 
come  Bolsheviks  just  out  of  a  desire  for  definiteness  and 
leadership.  The  world  will  not  move  forward  by  floating 
on  a  sea  of  experimentation.  It  gets  there  by  believing  in 
precise  things,  even  when  they  are  only  one-tenth  true.  I 
wish  I  had  your  faith  —  as  a  living,  moving  spirit.  Some 
day  I  pray  that  I  may  get  with  you  where  you  can  tell  me 
more  of  it  and  how  you  got  it. 

I  am  leaving  the  Cabinet,  tho'  the  precise  date  no  one 
knows,  for  the  President  is  not  yet  well  enough  to  talk  about 
it.  He  seems  to  be  too  done  up  to  stand  any  strain  or  worry. 
But  I  must  have  some  money,  for  my  years  are  not  many, 
Anne  is  far  from  well,  and  Nancy  is  a  young  lady,  and  a  very 
beautiful  one.  She  has  just  come  out  and  is  quite  the 
belle  of  the  season,  tho'  like  her  father,  too  anxious  for  pop 
ularity. 


326         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Great  good  luck  of  all  kinds  to  you  in  1920,  old  man  — 
and  do  give  me  a  line  now  and  then. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Frank  L  Cobb 
New  York  World 

Washington,  [19191 

MY  DEAR  FRANK,  —  I  have  read  your  speech  on  Prussian 
izing  the  Americans,  and  I  concur.  Of  course  repression  .  .  . 
promotes  the  growth  of  error.  We  are  not  going  to  destroy 
socialism,  or  prevent  it  from  coming  strong  by  refusing  to 
answer  it. 

But  I  have  a  notion  that  you  have  not  expressed  as  directly 
as  I  should  like :  —  That  the  newspaper  is  not  influential 
enough  to  stop  it  and  perhaps  does  not  care  to,  sometimes. 
Where  are  the  papers  that  are  respected  for  their  character  ? 
They  are  few.  The  most  of  them  are  believed  to  be  the 
allies  of  every  kind  of  Satan.  "They  are  rich;  their  ads. 
run  them;  they  pander  to  circulation,  no  matter  of  what 
kind,  to  get  ads.",  that  is  the  answer  of  the  plain  people. 
If  the  papers  were  things  of  thought  and  not  of  passion, 
prejudice  and  sensation  and  interest,  they  could  do  the  work 
that  police  and  courts  are  called  upon  to  do.  They  could 
effectively  answer  the  agitator.  But  the  people  do  not 
believe  them  when  they  cry  aloud.  Maybe  I  am  wrong,  but 
isn't  there  a  grain,  or  a  gram,  of  truth  in  this  ? 

For  a  year  and  a  half  I  have  been  bombarding  Congress 
with  a  demand  for  a  bill  that  would  make  a  campaign; 
through  the  schools,  against  illiteracy.  I  have  made  dozens 
of  speeches  for  it,  written  a  lot,  lobbied  much,  until  Congress 
passed  a  law  stopping  my  working  up  sentiment  for  it,  by 
a  joint  resolution.  How  much  sentiment  has  the  press 
created?  You  had  one  or  two  editorials.  The  Times  one. 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  327 

No  one  else  in  New  York  gave  a  damn.  The  Congressmen 
were  not  made  to  feel  that  those  ignorant  foreigners  who  were 
fifty-five  per  cent  of  the  steel  workers,  must  learn  to  read 
papers  that  were  written  in  American,  not  in  Russian  or 
Yiddish  or  Polish  or  Italian. 

I  tell  you  seriously  we  are  not  a  serious  people  except  when 
we  are  scared.  "Rights  of  free  speech,  O  yes !  they  must 
be  preserved.  Democracy  has  its  balancing  of  forces." 
All  this  is  forgotten  when  the  government  is  at  stake — our 
institutions.  These  mottoes  and  legends  and  traditions  pre 
suppose  someone  who  will  enlighten  the  people  and  a  people 
that  can  be  enlightened.  Otherwise  you  will  get  the  strong 
arm  at  work.  It  is  inevitable.  Has  there  been  any  meeting 
of  editors  to  map  a  course  that  will  truthfully  reveal  what 
Bolshevism  is  ?  or  how  absurd  the  talk  of  wage-slavery  is  ? 
or  why  the  miners  strike  ?  or  why  this  is  the  best  of  all  lands  ? 

Tell  me  why  workmen  don't  believe  what  you  print,  unless 
it  is  some  slander  on  a  rich  man,  or  some  story  that  falls 
in  with  prejudices  and  hatreds  ? 

Answer  me  that  and  you  will  know  why  the  people  sit 
indifferent  while  papers  are  suppressed,  speakers  harried, 
and  espionage  is  king. 

Mind  you,  I  am  not  saying  that  you  are  alone  to  blame. 
Congress  is.  The  States  are.  The  cities  are.  The  people 
are.  They  have  let  everything  drift.  What  is  our  passion  ? 
What  do  we  love  ?  Do  we  think,  or  do  we  go  to  the  movies  ? 
The  socialist  takes  his  philosophy  seriously.  The  rest  of 
us  have  no  philosophy  that  is  a  passion  with  us. 

But  there,  I  have  scolded  enough.  You  are  right,  but 
you  are  not  fundamental  or  basic  or  something  or  other, 
which  means  that  you  can't  put  out  a  fire  unless  you  have  a 
fire  department  that  is  on  the  job.  Tenderly  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 


328         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K  LANE 

Lane  never  outgrew  his  passionate  belief  in  the  moral 
responsibility  of  the  press.  To  Fremont  Older,  when  he 
took  charge  of  the  San  Francisco  Call,  Lane  telegraphed  :  — 

"There  is  no  other  agency  that  can  serve  our  national 
purpose  that  is  one-half  as  powerful  as  a  free  press,  and  no 
other  that  has  one-half  the  responsibility.  We  need  a  press 
that  will  stand  for  the  right,  no  matter  whether  its  circu 
lating  or  advertising  is  increased  or  not  by  such  a  position, 
and  that  means  a  press  that  includes  in  its  understandings 
and  sympathies  the  whole  of  society  and  serves  no  purpose 
other  than  the  promotion  of  a  happier  and  nobler  people. 
Journalism  is  the  greatest  of  all  professions  in  a  free  country, 
if  it  is  bent  upon  being  right  rather  than  being  successful. 
I  hope  that  you  may  be  both." 


To  Mrs.  Louise  Herrick  Wall 

Watkins  Glen,  New  York,  [December,  1919] 

MY  DEAR  MRS.  WALL,  —  I  am  reminded  by  your  letter  to 
Anne  that  I  have  said  no  word  to  you  since  that  first  word 
of  attempt  at  support,  which  I  threw  out  on  the  first  day. 
I  meant  it  all  and  more.  Wall  was  always  in  my  mind,  as  at 
heart,  the  truest  Democrat  I  knew.  He  really  lived  up  to  the 
standard  of  the  New  Testament.  He  did  love  his  neighbor 
as  himself.  He  never  did  good  or  kindness  out  of  policy,  but 
always  from  principle,  from  nature  —  which  can  be  said  of 
very  few  in  this  world.  He  was  without  cowardice  of  any 
kind,  and  without  hypocrisy.  I  believe  he  had  no  vanity. 
He  had  the  pride  of  a  noble  man  and  lived  as  generously 
toward  the  world  as  I  have  ever  known  man  to  live.  This 
might  be  said  of  one  who  was  austere,  but  the  dear,  old 
Commodore  was  to  me,  and  to  us  all,  the  very  symbol  of 
warmth.  The  one  thing  I  criticised  in  him  was  his  unwilling- 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  329 

ness  that  people  should  discover  him  for  the  fanciful,  humor 
ous,  wise,  and  exquisitely  tender  man  that  he  was.  He  did 
not  leave  an  enemy,  I  know,  unless  that  man  was  a  scoundrel. 
And  with  all  his  reticence  he  impressed  himself  profoundly 
on  hundreds.  I  know  if  there  is  another  world  that  Wall  and 
I  will  find  each  other,  and  he  will  be  with  the  gladdest, 
gayest  of  the  spirits.  I  hope  you  can  look  forward  to  such 
a  meeting  with  the  confidence  that  Anne  has,  which  always 
astonishes  me  and  makes  me  envious.  He  has  gone  to  the 
one  place,  if  any  such  place  there  is,  where  the  greatest 
longing  of  his  soul  can  be  gratified  —  his  love  for  justice. 

If  you  have  a  picture  of  him,  no  matter  how  poor,  won't 
you  let  me  have  it,  that  I  may  hang  it  beside  my  work  desk, 
and  looking  at  it  find  inspiration  and  be  reminded  of  the  sane, 
loving,  lovable,  high-hearted  chap  whom  I  held  as  a  brother  ? 

Dear  lonely  woman,  I  wish  I  could  speak  one  word  that 
would  lighten  your  sense  of  loss,  in  him  and  in  your  mother. 
I  know  that  you  are  not  lacking  in  courage,  but  stoutness 
of  heart  does  not  bring  comfort,  I  know.  How  exceptional 
your  loss  because  how  exceptional  your  fortune  —  such  a 
man  and  such  a  mother.  Very  sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  M.  A.  Andersen 

Sunday,  [December,  1919] 

.  .  .  The  whole  of  mankind  is  searching  for  affection, 
tenderness,  —  not  physical  love  but  sweet  companionship. 
We  could  get  along  with  fewer  pianos  and  victrolas  if  we  had 
a  more  harmonious  society.  We  really  don't  like  each  other 
much  better  than  Alaskan  dogs.  Now  what  is  the  reason 
for  that  ?  Are  we  afraid  of  them  stealing  from  us  —  our 
houses,  sweethearts,  or  dollars  ?  Or  are  we  so  stupid  that 
we  don't  know  each  other,  never  get  under  the  skin  to  find 


330         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

out  what  kind  of  a  fellow  this  neighbor  is?  Certainly  we 
are  self -centered  and  we  wonder  that  people  don't  like 
us  when  we  don't  try  to  find  what  is  likable  about  them  — 
and  keep  stressing  their  unlikable  qualities. 

All  of  which  homily  leads  up  to  the  Holidays.  I  hope 
that  you  will  enjoy  them.  Nancy  is  having  no  end  of  a 
gay  time,  and  knows  how  really  good  a  time  she  is  having, 
I  do  believe.  She  is  the  rarest  combination  of  old  woman 
and  baby  I  have  ever  known,  cynically  wise,  almost,  and 
soft  innocence.  She  has  a  dozen  beaux  and  is  extravagant 
about,  and  to,  each.  .  .  . 

The  President  is  getting  better  slowly,  but  we  commu 
nicate  with  him  almost  entirely  through  his  doctor  (Grayson) . 
I  shall  be  mighty  sorry  to  leave  here,  where  we  have  so 
many  friends,  but  my  hope  is  to  get  enough  to  buy  a  place 
in  California,  one  of  these  days,  and  settle  down  to  the  normal 
life  of  digging  a  bit  in  the  soil  and  then  digging  a  bit  in  the 
brain. 

Give  my  warmest  regards  to  the  Captain.  You  have 
ripened  into  a  fine  beauty  and  a  great  usefulness,  and  I  hope 
that  you  will  find  serenity  of  mind  and  soul,  which  is  all  that 
the  great  have  ever  searched  for.  With  much  love, 

FRANK 

To  George  W.  Lane 

[December,  1919] 

MY  DEAR  GEORGE,  —  Things  are  going  well  notwithstanding 
the  President's  illness.  No  one  is  satisfied  that  we  know 
the  truth,  and  every  dinner  table  is  filled  with  speculation. 
Some  say  paralysis,  and  some  say  insanity.  Grayson  tells 
me  it  is  nervous  breakdown,  whatever  that  means.  He  is 
however  getting  better,  and  meantime  the  Cabinet  is  running 
things.  .  .  . 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  331 

Ned  is  here  and  having  a  good  time  with  all  his  old  girls, 
some  of  whom  have  married  and  are  already  divorced,  so 
he  feels  an  old  man.  Nancy  is  lovely  and  merry  and  quite 
a  belle.  She  took  with  the  Prince  of  Belgium,  and  was 
quite  as  happy  as  you  would  be  with  having  caught  a  six- 
pound  trout  —  just  the  same  feeling,  I  guess. 

Politically  things  do  not  look  interesting.  There  are  no 
big  men  in  the  line  except  Hoover.  The  country  wants  some 
manly,  two-fisted  administrator  and  it  doesn't  care  where 
he  comes  from. 

I  hope  your  eye  is  better,  dear  old  man.  My  love  to 
Frances. 

F.  K.  L. 

The  Dan  O'Neill  to  whom  the  next  letter  was  written,  was 
a  friend  of  early  days.  Lane  always  liked  to  recall  this 
episode.  O'Neill,  a  big  elderly  Irishman,  was  in  the  City 
employ,  while  Lane  was  City  and  County  Attorney,  and 
had  formed  for  his  "Chief"  —  as  he  lustily  called  him- 
a  most  disinterested  affection.  After  Lane's  defeat  for 
Mayor  of  San  Francisco,  O'Neill  came  one  day  and  asked 
for  an  interview.  When  greetings  were  over  he  stood 
hesitating  and  twirling  his  hat,  until  Lane  said,  "Well,  Dan, 
what  can  I  do  for  you  ?  " 

"You  see,  Chief,"  he  answered,  "The  wife  and  I  were 
talking  it  over  last  night.  We  know  how  these  damned 
campaigns  of  yours  have  been  taking  the  money.  You 
see,  we  have  two  lots  of  land  —  out  there,"  with  a  jerk 
of  the  hat  toward  the  great  outside,  "and  a  little  house 
—  and  we're  well  and  strong,  and  all  the  children  doing  fine 
at  school  —  and  we  can,  easy  as  not,  put  a  mortgage  on  the 
house,  for  two  or  three  thousand.  We'd  like  it  fine  if  you'd 
take  it,  until  you  get  going  again." 


332         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Lane  did  not  have  to  mortgage  his  friend's  house,  but  it 
was  these  "sweet  uses  of  adversity,"  more  than  anything 
else,  that  tempered,  for  him,  the  pain  of  defeat. 

This  friendship  lasted  to  the  end  of  his  life.  In  1915, 
when  going  back  from  California  on  a  hurried  trip,  Lane 
wrote  to  O'Neill,  "I  did  not  see  much  of  you  and  I  am  sorry 
I  didn't.  It  was  my  fault,  I  know.  Your  dear  old  Irish 
face  is  a  joy  to  me  every  time  I  see  it,  and  whenever  I  go 
out  you  must  not  fail  to  turn  up,  else  I  shall  be  broken 
hearted." 

When  Lane  was  very  ill  in  1921,  O'Neill  came  to  pay  his 
respects  to  the  wife  of  his  Chief.  As  she  went  out  into  the 
hallway  of  her  friend's  house,  in  San  Francisco,  the  whole 
place  seemed  filled  by  O'Neills,  for  he  stood  there  and  all 
his  three  great  sons  —  one  a  fire  captain,  and  stalwart  men 
all.  It  was  a  sad  meeting  and  parting. 


To  Dan  J.  O'Neill 

Washington,  December  24,  1919 

MY  DEAR  DAN,  —  I  am  delighted  to  get  your  nice  letter. 
It  is  as  charming  a  letter  as  I  ever  received,  because  you  tell 
me  of  all  the  family  and  that  they  are  doing  well,  and  that 
you  are  in  good  health,  and  that  you  want  me  back  with  you 
—  all  of  which  makes  me  love  you  more  and  more.  Give 
to  the  whole  family  my  good  holiday  greetings.  Make  them 
earnest  and  hearty. 

I  haven't  got  money  enough,  Dan,  to  pay  my  fare  back 
after  living  here  so  long,  and  I  shall  have  to  make  some  before 
coming  back  there,  but  I  hope  to  do  it  some  one  of  these 
days.  .  .  . 

Dan,  I  know  you  have  been  a  bad  man,  and  I  know  you 
have  been  a  good  man ;  and  there  will  be  a  place  in  Heaven 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  333 

for  you,  old  fellow.  You  have  been  an  honest  citizen,  a 
credit  to  your  country,  and  so  have  your  children,  and 
you  will  never  know  anyone  who  is  fonder  of  you  than  I. 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Hamlin  Garland 

December  31,  1919 

MY  DEAR  GARLAND,  —  I  am  going  up  to  New  York  on  the 
eleventh  to  talk  to  the  moving  picture  people  at  the  Waldorf- 
Astoria.  I  had  them  down  here  and  had  a  resolution  put 
through  the  Committees  on  Education  of  both  House  and 
Senate,  asking  the  Moving  Picture  Industry  to  interest  itself 
in  Americanization,  and  I  have  been  appointed  at  the  head 
of  a  committee  to  take  charge  of  this  work.  I  have  some 
schemes  myself  that  I  want  very  much  to  talk  to  you  about 
regarding  Americanization. 

I  do  not  know  how  much  time  I  will  be  able  to  give  to  this 
work  because  I  have  got  to  make  some  money,  but  I  am 
going  to  use  my  spare  time  that  way.  Suppose  when  I  get 
to  New  York  I  telephone  you  and  see  if  we  can  not  get 
together.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


To  one  of  the  Moving  Picture  Weeklies,  Lane  contributed 
this  paragraph  on  Americanizing  the  foreign  born: —  "The 
one  sure  way  to  bring  the  foreign  born  to  love  this  land  of 
ours  is  to  show  our  pride  in  its  present,  faith  in  its  future, 
and  interpret  America  to  all  in  terms  of  fair  play  and 
square  dealing.  America  gives  men  nothing  —  except  a 
chance." 


334          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN   K.   LANE 

To  Hugo  K.  Asher 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  3,  1920 

MY  DEAR  HUGO,  —  I  have  not  written  you  because  my  own 
plans  must  be  determined  by  circumstances.  I  think, 
however,  that  I  shall  leave  very  soon.  I  hate  to  go  because 
the  work  is  so  satisfactory.  .  .  . 

Bryan  has  come  back.  What  strength  he  will  develop, 
no  one  can  tell.  He  evidently  has  determined  that  he  will 
not  be  pushed  aside  or  disregarded.  He  has  been,  and  will 
continue  to  be  as  long  as  he  lives,  a  great  force  in  our  politics. 
People  believe  that  he  is  honest  and  know  he  is  sympathetic 
with  the  moral  aspirations  of  the  plain  people.  They  dis 
trust  his  administrative  ability,  but  on  the  moral  question, 
they  recognize  no  one  as  having  greater  authority. 

...  I  hear  there  is  talk  among  the  business  people 
of  setting  up  a  third  party  and  nominating  Hoover.  Two 
things  the  next  President  must  know  —  Europe  and  America, 
European  conditions  and  American  conditions.  The  Pres 
ident  of  the  United  States  must  be  his  own  Secretary  of 
State.  We  need  administration  of  our  internal  affairs  and 
wise  guidance  economically.  Hoover  can  give  these.  He 
has  the  knowledge  and  he  has  the  faculty.  He  has  the  con 
fidence  of  Europe  and  the  confidence  of  America.  He  is  not 
a  Democrat,  nor  is  he  a  Republican.  He  voted  for  Wilson, 
for  Roosevelt,  and  McKinley.  But  he  is  sane,  progressive, 
competent.  The  women  are  strong  for  him  and  there  are 
fifteen  million  of  them  who  will  vote  this  year.  It  would- 
not  surprise  me  to  see  him  nominated  on  either  ticket,  and 
I  believe  I  will  vote  for  him  now  as  against  anybody  else. 

But  I  must  quit  talking  politics  because  I  am  going  out 
of  it  entirely,  completely,  and  I  really  have  been  out  of  pol 
itics  ever  since  I  left  California.  I  have  tried  to  take  a 
broad  non-partisan  view  of  things  which  is  one  of  the  reasons 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  335 

I  have  had  hard  sledding.  But  I  am  going  without  a  grouch, 
without  a  complaint  or  a  criticism  —  with  a  great  admiration 
for  Wilson  and  with  a  thorough  knowledge  of  his  defects; 
and  with  a  more  sympathetic  attitude  toward  my  colleagues 
than  any  can  have  who  do  not  know  the  circumstances  as 
well  as  I  do.  .  .  .  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Admiral  Gary  Gray  son 

Washington,  January  5,  1920 

MY  DEAR  ADMIRAL,  —  As  you  know,  I  am  contemplating 
resigning.  It  has  been  my  purpose  to  wait  until  such  time 
as  the  President  was  well  enough  to  see  me  and  talk  the 
matter  over  with  him.  I  understand  from  Mr.  Tumulty 
that  the  President  is  prepared  to  name  my  successor,  and 
that  it  would  not  in  any  way  add  to  his  embarrassment  to 
fill  my  place  in  the  immediate  future.  I  would  like  to  know 
if  this  is  the  fact,  for  my  course  will  be  shaped  accordingly. 
Two  years  ago  I  had  an  offer  of  fifty  thousand  a  year  which 
I  put  aside  because  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  stay  while  the 
war  was  on.  When  Mr.  McAdoo  resigned,  this  offer  was 
renewed  but  I  then  thought  that  I  should  await  the  conclu 
sion  of  formal  peace,  which  all  expected  would  come  soon. 
While  the  President  was  West,  I  promised  that  I  would 
take  the  matter  up  with  him  on  his  return,  and  since  then  I 
have  been  waiting  for  his  return  to  strength.  I  need  not 
tell  you  that  I  am  delighted  to  know  that  he  is  in  such  con 
dition  now  as  to  turn  to  matters  that  in  the  best  of  health 
are  vexatious,  if  this  is  the  fact. 

My  sole  reason  for  resigning  is  that  I  feel  that  I  am  en 
titled  to  have  assurance  as  to  the  future  of  my  family  and  my 
self.  I  have  been  in  public  life  twenty-one  years  and  have  less 
than  nothing  in  the  way  of  private  means.  .  .  .  And  having 


336          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

given  the  better  part  of  my  life  to  the  public,  I  feel  that  I 
must  now  regard  the  interest  of  those  dependent  upon  me. 

I  wish  you  would  be  perfectly  frank  with  me,  for  I  would 
do  nothing  that  with  your  knowledge  you  would  think 
would  make  against  the  welfare  of  our  Chief.  Cordially, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Herbert  C.  Pell,  Jr. 
House  of  Representatives 

r  Washington,  January  31,  1920 

MY  DEAR  CONGRESSMAN,  —  ...  It  is  our  boast  and  our 
glory  that  we  have  a  form  of  government  under  which  men 
can  make  their  conception  of  society  into  law,  if  they  can 
persuade  their  neighbors  that  their  dream  is  one  that  will 
benefit  all.  There  is  nothing  more  absurd  than  to  contend 
that  the  last  word  has  been  spoken  as  to  any  of  our  insti 
tutions,  that  all  experimenting  has  ended  and  that  we  have 
come  to  a  standstill.  .  .  .  We  are  growing.  But  this  does 
not  mean  that  all  change  must  be  growth  and  that  we  can 
not  test  by  history,  especially  by  our  own  experiences  and 
knowledge,  the  value  of  whatever  is  proposed  as  a  substitute 
for  what  is.  The  dog  that  dropped  the  meat  to  get  the 
shadow  of  a  bigger  piece  is  the  classical  warning.  We  are 
for  what  is,  not  because  it  is  the  absolute  best  but  because 
it  has  worked  well.  It  is  sacred  only  because  it  has  been 
useful.  Until  a  system  of  government,  or  of  economics, 
or  of  home  life,  can  be  demonstrated  to  be  an  improvement  ; 
on  what  we  have,  we  shall  not  hysterically  and  fancifully 
forsake  those  which  have  served  us  thus  far. 

Our  Government  is  not  our  master  but  our  tool,  adaptable 
to  the  uses  for  which  it  was  designed ;  our  servant,  respon 
sive  to  our  call.  This  makes  revolution  an  absurdity.  But 
it  also  makes  a  sense  of  responsibility  a  necessity.  And  while 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  337 

we  may  not  have  broken  down  in  this  regard  we  certainly 
have  weakened.  We  have  proceeded  in  the  belief  that 
automatically  all  men  would  come  to  see  things  as  we  do, 
have  a  sense  of  the  value  of  our  traditions  and  a  conscious 
ness  of  the  deep  meanings  of  our  national  experiences.  The 
things  we  believed  in  we  have  not  taught.  Hence  the  need 
for  such  institutions  as  the  Constitutional  League  which, 
however,  can  not  do  for  each  of  us  the  duty  that  is  ours  of 
living  the  spirit  of  our  Constitution.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson 
The  White  House 

Washington,  February  5,  1920 

MY  DEAR  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  It  is  with  deep  regret  that  I 
feel  compelled  to  resign  the  commission  with  which  you  saw 
fit  to  honor  me,  by  appointing  me  to  a  place  in  your  Cabinet, 
now  almost  seven  years  ago.  If  it  will  meet  your  conven 
ience  I  would  suggest  that  I  be  permitted  to  retire  on  the 
first  of  March. 

With  the  conditions  which  make  this  step  necessary  you 
are  familiar.  I  have  served  the  public  for  twenty-one  years, 
and  that  service  appeals  to  me  as  none  other  can,  but  I 
must  now  think  of  other  duties. 

The  program  of  administration  and  legislation  looking  to 
the  development  of  our  resources,  which  I  have  suggested 
from  time  to  time,  is  now  in  large  part  in  effect,  or  soon  will 
come  into  effect  through  the  action  of  Congress. 

I  return  this  Department  into  your  hands  with  very 
real  gratitude  that  you  have  given  me  the  opportunity  to 
know  well  a  working  force  holding  so  many  men  and  women 
of  singular  ability  and  rare  spirit. 

I  trust  that  you  may  soon  be  so  completely  restored  to 


\ 


338         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

health  that  the  country  and  the  world  may  have  the  benefit 
of  the  full  measure  of  your  strength  in  the  leadership  of 
their  affairs.  The  discouragements  of  the  present  are,  I 
believe,  only  temporary.  The  country  knows  that  for  Amer 
ica  to  stand  outside  the  League  of  Nations  will  bring  neither 
pride  to  us  nor  confidence  to  the  world. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  Mr.  President,  always,  cordially 
and  faithfully  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Frank  W.  Mondell 

Washington,  February  13,  1920 

MY  DEAR  MR.  MONDELL,  —  I  wish  to  acknowledge,  with  the 
warmest  appreciation,  your  letter  of  yesterday,  and  to  say 
that  I  am  literally  forced  out  of  public  life  by  my  lack  of 
resources.  The  little  property  that  I  have  been  able  to  save 
is  all  gone  in  an  effort  to  make  both  ends  meet,  and  I  find 
myself  at  fifty-five  without  a  dollar,  in  debt,  and  with  no 
assurance  as  to  the  future.  I  assure  you  that  it  is  with 
the  deepest  regret  that  I  leave  public  life  for  I  like  it,  and 
the  public  have  treated  me  handsomely,  especially  the  men 
in  Congress  with  whom  I  have  had  to  deal,  and  not  the  least 
of  these,  yourself. 

I  should  like  to  stay,  especially  so,  that  we  could  put  into 
effect  some  of  the  legislation  for  which  we  have  been  fighting, 
such  as  the  oil  bill,  the  power  bill,  and  the  farms-for-soldiers 
bill.  I  shall  leave  a  set  of  regulations  as  to  the  oil  leases^ 
ready  for  operation.  The  power  bill  will  come  into  effect 
soon,  I  hope.  I  am  responsible  for  the  three-headed  com 
mission,  but  it  was  the  only  chance  I  saw  of  getting  any 
unity  as  between  the  different  branches  of  the  government. 

Letters  are  still  coming  in  from  the  boys  who  want  to  go 
on  farms,  and  I  hope  that  we  will  be  able  to  lead  Congress 
to  see  that  this  is  a  farsighted  measure. 


AFTER-WAR  PROBLEMS  339 

I  thank  you  very  much  for  your  many  courtesies  to  me. 
I  trust  that  your  career  may  be  one  of  still  greater  usefulness 
and  expanding  opportunity.  With  the  warmest  regards, 
cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Late  in  the  year  1919,  Lane  wrote  to  James  E.  Gregg :  - 
"...  The  soldier-farms  bill  has  been  reported  favorably 
by  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands  to  the  House,  but  has 
not  yet  been  taken  up  for  consideration  on  the  floor.  .  .  . 
Of  course,  some  of  the  opposition  has  been  by  those  who  say 
the  plan  does  not  do  something  for  all  of  the  soldiers,  but 
this  is  hardly  a  good  objection,  as  no  other  constructive 
suggestion  seems  to  have  been  made  by  any  one  that  would 
do  anything  for  any  of  the  soldiers,  except  the  cash  bonus, 
which  I  believe  is  altogether  impossible,  improvident,  and 
not  in  the  interest  either  of  the  country  or  the  soldier." 

To  Robert  W.  De  Forest 

Washington,  February,  1920 

MY  DEAR  MR.  DE  FOREST,  —  I  do  not  know  that  I  have  re 
ceived  another  letter  which  has  made  me  feel  as  conscious 
of  the  gravity  of  the  step  I  have  taken  as  has  yours.  I  have 
accumulated  much  in  twenty  years  of  public  life  that  ought 
to  be  forever  at  the  service  of  the  public,  and  if  I  were  alone 
in  the  world  I  would  not  think  of  going  out.  But  I  must 
think  now  for  a  time  in  a  narrower  field.  Your  own  career 
shows  that  without  holding  office  a  man  may  do  a  great  good 
and  give  wide  public  service.  Perhaps  this  opportunity 
may  be  mine. 

I  shall  be  in  New  York  soon  and  I  hope  very  much  to  see 
you  and  see  you  often.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


XII 
POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES 

1920 

Suggestions  to  Democratic  Nominee  for  President  —  On  Election  of  Senators 
—  Lost  Leaders  —  Lincoln's  Eyes  —  William  James'  Letters 

To  William  Phelps  Eno 

Saugatuck,  July  5,  [1920] 

Here  I  am  at  your  desk  looking  out  of  your  window  into 
your  trees,  up  the  gentle  rise  of  your  formal  garden  into  the 
brilliant  crown  of  rambler  roses  above  the  stone  gateway. 

This  is  a  very  delightful  picture.  The  sun  is  just  begin 
ning  to  pour  into  the  garden.  He  is  looking  through  the 
apple  trees  and  having  hard  work  to  make  even  a  splash  of 
golden  green  upon  the*  lawn,  but  the  silver  spruce  and  the 
tiara  of  roses  get  the  full  measure  of  his  morning  smile  and 
are  doing  their  best  to  show  that  they  understand,  appreci 
ate,  and  are  glad.  Oh,  it  is  a  great  morning ! 

And  on  the  water  side  it  has  been  even  more  stimulating. 
I  have  walked  along  the  stone  wall,  the  water  is  down,  very 
low,  the  boat  is  stranded,  like  some  sleeping  animal,  with* 
its  tether  lying  loose  along  the  pebbly  strand.  The  gulls 
are  crying  to  each  other  that  there  is  promise  of  a  gullet- 
full.  Nearer  shore  the  fish  are  leaping  —  only  one  or  two 
I  think  but  they  make  just  enough  noise  to  make  one  realize 
that  there  is  life  in  the  smooth  water,  that  it  is  more  than 
a  splendid  silver  mirror  for  the  sun  which  streams  across 

340 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    341 

it.  I  disturbed  a  solitary  king-fisher  as  I  went  out  to  the 
wharf.  He  rose  from  his  perch  upon  the  rope,  circled  about 
for  a  minute  and  then  settled  back,  on  his  watch  for  break 
fast. 

It  is  altogether  lovely,  a  quiet,  gentle,  kindly  morning, 
such  as  you  have  often  seen,  no  doubt,  when  Judah  Rock 
is  making  its  giant  fight  to  rise  triumphant  from  the  sea. 

But  this  is  not  a  bit  of  geologic  prophecy  nor  a  Chapter 
I.  to  a  love  story,  that  I  am  writing.  This  is  a  bread-and- 
butter  letter.  I  have  been  your  guest  and  I  am  telling  you 
that  I  have  enjoyed  myself.  But  you,  of  course,  wish  some 
thing  more  than  the  bald  statement  that  I  like  your  place 
and  that  your  bread  was  good  and  your  butter  sweet.  Yes, 
you  deserve  more,  for  this  place  is  an  expression  of  yourself. 
No  one  can  be  here  and  not  see  you  at  every  turn,  even 
though  you  may  be  right  now  in  Paris  "making  the  way 
straight."  You  have  put  your  love  of  beauty,  your  re 
strained  love  for  color,  and  your  exceptional  sense  of  bal 
ance  into  the  whole  establishment.  It  is  a  man's  house  - 
things  are  made  for  use ;  the  chairs  will  stand  weight ;  the 
couches  are  not  fluff ;  one  can  lean  with  safety  on  the  tables. 
But  everywhere  the  eye  is  satisfied.  My  bed  is  beautiful, 
French  I  fancy,  yet  it  is  comfort  itself.  The  lamp  beside 
my  bed  is  a  dull  bit  of  bronze  which  does  not  poke  itself 
into  your  sleepy  eye,  yet  you  know  that  it  fits  the  need,  not 
only  for  light  but  for  satisfaction  to  the  eyes  after  the  light 
comes.  And  the  bath  tub  —  may  I  speak  of  a  bath  tub  in 
a  bread-and-butter  letter  ?  —  the  bath  tub  is  not  too  long 
—  do  you  ever  suffer  from  the  long,  long  stretch  into  the 
cold  water  at  your  back  and  the  imperfect  support  to  the 
head  which  imperils  your  entire  submergence?  --  your 
bath  tub  is  not  too  long,  and  I  grab  it  on  both  sides  to  get 
out.  And  as  I  dry  myself  I  look  down  into  that  garden  of 


342          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

precise,  trimmed  and  varied  green  upon  which  the  rambler 
roses  smile. 

It  is  well  to  have  had  money.  No  Bolshevism  comes  out 
of  such  a  place  as  this.  It  makes  no  challenge  to  the  envy 
of  the  submerged  tenth.  It  has  not  ostentation.  It  gives 
off  no  glare,  and  it  is  all  used.  For  men  who  can  put  money 
to  such  use,  who  do  not  over-indulge  their  own  love  for 
things  of  beauty,  nor  build  for  luxurious  living,  but  mould 
a  bit  of  seashore,  some  trees  and  a  rambling  house  into  an 
expression  of  their  own  dignified  and  balanced  natures,  for 
such  men  I  am  quite  sure  there  is  or  will  be,  no  social  peril 
from  the  Red. 

And  may  I  close  with  a  word,  an  inadequate  and  most 
feeble  word,  as  to  the  Lady  of  the  House  who  so  perfectly 
complements  the  beauty  and  the  refinement  of  her  setting. 
She  would  make  livable  and  lovable  a  shack,  and  she  would 
draw  to  it  those  who  think  high  thoughts.  She  has  an  aura 
of  sympathy  and  companionability  which  makes  her  one  with 
the  healing  earth  and  the  warming,  encompassing  sunshine. 

May  you  and  she  give  many  more  sojourners  as  much  of 
the  right  stimulus  as  you  have  given  yours  affectionately, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Roland  Cotton  Smith 

New  York,  July  9,  [1920] 

MY  DEAR  PADRE,  —  Oh,  that  I  could  reply  to  you  in  kind, 
but  alas  and  alack  !  the  gift  divine  has  been  denied  me.     My  \ 
Nancy  comes  to  me  tomorrow  —  Praise  be  to  Allah !  and 
I  shall  duly,  and  in  appropriate  and  prideful  language,  I 
trust,  present  her  with  your  mellifluous  lines. 

When  the  spirits  Good  and  Bad  will  permit  me  to  visit 
Ipswich  I  cannot  say.  Are  Doctors  of  the  carnal  or  the 
spiritual  ?  They  hold  me.  So  soon  as  I  was  given  a  few 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    343 

ducats  these  banditti  rose  to  rob  me.  Polite,  they  are,  these 
modern  sons  of  Dick  Turpin,  and  clever  indeed,  for  they  con 
trive  that  you  shall  be  helpless,  that  you  may  not  in  good 
form  resist  their  calculated,  schemed,  coordinated  blood- 
drawing.  And  I  had  as  lief  have  a  Sioux  Medicine  man 
dance  a  one-step  round  my  camp  fire,  and  chant  his  silly 
incantation  for  my  curing,  as  any  of  these  blood  pressure, 
electro-chemical,  pill,  powder  specialists.  Give  me  an 
Ipswich  witch  instead.  Let  her  lay  hands  on  me.  Soft 
hands  that  turn  away  wrath.  Have  you  such  or  did  your 
ancestors,  out  of  fear  of  their  wives,  burn  them  all  ? 

Well,  this  is  no  way  for  a  sober,  sick,  sedate  citizen  to  be 
talking  to  a  Man  of  the  Cloth,  even  tho'  he  be  on  vacation. 

Have  you  read  any  of  Leonard  Merrick's  novels?  Con 
rad  in  Quest  of  his  Youth,  for  instance  ?  If  not,  do  so  now. 
They  are  what  you  literati  would  designate  as  G.  S.  — 
great  stuff. 

Give  me  another  cheering  line,  do !  For  I  live  in  a  world 
that  is  not  altogether  lovely. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  James  M.  Cox 
Democratic  nominee  for  President 

New  York  City,  July  25,  1920 

MY  DEAR  GOVERNOR,  —  I  shall  presume  upon  your  flatter 
ing  invitation  to  speak  frankly,  not  in  the  hope  that  I  may 
in  any  way  enlighten  a  man  of  such  experience  and  success, 
but  that  I  may  possibly  accentuate  some  point  that  you 
may  recognize  as  important,  which  in  the  rush  of  things, 
might  be  overlooked.  If  I  should  appear  in  the  least  di 
dactic,  I  beg  that  you  charge  it  to  my  desire  for  definiteness, 
and  my  inability  to  give  the  atmosphere  of  a  personal  con 
versation. 


344          LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

A  Word  as  to  Generosity 

The  unforgivable  sin  in  our  politics  is  a  lack  of  generosity. 
Smallness,  meanness,  extreme  partisanship,  littleness  of 
any  kind  —  these  are  not  in  accord  with  the  American  con 
ception  of  an  American  leader.  A  clever  thing  may  gratify 
a  man's  own  immediate  partisan  following,  but  the  impres 
sion  on  the  country  at  large  is  not  good.  We  want  a  full, 
adequate  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  there  is  hardly  more 
than  a  film  that  divides  Republican  from  Democrat;  in 
deed,  in  that  fact  lies  our  hope  of  success.  We  must  win 
first  voters  and  Independents. 

Let  me  be  concrete ;  —  The  war  was  won  by  Republicans 
as  well  as  Democrats.  .  .  .  Therefore,  I  would  say,  give 
generously  of  appreciation  to  the  Republicans,  who  raised 
Liberty  Loans,  who  administered  food  affairs,  who  put  their 
plants  at  the  Nation's  service,  who  directed  the  various 
activities,  such  as  aeroplane  making,  and  transporting  and 
financing  during  the  war.  .  .  . 

A  day  has  come  when  partisanship  with  its  personalities 
and  bitterness  does  not  satisfy  the  public.  We  have  seen 
things  on  too  large  a  scale  now  to  believe  in  the  importance 
of  trifles,  or  in  the  adequacy  of  trifling  men. 

We  must  have  men  who  are  large  enough  to  be  inter 
national  and  national  at  the  same  time,  to  be  politicians  and 
yet  American  statesmen,  to  subordinate  always  the  individ 
ual  ambition  and  the  party  advantage  to  the  national  good. 

The  League  of  Nations 

I  feel  that  we  have  not  tried  to  interpret  the  League  of 
Nations  to  our  people  in  terms  of  America's  advantage. 
We  Democrats  are  looked  upon  as  International  visionaries 
because  we  have  not  been  willing  to  deal  practically  with 
a  practical  situation. 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    345 

The  League  is  not  anti-national,  it  is  anti-war ;  its  aim  is 
to  defer  war  and  reduce  the  chances  of  war  between  nations. 
This  is  to  be  effected,  not  by  creating  a  super-nation,  or  by 
binding  us  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  a  super-national 
tribunal,  but  by  establishing  the  method  and  machinery  by 
which  the  opinion  of  the  world  may  become  effective  as 
against  those  inclined  toward  war. 

By  adopting  the  League,  we  do  not  pledge  ourselves  to 
any  war  under  any  circumstances,  without  the  consent  of 
Congress.  And  because  we  have  not  been  willing  to  say 
this,  we  are  now  in  danger  of  losing  the  one  chance  the  world 
has  had  to  get  the  nations  together. 

Loyalty  to  the  President's  principles  does  not  mean  loy 
alty  to  his  methods.  They  have  been  wrong  as  to  the 
League,  in  my  opinion.  You  could  deal  with  Congress, 
even  a  Republican  Congress,  on  this  matter,  I  believe,  and 
come  out  with  the  essentials.  .  .  . 

Don't  let  Bryan  get  away  from  you,  if  you  can  help  it, 
because  he  really  represents  a  great  body  of  moral  force 
and  opinion.  But  don't  pay  the  price  to  Bryan  or  Wilson 
or  Hearst  or  Murphy  or  any  one  else,  of  being  untrue  to 
your  own  belief  as  to  the  wise  and  practicable  national  pol 
icy,  that  you  may  gain  their  support. 

There  couldn't  be  a  better  year  in  which  to  lose,  for  some 
thing  real.  You  can  not  win  as  a  Wilson  man,  nor  as  a 
Murphy  man,  nor  as  a  Hearst  man.  The  nation  is  crying 
out  for  leadership,  not  pussy-footing  nor  pandering.  Be 
wrong  strongly  if  you  must  be  wrong,  rather  than  be  right 
weakly.  You  can  only  win  as  a  Cox  man,  one  who  owns 
himself,  has  his  own  policies,  is  willing  to  go  along,  not  with 
a  bunch  of  bosses,  but  with  any  reasonable  man,  asks  for 
counsel  from  all  classes  of  men  and  women,  does  not  fear 
defeat,  and  expects  a  victory  that  will  be  more  a  party  vie- 


L 


346         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

tory  than  a  personal  one,  and  more  a  people's  victory  than 
a  partisan  one. 

Your  Enemies 

Pick  a  few  enemies  and  pick  them  with  discretion. 
Chiefly  be  for  things.  But  be  against  things  and  persons, 
too,  so  that  the  nation  can  visualize  you  as  leading  in  a 
contest  between  the  constructive  forces  and  the  destructive 
critical  forces. 

And  the  thing  to  be  against  is  the  man  who  is  looking 
backward,  who  talks  of  the  "good  old  days,"  meaning  (a) 
money  in  politics,  buying  votes  in  blocks  of  five ;  (b)  hu 
man  beings  as  commodities,  Homestead  strikes,  and  in 
structions  how  to  vote  in  the  pay  envelop ;  (c)  privately 
controlled  national  finances  as  against  the  Federal  Reserve 
System ;  (d)  taxation  of  the  poor  through  indirect  taxes  on 
pretext  of  protecting  industry ;  (e)  seventy -five  cent  wheat ; 
(f)  dollar  a  day  labor ;  (g)  the  saloon-bossed  city ;  (h)  no 
American  Merchant  Marine ;  all  goods  carried  abroad  under 
foreign  flags  —  those  were  the  "good  old  days,"  for  which 
the  Standpat  Republican  is  sighing. 

But  the  world  has  moved  in  the  past  twenty-five  years, 
and  America  not  only  has  moved  it,  but  has  kept  in  the 
lead.  .  .  . 

What  We  Want 

A  greater  America  —  that  is  our  objective. 

We  want  our  unused  lands  put  to  use. 

We  want  the  farm  made  more  attractive  through  better 
rural  schools,  better  roads  everywhere,  more  frequent  con 
nection  between  town  and  farm,  better  means  of  distribution 
of  products. 

We  want  more  men  with  garden  homes  instead  of  tene 
ment  houses. 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    347 

We  want  our  waters,  that  flow  idly  to  the  sea,  put  to  use ; 
more  stored  water  for  irrigation,  more  hydro-electric  plants 
to  supply  industries,  railroads  and  home  and  farming  activi 
ties.  There  should  be  electric  lights  upon  the  farm,  and 
power  for  the  sewing  machine  and  the  churn.  It  can  be 
done  because  it  is  being  done  on  the  best  farms  of  the  far  West. 

We  want  our  streams  controlled  so  that  they  do  not 
wash  away  our  cities,  farms,  and  railroads,  and  so  as  to 
redeem  the  submerged  bottom  lands  for  the  next  genera 
tion.  .  .  . 

We  want  fewer  boys  and  girls,  men  and  women,  who  can 
not  read  or  write  the  language  of  our  laws,  newspapers,  and 
literature,  .  .  .  that  those  who  live  with  us  may  really  be 
of  us.  .  .  . 

We  should  dignify  the  profession  of  teaching  as  the  foun 
dation  profession  of  modern  democratic  life.  .  .  . 

We  want  definite  and  continuing  studies  made  of  our 
great  industrial  fiscal  and  social  problems.  The  framing  of 
our  policies  should  not  be  left  to  emotional  caprice,  or  the 
opportunism  of  any  group  of  men,  but  should  be  the  result 
of  sympathetic  and  deep  study  by  the  wisest  men  we  have, 
irrespective  of  their  politics.,  There  should  be  industrial 
conferences,  such  as  those  recently  inaugurated,  to  arrive 
at  the  ways  by  which  those  who  furnish  the  financial  arm 
of  industry  and  those  who  furnish  the  working  arm  of  in 
dustry  may  most  profitably  and  productively  be  brought 
into  cooperation.  .  .  .  Through  the  study  of  what  has  been 
done  we  can  give  direction  to  our  national  thought  and  work 
with  a  will  toward  a  condition  in  which  labor  will  have 
recognition  and  be  more  certainly  insured  against  the  perils 
of  non-occupation  and  old  age,  and  capital  become  entitled 
to  a  sure  return,  because  more  constantly  and  productively 
used. 


L 


348         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Then,  too,  we  need  a  study  made  of  the  health  conditions 
of  our  children,  —  of  the  reason  for  the  large  percentage  of 
undeveloped  and  subnormal  children  who  are  brought  to 
our  schools,  and  the  larger  number  who  do  not  reach  ma 
turity.  .  .  .  Underfed  boys  and  ignorant  boys  are  the  ones 
who  turn  to  Bolshevism.  We  can  not  stand  pat  and  let 
things  drift  without  their  drifting  not  to  the  "good  old 
days  "  but  to  bad  new  days. 

Why  should  not  our  system  of  taxation  be  subject  for 
the  profoundest  study  ?  .  .  .  We  must  find  ways  by  which 
the  individual  may  have  tools  for  production  which  his  skill 
and  foresight  and  thrift  have  created  and  yet  take  for  so 
ciety  in  taxes  what  society  itself  gives.  .  .  .  There  must 
come  to  society  an  increasingly  large  portion  of  the  wealth 
created  by  each  generation  through  inheritance  taxes. 
Thus  all  our  boys  and  girls  will  start  the  race  of  life  more 
nearly  at  the  scratch.  This  will  be  for  the  making  of  the 
race  and  for  the  enriching  of  the  whole  of  society.  Yet 
'there  must  be  saved,  surely,  the  call  upon  the  man  of  talent 
jfor  every  ounce  of  energy  that  he  has  and  every  spark  of 
imagination. 

L  We  want  our  soldiers  and  sailors  to  be  more  certain  of  our 
gratitude  and  to  have  an  opportunity  to  realize  their  own 
ambition  for  themselves.  We  must  not  be  driven  into  any 
foolish  or  impossible  course  by  the  pressure  of  a  desire  to 
win  their  votes.  On  the  contrary,  the  pressure  should 
come  from  us  who  had  not  the  opportunity  to  risk  our  lives, 
that  those  who  did  take  such  risk  shall  be  highly  honored. 
For  those  who  will  identify  themselves  with  the  tilling  of 
the  soil,  there  should  be  farms,  small  yet  complete,  for 
which  they  can  gradually  pay  on  long  time.  For  others 
there  should  be  such  education  for  professional  or  indus 
trial  life  as  they  desire.  For  others,  a  home,  not  a  specu- 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    349 

lation  in  real  estate,  but  a  piece  of  that  American  soil  for 
which  they  fought.  For  these  things  we  can  pay  without 
extra  financial  strain,  if  we  dedicate  to  this  purpose  merely 
the  interest  upon  the  monies  which  other  nations  owe  us. 
The  extent  of  our  willingness  to  help  these  men  is  not  to 
be  measured  by  their  request  but  rather  by  our  ability 
and  their  lasting  welfare.  .  .  . 

We  are  to  extend  our  activities  into  all  parts  of  the  world. 
Our  trade  is  to  grow  as  never  before.  Our  people  are  to  re 
sume  their  old  place  as  traders  on  the  seven  seas.  We  are 
to  know  other  peoples  better  and  make  them  all  more  and 
more  our  friends,  working  with  them  as  mutually  dependent 
factors  in  the  growth  of  the  world's  life.  For  this  day  a 
definite  foreign  policy  must  be  made,  one  that  is  fair;  to 
which  none  can  take  exception.  Our  people  shall  go  abroad 
for  their  good  and  the  good  of  other  lands,  with  their  skilled 
hands  and  their  resourceful  minds,  and  their  energetic  cap 
ital,  and  they  must  be  assured  of  support  abroad,  as  at 
home,  in  every  honest  venture. 

True  Americanism 

America's  ambition  is  to  lead  the  world  in  showing  what 
Democracy  can  effect.  This  would  be  my  conception  of 
the  large  idea  of  the  campaign.  It  involves  much  more 
than  the  League  of  Nations.  This  is  our  hour  of  test.  We 
must  not  be  little  in  our  conception  of  ourselves,  nor  yet 
have  a  conceit  that  is  self-destructive. 

America  must  prove  herself  a  living  thing,  with  policies 
that  are  adequate  to  new  conditions.  .  .  .  We  wish  an 
international  settlement  that  will  enable  us  to  be  more 
supremely  great  as  nationalists.  This  is  the  significance  of 
the  League  of  Nations.  It  is  a  plan  of  hope.  It  is  the  only 
plan  which  the  mind  of  man  has  evolved  which  any  number 


350         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

of  nations  has  ever  been  willing  to  accept  as  a  buffer  against 
devil-made  war.  ...  It  is  a  monumental  experiment  which 
this  century  and  other  centuries  will  talk  of  and  think  of 
and  write  of  because  it  involves  the  lives  of  men  and  women 
under  it,  and  there  is  the  possibility  of  giving  our  full 
thought  and  energy  and  wealth  to  making  life  more  enjoy 
able  and  finer  instead  of  more  horrible  and  cruel.  While 
other  nations  are  in  the  mood,  we  should  agree  with  them, 
that  we  may  spend  our  lives  and  money  in  a  rivalry  of  prog 
ress  rather  than  in  a  competition  in  the  art  of  scientific 
boy-murder.  There  are  times  when  war  is  the  ultimate 
and  necessary  appeal,  but  those  times  should  be  made  fewer 
by  American  genius  and  sacrifice. 

And  our  prestige  and  power  should  not  be  wasted  at  this 
critical  time,  because  out  of  some  fecund  mind  may  come 
an  abstract  and  legalistic  plan  for  some  other  kind  of  League. 
Let  us  be  practical.  Let  us  go  to  the  fullest  limit  with  other 
nations  who  are  now  willing  to  join  hands  with  us,  yet 
never  yielding  the  Constitutional  Congressional  control 
over  our  war  making.  .  .  .  Let  us  take  thought  to-day  of 
our  opportunities  else  these  may  not  exist  tomorrow.  .  .  . 
Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Timothy  Spellacy 

August  2,  1920 

MY  DEAR  TIM,  —  Here  you  are,  when  you  are  sick  yourself, 
worrying  about  me.  Now,  don't  give  any  concern  to  any 
matter  excepting  getting  thoroughly  well,  just  as  soon  as 
possible.  You  are  doing  too  much.  You  are  not  resting 
enough,  and  you  are  worrying.  You  have  got  enough  to 
take  care  of  yourself  and  your  family  for  the  rest  of  your 
lives,  you  have  the  respect  of  every  one  who  knows  you,  and 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    351 

the  affection  of  every  one  who  knows  you  well ;  in  fact,  you 
have  nothing  to  work  for,  and  every  reason  to  be  contented. 
So  I  suggest  that  you  learn,  in  your  later  years,  how  to  bum. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  Mike  will  come  across  something 
very  good  in  Colombia,  if  he  doesn't  get  the  fever,  or  break 
his  blooming  neck.  I  have  never  seen  so  aggressive  a  group 
of  old  men  as  you  fellows  are.  You  will  not  admit  that  you 
are  more  than  twenty-one.  .  .  . 

With  my  warmest  regards,  as  always  cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

With  the  presentation  of  an  Irish  flag,  August  10,  1920. 

To  Edward  L.  Doheny,  with  the  cordial  esteem  of  Franklin  K. 

Lane. 

This  flag  is  a  symbol.  It  stands  for  the  finest  thing  in  a 
human  being  —  aspiration  —  the  seed  of  the  Divine.  It 
represents  the  noblest  hope  of  a  thwarted  and  untiring  peo 
ple.  It  makes  a  call  to  the  heart  of  every  generous-minded 
man,  and  gives  vivifying  impulse  to  the  home-loving  of  all 
races.  It  is  a  symbol  of  a  people  to  whom  most  of  the  arts 
were  known  when  England  and  America  were  forest  wastes, 
whose  women  have  made  the  world  beautiful  by  their  vir 
tue,  and  whose  men  have  made  the  world  free  by  their 
courage. 

To  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt 

New  York,  August,  [1920] 

DEAR  OLD  MAN,  —  This  is  hard  work  —  to  say  that  I 
can't  be  with  you  on  this  great  day  in  your  life.1  You  know 
that  only  the  mandate  of  the  medical  autocrats  would  keep 

1  Notification  ceremonies  following  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt's  nomination  as  Vice- 
President  by  the  Democratic  party. 


352         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN    K.  LANE 

me  away,  not  that  I  could  do  you  any  good  by  being  there, 
but  that  you  might  know  that  many  men  like  myself  take 
pride  in  you,  rejoice  in  your  opportunity,  and  keep  our  faith 
in  Democracy  because  out  of  it  can  come  men  of  ideals  like 
yourself.  I  know  that  you  will  not  allow  yourself  to  be 
come  cheap,  undignified,  or  demagogical.  Remember,  that 
East  and  West  alike,  we  want  gentlemen  to  represent  us, 
and  we  ask  no  man  to  be  a  panderer  or  a  hypocrite  to  get 
our  votes.  Frankness,  and  largeness,  and  simplicity,  and  a 
fine  fervor  for  the  right,  are  virtues  that  some  must  preserve, 
and  where  can  we  look  for  them  if  not  from  the  Roosevelts 
and  the  Delanos  ? 

It  is  a  great  day  for  you  and  for  all  of  us.  Be  wise ! 
Don't  be  brilliant.  Get  plenty  of  sleep.  Do  not  give 
yourself  to  the  handshakers.  For  now  your  word  carries 
far,  and  it  must  be  a  word  worthy  of  all  you  stand  for. 

I  honestly,  earnestly  ask  God's  blessing  on  you.  As  al 
ways, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Our  love  to  your  dear  Mother,  —  proud  happy  Mother, 
—  and  to  Eleanor. 


To  Mrs.  George  Ehle 

Katonah,  September,  1920 

To  THE  EHLE,  —  Now  this  is  a  pleasure  to  have  a  minute's 
talk  with  you  in  the  cool  under  an  apple  tree.  You  are 
gay,  with  Grouitches,  and  other  festive  creatures,  while  I 
am  glum,  gloomy  and  lugubrious.  You  know  this  is  a  novel 
experience  for  me  to  be  in  care  of  two  nurses  and  a  doctor, 
not  to  speak  of  a  wife ;  but  1  am  obedient,  docile,  humble, 
tractable,  and  otherwise  dehumanized.  The  plan  here  is 
to  follow  my  boy's  statement  of  the  modern  prescription 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    353 

for  women,  "Catch  'em  young;  treat  'em  rough;  tell  'em 
nothing."  Well,  they  don't  catch  me  young,  but  otherwise 
the  prescription  is  filled.  They  reduced  me  to  weakness, 
dependence,  and  a  sort  of  sour-mash,  and  now  they  say  that 
on  this  foundation  they  will  build  me  up.  Tho'  I  am  still 
to  lose  some  weight,  being  only  twenty-four  pounds  under 
my  average  for  twenty  years.  I  will  emerge  from  this  spot, 
if  I  emerge  at  all,  a  regular  Apollo,  and  will  do  Russian 
dances  for  you  on  that  lovely  lawn  under  the  mulberry  tree. 
And  what  happy  memories  of  that  spot  I  do  have,  and  they 
cluster  about  you,  with  your  soft  hand  and  your  understand 
ing  eye  and  your  sympathetic  mouth.  You  don't  mind  my 
making  love  to  you  in  this  distant  fashion  do  you  ?  Well, 
this  is  a  charming  jail,  but  jail  it  is  after  all,  for  I  can't  flee, 
though  all  the  leisure  in  the  world  were  mine  —  and  it  irks 
an  American  eagle  or  eaglet. 

Dear  Anne  has  been  improving  here.  She  now  is  jolly, 
tho'  it  has  been  hot.  Responsibility  kills  her,  and  I  thrive 
on  it. 

I  believe  I  will  take  that  place  we  went  to  see  on  the  She- 
paug.  Ryan,  my  friend,  is  to  manage  it.  Well,  we  have 
a  place  of  refuge,  eh  ?  where  the  wicked  and  the  boring  and 
the  ununderstanding  cannot  pursue. 

But  oh !  my  dreams  do  not  come  true  these  days,  the 
magic  touch  is  lost,  the  Fairies  have  been  hurt  in  their 
feelings,  my  Daemon  has  deserted,  and  instead  of  beauty 
and  joy  and  power,  sweet  content  and  warm  friendship,  I 
am  struggling  merely  to  live  —  and  to  what  end  ? 

Please  go  into  my  room  some  morning  early  and  look  out 
to  the  gate,  the  cobwebs  must  be  diamond-sprinkled  on  the 
circle  at  the  doorway,  the  catalpa  trees  must  stand  like  stiff, 
prim,  proper,  knickerbockered  footmen,  on  either  side  of 
the  hedge,  the  ground  must  rise  in  a  very  gradual  swell  and 


354         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

culminate  in  the  rose-covered  gate.  Throw  it  a  kiss  for 
me  —  (I  wonder  if  there  could  be  any  roses  left  ?) .  All  of 
it  is  a  lovely  bit  of  man's  handiwork,  and  Mr.  Eno  should 
have  been  born  poor  so  that  his  planning  mind,  conceiving 
things  of  beauty  in  regular  and  balanced  form,  could  have 
been  used  by  many. 

Tell  him  I  got  his  nice  letter  and  will  drop  him  a  line  one 
day.     With  much  love, 

FRANK  LANE 

To  Isadore  B.  Dockweiler 

Washington,  September  25,  1920 

MY  DEAR  DOCKWEILER,  —  It  is  a  great  disappointment  that 
I  am  not  able  to  speak  in  California  this  year.  I  wished 
so  much  to  say  a  word  that  might  be  helpful  to  Senator 
Phelan.  I  helped  in  his  election  six  years  ago,  and  I  wanted 
to  be  able  to  say  to  those  whom  I  then  addressed,  that 
Phelan  had  thoroughly  made  good  in  Washington.  He  has 
been  strong,  honest,  courageous,  loyal  to  California  and 
the  country,  and  at  every  minute  he  has  been  at  the  serv 
ice  of  his  constituents.  That  is  much  to  say,  isn't  it? 
Well,  every  word  is  true.  .  .  . 

These  things  I  know,  for  I  have  watched  him  through  the 
past  six  years  and  for  many  years  before.  Indeed,  it  is  more 
than  thirty  years  now  since  we  first  joined  with  boyish 
enthusiasm  in  tjie  activities  of  the  Young  Men's  Demo 
cratic  League,  and  always  I  have  wondered  at  his  willingness  \ 
to  make  himself  the  target  of  so  much  criticism  because  of 
his  loyalty  to  convictions  that  have  not  pleased  those  in 
political  or  social  power.  He  thinks;  he  does  not  take 
orders.  And  you  can  rely  on  his  being  superior  to  the  par 
tisan  phase  of  any  real  issue.  This  self-respecting,  or  self- 
owned  individual  is  the  sort  of  man  we  need  to  promote  in 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    355 

our  political  life,  or  else  we  will  soon  find  ourselves  back  in 
the  pre-Roosevelt  days  of  political  invertebrates. 

I  found  in  Washington  the  secret  of  the  exceeding  great 
authority  which  the  older  states  carry  in  Congress,  they 
return  their  Senators  and  Congressmen,  term  after  term, 
and  give  them  opportunity  to  rise  to  positions  of  eminence 
in  the  national  legislature.  The  usefulness  of  a  Senator  is 
not  to  be  measured  by  the  roundness  of  his  periods,  nor 
even  by  the  soundness  of  his  ideas.  He  must  pass  through 
a  period  of  impatient  waiting  before  his  status  is  such  that 
he  can  really  have  the  opportunity  to  have  his  ideas  con 
sidered  seriously.  By  returning  men  who  have  been  faith 
ful,  the  State  strengthens  itself  in  Washington  and  even 
tually  gains  greatly  in  prestige,  as  in  the  case  of  Julius 
Kahn.  Senator  Phelan  has  now  passed  through  this  initial 
period  of  gaining  status,  and  his  future  will  be  one  of  an 
assured  and  much  strengthened  position  among  his  col 
leagues.  Not  to  return  Phelan  will  mean  a  loss  at  Washing 
ton  that  California  can  ill  afford  at  this  critical  time,  for 
in  the  national  mind  he  is  identified  with  her  prime  con 
cerns. 

.  .  .  These  are  to  be  most  momentous  times.  .  .  .  Just 
where  we  are  going  no  one  knows,  but  clearly  the  people 
here,  as  elsewhere,  are  bent  upon  testing  the  value  of  De 
mocracy  as  a  cooperative  organization  of  men  and  women, 
and  are  determined  to  make  of  it  a  fuller  expression  of  hu 
man  capacities  and  hopes.  We  must  feel  our  way  carefully 
at  such  a  time,  but  we  must  act  constructively,  else  there 
will  surely  come  a  dangerous  radical  reaction.  Sympathy 
must  be  checked  by  wisdom,  a  wise  knowledge  of  man's 
limitations  and  tendencies,  that  we  do  not  take  on  burdens 
we  cannot  safely  carry.  Yet  we  must  dare,  and  dare  pur 
posefully.  What  can  this  Democracy  do  for  men  and 


L 


356         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

women  —  that  is  the  super-question  which  rises  like  Shasta 
and  follows  one  throughout  the  day,  dominating  every 
prospect.  And  the  answer  must  be  wrought  out  of  the 
sober  thought  and  the  proved  experience  of  our  statesmen. 
.  .  .  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

In  September,  1920,  he  wrote,  —  "Things  look  dark  to 
me  politically.  The  little  Wilson  (as  distinguished  from 
the  Great  Wilson)  is  now  having  his  day.  Cox  is  making 
a  manly  fight  on  behalf  of  the  President's  League,  but  the 
administration  is  sullen,  is  doing  nothing.  Cox  will  be  de 
feated  not  by  those  who  dislike  him  but  by  those  who  dis 
like  Wilson  and  his  group.  This  seems  mighty  unjust." 


To  Hall  McAllister 

Katonah,  September  25  [?],  1920 

MY  DEAR  HALL,  —  This  paper  is  a  concession  to  my  love 
for  color,  it  is  not  yellow,  but  golden,  and  to  make  the  touch 
truly  Calif ornian  I  should  write  with  a  blue  pencil. 

I  cannot  write  as  gaily  or  as  bravely  as  you  did,  for  I 
have  been  pretty  well  beaten  down  to  my  knees.  My  nights 
are  so  unforgivably  bad  —  wakened  up  two  or  three  times, 
always  with  this  Monster  squeezing  my  heart  in  his 
Mammoth  hand  —  By  God,  it  is  something  Dante  over 
looked.  ...  I 

Take  my  advice,  dear  Hall,  and  avoid  doing  any  of  the 
things  which  the  3793  Doctors  I  have  paid  tell  me  cause 
this  thing  —  among  them  are  :  —  smoking,  eating,  drink 
ing,  swearing,  working. 

You  can  recover  partially  —  not  wholly  under  any  cir 
cumstances  —  if  you  arrive  at  a  state  of  Nirvana  before 


POLITICAL   COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    357 

death.  .  .  .  Gay  life  this,  my  boy  !  I've  been  so  wicked 
and  fast  and  devilish  and  hoggish  and  gluttonous  and  al 
ways  rotten  and  riotous  that  I  needs  must  spend  a  few 
months  in  this  agony  by  way  of  preliminary  atonement  be 
fore  I  may  get  even  a  chance  at  purgatory. 

You  know  that  sometimes  in  the  most  terrific  crushing 
pain,  I  laugh,  at  the  thought  that  my  steady  years  of  drive 
and  struggle  to  help  a  lot  of  people  to  get  justice,  or  a  chance, 
should  be  gloriously  crowned  by  an  ironical  God  with  an 
end  that  would  make  a  sainted  Christian,  in  Nero's  time, 
regret  his  premature  taking-off.  .  .  . 

Tell  that  most  charming  of  all  women,  who  is  your  sister, 
that  her  noble  man  was  in  great  good  fortune  ;  and  I  envy 
him  because  the  Gods  showed  meir  love  for  him  even  up  to 
the  last.  The  wicked,  torturing  devils  respected  his  gay 
spirit  as  he  passed  along  and  forgot  to  fill  him  full  of  arrows, 
poisoned  arrows,  as  he  ran  the  gauntlet  down  |p^the  River. 

Her  letters  are  beauteous  reflections  of  her  thoroughbred 
soul,  and  they  give  delight  to  Anne  and  myself.  .  .  .  Yours 
as  always, 

K.  LANE 


To  Mrs.  George  Ehle  '« 

Bethel,  October  [3],  1920 

That  is  so  charming  and  gracious  a  letter  that  it  mus±  be 
answered  within  the  day,  not  that  any  word  in  kind  cambe 
returned,  but  the  spirit  may  be  echoed.  We  may  be  short 
in  words  but  not  in  feeling. 

Let  me  tell  you,  Lady  Ehle,  about  this  place.  It  is 
Nirvana-in-the-  Wilderness,  the  Sacred,  Serene  Spot.  Beau 
tiful,  for  it  is  a  ridge  surrounded  by  mountains  —  or  "mount 
ings"  —  of  gold  and  green,  russet  and  silver.  Noiseless, 
no  dogs  bark  or  cats  mew  or  autos  honk.  Peaceful  —  no 


358         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

business.  Nothing  offends.  Isn't  that  Nirvana  ?  No  pov 
erty.  People  independent  but  polite.  Children  smile  back 
when  you  talk  to  them,  and  you  do.  And  the  sky  has 
clouds  that  color  and  that  cast  shadows  on  purpling  moun 
tains  and  stretches  of  meadow.  Yes,  this  is  one  lovely  spot 
over  which  a  man  named  Gehring  presides,  unofficially, 
modestly,  gently;  he  has  given  it  purpose  for  being,  for 
here  he  does  good  by  healing,  and  some  of  his  wealthy  pa 
tients  have  put  up  a  handsome  inn  in  his  honor  —  and  they 
have  said  so  in  a  bronze  tablet  over  the  mantel. 

How  much  good  he  can  do  me  I  cannot  say,  but  he  is 
trying,  Oh,  ever  so  hard  to  touch  my  trouble-centre,  and  I 
shall  give  him  a  full  chance  yet  awhile. 

Wouldn't  it  be  splendid  if  Shepaug  were  assured,  or  any 
other  place  of  simple  beauty  to  which  we  could  retire  to 
commune  with  the  things  that,  alas,  one  only  discovers  to 
be  the  really  great  things,  the  worth  while  things,  late  in 
life.  Daily  would  we  foregather  beside  that  stream  to 
build  some  kind  of  altar  to  the  God  of  Things  as  we  Hope 
they  may  sometime  Be.  .  .  . 

Give  my  regards  to  the  Duke  of  Saugatuck  and  tell  him 
that  his  picture  on  horseback  is  good  enough  to  enlarge  — 
and  then  I  want  one. 

And  to  you,  The  Ehle,  may  the  peace  that  gay  souls  need 
and  seldom  get,  and  the  joy  that  good  souls  long  for,  be 
with  you  always.  And  do  write  some  more ! 

F.  K.  L.     - 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 

Bethel,  [October  28,  1920] 

MY  DEAR  B.  I.,  —  It  has  been  a  long  time  since  your  letter 
came,  but  until  now  I  have  not  felt  that  I  could  write. 
Most  of  the  time  I  have  been  in  pain  and  I  have  also  been 


hH       O 

K 


-6 


ft  2 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    359 

much  discouraged  over  the  condition  of  my  health.  No  one 
wants  to  hear  a  man  talk  of  his  aches  and  I  haven't  much  else 
on  my  mind.  I  am  beginning  to  crawl  a  bit  health-wards, 
I  think ;  at  any  rate  I  am  moving  on  that  assumption. 

What  a  hell  of  a  condition  the  land  is  in  politically.  Cow 
ardice  and  hypocrisy  are  slated  to  win,  and  makeshift  and 
the  cheapest  politics  are  to  take  possession  of  national  af 
fairs.  Better  even  obstinacy  and  ego-mania  !  Cox,  I  think, 
has  made  a  gallant  fight.  He  is  to  be  beaten  because  Wilson 
is  as  unpopular  as  he  once  was  popular.  Oh  !  if  he  had  been 
frank  as  to  his  illness,  the  people  would  have  forgotten  every 
thing,  his  going  to  Paris,  his  refusal  to  deal  with  the  mild 
Reservationists  —  everything  would  have  been  swept  away 
in  a  great  wave  of  sympathy.  But  he  could  not  be  frank, 
he  who  talked  so  high  of  faith  in  the  people  distrusted  them ; 
and  they  will  not  be  mastered  by  mystery.  So  he  is  so  much 
less  than  a  hero  that  he  bears  down  his  party  to  defeat. 

And  after  election  will  come  revolt  in  the  Republican 
party,  for  it  is  too  many-sided  for  a  long  popularity. 

I  am  sorry  to  be  out  of  it  all,  but  the  Gods  so  willed.  I 
did  want  to  help  Phelan.  The  country  will  think  that  what 
he  has  stood  for,  as  to  California  matters,  especially  oil  and 
Japan,  has  been  repudiated  if  he  is  not  returned.  He  was 
California  incarnate  in  Washington. 

Remember  me  to  the  Lady  and  the  Soldier.  Always 
your  friend, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  W.  Hallowell 

Bethel,  November  3,  1920 

MY  DEAR  JACK,  —  You  have  so  much  idle  time  hanging, 
dragging,  festooning  on  round  and  about  your  hands  that 
I  want  to  give  you  a  job,  something  to  do.  Eh,  what ! 


360         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  have  taken  it  into  my  head,  caput,  cranium,  that  I  will 
read  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and 
as  the  only  copy  here  is  too  poorly  printed  to  read,  and 
furthermore  as  I  wish  to  own  said  work  myself,  I  would 
that  you  make  purchase  of  same  and  send  it  to  me.  Now, 
I  do  not  wish  an  expensive  copy,  nor  a  large  copy,  nor  a 
heavy  copy.  Therefore  I  think  it  would  be  best  to  buy  a 
good  second-hand  set,  say  in  half -leather  —  perhaps  you 
can  get  it  in  six  or  eight  volumes  —  and  it  must  not  be 
heavy,  because  I  read  in  bed.  About  the  size  of  an  ordi 
nary  novel  would  be  very  good,  and  pretty  good  sized  type 
—  leaded  not  solid.  Yes,  the  more  I  think  of  a  second 
hand  set,  the  better  I  like  the  idea  —  old  binding  but  strong, 
old  paper  but  light,  old  type  but  clear.  Twelve  dollars  I 
enclose  for  a  second-hand  set.  By  devoting  twenty  dollars 
worth  of  time  to  the  search  I  know  you  can  get  a  second 
hand  set  for  twelve  dollars.  That  is  uneconomical,  but 
think  of  the  fun  you  will  have.  I  suggest  to  you  that  this 
was  the  very  thing  you  needed  to  do  to  bring  perfect  con 
tentment  into  your  life.  Search  for  Gibbon,  pretty  backs, 
good  type,  light  in  weight  for  twelve  dollars.  Oh  what  joy 
you  will  have !  Really  I  should  be  selfish  enough  to  do  it 
myself  but  now  that  I  have  said  so  much  about  it  I  can't 
withdraw  this  boon.  .  .  . 

Well,  get  Gibbon  and  "with  all  thy  getting  get  under 
standing.  " 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  W.  Hallowell 

Bethel,  November  12,  [1920] 

MY  DEAR  JACK,  —  I  said  nothing  of  the  kind  to  myself. 
This  is  what  I  said,  "Now  I  want  a  Gibbon.  Not  a  show- 
off  set  but  a  useful  one  —  light  and  small  and  well  bound. 


POLITICAL   COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    361 

How  can  I  get  it  ?  Cotter  in  New  York  ?  What  does 
Cotter  know  of  learning  and  books  of  learning?  What 
interest  does  New  York  take  in  such  things  anyway  ?  There 
are  second-hand  stores  there  but  they  must  be  filled  with 
novels  and  such  trumpery.  No  one  in  New  York  ever  read 
Gibbon  —  ninety -nine  percent  never  heard  of  him.  So 
why  should  I  send  to  New  York  ?  No,  Boston  is  the  place. 
There  is  the  city  of  the  Erudite,  the  Home  of  Lodge,  and 
incidentally  of  Parkman,  Bancroft,  Thayer,  Morse,  Fiske, 
and  all  others  who  have  minds  to  throw  back  into  the  other 
days,  and  make  pictures  of  what  has  been.  Every  house 
there  has  its  Gibbon,  of  course,  and  some  must,  in  the  course 
of  nature,  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  dealers.  So  to  Boston, 
—  and  who  else  but  Jack  Hallowell  who  knows  what  a 
book  is,  how  in  respectability  it  should  be  bound,  and  what 
size  book  is  a  pleasure  and  what  a  burden.  A  man  of  learn 
ing,  identified  with  scholarship,  through  his  athletic  course 
in  Harvard,  and  withal  a  man  of  business  who  will  not  pay 
more  than  a  thing  is  worth.  Ideal !  Hence  the  letter  and 
consequent  trouble  to  good  Jack  Hallowell,  who  as  per  usual 
"done  his  damnedest  for  a  friend,"  as  Bret  Harte  says, 
in  writing  a  perfect  epitaph.  .  .  . 

The  reason  I  sent  twelve  dollars  needs  explanation.  I 
put  that  limit  because  a  very  handsome  edition  of  eleven 
volumes  sold  for  that  price  to  a  friend  of  mine.  It  was  red 
morocco,  tooled,  etc.,  and  I  thought  surely  twelve  dollars 
would  buy  something  as  good  as  I  needed. 

Now  you  have  the  whole  mysterious  story.  Make  the 
most  of  it  as  Patrick  Henry  suggested  to  George  III. 

I  have  your  dear  Mother's  book  and  will  write  her  when 
I  have  read  it.  I  also  have  a  letter  saying  that  Hoover  has 
named  me  as  treasurer  of  his  twenty-three  million  or  bil 
lion  fund. 


362         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Thank  you  for  your  kindness  and  write  me  as  often  as 
you  can.  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Robert  Lansing 

Bethel,  Maine,  November  10,  [1920] 

MY  DEAR  LANSING,  —  It  is  good  to  see  that  letter-head,  but 
aren't  you  afraid  to  enter  into  competition  with  Mr.  Tu 
multy,  who  has  now,  I  see,  bought  the  old  Shepard  mansion 
and  will  settle  in  Washington.  How  do  they  do  it  with  the 
high  cost  of  living  what  it  is  ?  .  .  .  The  transmutation  of 
brass  into  gold  is  becoming  a  commonplace. 

To-night's  paper  speaks  of  Knox  as  probable  Secretary  of 
State.  .  .  .  Tell  me  where  the  opposition  is  to  come  from 
—  who  are  to  lead  us  ?  ...  All  possible  leaders  have  been 
submerged,  squelched,  drowned  out,  in  the  past  eight  years. 
I  wish  the  whole  country  had  gone  unanimously  for  Hard 
ing.  Then  we  might  have  started  on  a  fresh,  clean  footing 
to  create  two  parties  that  represent  liberal  and  conservative 
thought.  As  it  is,  I  think  you  will  see  Hearst  and  Johnson 
and  La  Follette  try  to  capture  the  radicals  of  both  parties 
and  make  a  new  party  of  their  own.  Then  I  shall  be  with 
all  the  rascals  I  have  been  fighting  since  boyhood  —  the 
Wall  Street  rascals  —  as  against  the  other  group.  But 
maybe  the  Lord  cares  a  bit  for  us  after  all. 

I  mend  very  slowly,  but  I  delight  in  your  recovery  and 
wonder  at  it.  ...     I  do  beg  you  will  give  me  all  the  gossip  ; 
of  Washington  that  you  can,  for  I  am  here  in  a  wilderness, 
beautiful  but  not  exciting.     As  always, 

F.  K.  L. 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    363 

To  Carl  Snyder 

Bethel,  November  12,  [1920] 

DEAR  CARL,  —  This  is  extremely  disagreeable  business, 
this  of  repairs  and  restoration.  I  suppose  I  am  doing  fairly 
well  considering  that  I  have  been  more  than  half  a  cen 
tury  getting  my  gearings  askew  and  awry.  But  I  am  taking 
orders  now  and  say  "Thank  you,"  when  I  get  them.  Just 
when  I  shall  be  well  enough  to  take  hold  again  is  not  yet 
discoverable. 

Strange  how  little  news  there  is  when  you  are  above  the 
clouds.  One  must  be  local  to  be  interested  in  ninety  per 
cent  of  what  the  papers  print.  Make  me  a  hermit  for  a 
year  and  I  could  see  things  in  the  large  I  believe,  and  ignore 
the  trifles  which  obscure  real  vision.  But  a  monk  must  be 
checked  by  a  butcher.  The  ideal  must  be  translated  into 
the  possible.  "Man  cannot  live  on  bread  alone"  —  nor 
on  manna. 

Outside  it  is  snowing  beautifully,  across  an  insistent  sun, 
the  fire  is  crackling  and  I  do  not  know  that  I  am  ill  but  for 
the  staring  bottles  before  me. 

Give  me  a  line  when  you  have  a  free  minute  —  and  take 
to  your  Beautiful  Lady  my  warm  regards. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  William  R.  Wheeler 

Bethel,  17  [November],  1920 

MY  DEAR  BILL, —  ...  I  am  mighty  sorry  to  hear  about 
the  Lady  Alice  Isabel.  Funny  that  these  women  are  like 
some  damn  fools,  like  myself,  and  do  things  too  strenuously, 
and  then  go  bang.  Damn  that  Irish  temperament,  anyway  ! 
O  God,  that  I  had  been  made  a  stolid,  phlegmatic,  non- 
nervous,  self-satisfied  Britisher,  instead  of  a  wild  cross  be 
tween  a  crazy  Irishman,  with  dreams,  desires,  fancies,  and 


364         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

a  dour  Scot,  with  his  conscience  and  his  logical  bitterness 
against  himself,  —  and  his  eternal  drive ! 

I  can't  tell  you  anything  new  about  myself.  I  hope  it  is 
not  a  delusion  that  I  am  growing  slowly  better.  I  cultivate 
that  idea  anyway.  .  .  . 

It  was  a  slaughter,  the  election,  and  properly  did  it  come 
to  us.  Now  be  wise  and  you  can  have  this  land  for  many 
years.  But  foolish  conceit  will  put  you  out  in  four.  ...  I 
wish  you  Republicans  had  carried  all  the  South.  I  am  glad 
for  Lenroot  —  very !  .  .  .  But  Phelan's  defeat  has  about 
broken  my  heart  and  for  Henderson  and  Chamberlain  and 
Thomas  I  am  especially  grieved.  Well,  it  will  be  a  changed 
world  in  Washington,  and  I'm  sorry  I  can't  be  in  it  and  of 
it. 

Anne  has  gone  to  Washington  to  see  Nancy  who  has  not 
been  well,  so  I  am  alone  but  not  for  long.  I  get  on  all  right. 
God  bless  you,  my  dear  old  chap,  and  do  rest  awhile  be 
neath  your  own  fig  tree.  My  love  to  Alice.  Affectionately 
as  always, 

F.  K  L. 

To  George  Otis  Smith 

Bethel,  [November]  18,  [1920] 

DEAR  GEORGE  OTIS,  —  I  love  this  Maine  of  yours.  It  is 
beautiful,  and  its  people  are  good  stuff  —  strong,  whole 
some,  intelligent  young  men.  I  like  them  greatly.  I'd  be 
content  to  sit  right  down  here  and  wait  for  whatever  is  to 
come.  It  is  a  place  of  serenity.  There  is  no  rush,  yet  peo 
ple  live  and  the  necessary  things  get  done.  It  doesn't 
have  any  Ford  factories,  but  I  rather  fancy  it  makes  the 
men  who  go  West  and  make  the  factories. 

The  autumn  has  been  one  long  procession  of  gay  banners 
on  the  hillsides,  and  now  that  the  snow  has  come  the  pines 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    365 

are  blue  and  the  mountains  purple;  and  mountains  five 
thousand  feet  high  are  just  as  good,  more  companionable, 
than  mountains  fifteen  thousand  feet  high.  What  is  more 
lovely,  stately  and  of  finer  color  than  a  line  of  these  receding 
hills  which  walk  away  from  you,  as  if  they  continued  clear 
across  the  continent  ? 

I  must  get  out  against  my  wish,  to  have  a  lot  more  testing 
done  —  for  this  doctor  differs  with  the  others  —  and  I 
rather  think  he  is  right.  But  I  hope  to  get  back  here  and 
enjoy  this  air.  No  wonder  this  stock  was  for  prohibition, 
the  air  itself  is  an  intoxicant,  especially  when  the  snow  is 
on  the  ground  and  it  comes  to  you  gently ;  it  is  as  bracing 
as  a  cocktail,  not  a  sensuous  wine  like  the  Santa  Barbara 
air  —  tell  Vogelsang  this  —  but  I  presume  more  like  the 
High  Sierras,  where  the  fishing  is  good. 

I  shall  read  your  speeches  with  the  deepest  interest. 
Keep  up  the  publicity.  It  affects  Congress  and  it  justifies 
the  good  doctrine  we  have  preached.  Cordially, 

F.  K.  LANE 

Have  read  the  speeches  and  they  are  everything  they 
should  be.  Right  theory,  clear  statement,  conclusive  facts. 
A  few  too  many  figures  perhaps,  you  should  keep  your  prime 
figures  in  the  air  longer  so  they  can  be  visualized.  This 
may  be  called  juggling  figures  in  the  right  sense. 

LANE 

To  George  W.  Wickersham 

Bethel,  Maine,  18  [November,  1920] 

MY  DEAR  G.  W.,  —  I  have  your  good  letter.  By  'good'  I 
mean  many  things  —  well  done  as  a  bit  of  sketchy  composi 
tion,  a  welcome  letter,  kindly  also  in  spirit,  cheering,  timely, 
telling  of  things  that  interest  the  receiver,  one,  too,  having 


366         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

the  flavor  of  the  household  whence  it  comes,  altogether  a 
good  letter.  I  had  one  also  from  Her;  which  I  brutally 
answered  with  a  preachment  —  in  pencil,  too,  for  I  can't 
write  with  comfort  at  a  desk  and,  after  all,  what  have  white 
paper  and  ink  in  common  with  these  woods  ?  I  am  for 
harmony  —  a  reconciler,  like  Harding.  .  .  . 

Root,  as  you  say,  would  give  a  good  smack  to  the  meal. 
The  country  would  at  once  say  Harding  knows  how  to  set 
a  good  table.  But  tell  me  —  will  he  be  a  Taft  ?  a  McKin- 
ley  ?  a  Hayes  ?  or  a  Grant  ?  Pshaw  !  why  should  I  ask  such 
a  question  ?  Who  knows  what  a  man  will  turn  out  to  be ! 
Events  may  make  him  greater  than  any,  or  less.  A  war,  a 
bullet,  a  timely  word  of  warning  to  a  foreign  power,  a  fierce 
fight  with  some  unliked  home  group,  the  right  sort  of  a  deal 
on  postal  rates  with  newspapers  and  magazines — any  one 
of  these  might  lift  him  into  a  national  hero ;  while  a  sneaking 
act  revealed,  a  little  too  much  caution,  a  period  of  business 
depression,  would  send  him  tumbling  out  of  the  skies. 

These  be  indeed  no  days  for  prophesying  —  Wilson  gone, 
Clemenceau  gone,  Venizelos  gone,  —  Lloyd  George  alone 
left !  The  wise  boy  had  his  election  at  the  right  moment, 
didn't  he?  Surely  statesmanship  is  four-fifths  politics. 
Harding's  danger,  as  I  see  it,  will  lie  in  his  timidity.  He 
fears ;  and  fear  is  the  poison  gas  which  comes  from  the  Dev 
il's  factory.  Courage  is  oxygen,  and  Fear  is  carbon  mon 
oxide.  One  comes  from  Heaven  —  so  you  find  Wells  says, 
—  and  the  other  would  turn  the  universe  back  into  primeval  * 
chaos.  Wilson,  be  it  said  to  his  eternal  glory,  did  not  fear. 
They  send  word  to  me  from  the  inside  that  he  believed  in 
Cox's  election  up  to  the  last  minute,  although  the  whole 
Cabinet  told  him  defeat  was  sure.  He  "was  right,  and  right 
would  prevail"  —  surely  such  faith,  even  in  oneself,  is  al 
most  genius ! 


POLITICAL   COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    367 

I  am  glad  you  put  Lincoln  first  in  your  list  of  great  Amer 
icans.  I  decided  that  question  for  myself  when  I  came  to 
hang  some  pictures  in  my  library.  Washington  or  Lin 
coln  on  top?  And  Lincoln  got  it.  I  have  recently  read 
all  his  speeches  and  papers,  and  the  man  is  true  from  the 
first  day  to  the  last.  The  same  philosophy  and  the  same 
reasoning  were  good  in  1861  as  in  1841.  He  was  large 
enough  for  a  great  day  —  could  any  more  be  said  of  any 
one? 

Lincoln  made  Seward  and  Chase  and  Stanton  and  Blair 
his  mates.  He  did  not  fear  them.  He  wished  to  walk  with 
the  greatest,  not  with  trucklers  and  fawners,  court  satellites 
and  panderers.  His  great  soul  was  not  warm  enough  to 
fuse  them  —  they  were  rebellious  ore  —  but  his  simplicities 
were  not  to  be  mastered  by  their  elaborate  cogencies. 

McKinley  was  simple  in  his  nature,  at  bottom  a  dear  boy 
of  kind  heart,  who  put  his  hand  into  the  big  fist  of  Mark 
Hanna  and  was  led  to  glory. 

Is  Harding  great  and  masterful  in  his  simplicity,  or  trust 
ful  and  yielding?  and  if  the  latter  where  is  the  Hanna? 
Well,  I  don't  want  to  die  in  these  next  few  months,  anyway, 
till  some  questions  are  answered.  This  would  be  a  part  of 
my  Cabinet  if  I  were  Harding :  —  Root,  State ;  Hoover, 
Treasury ;  Warren  of  Michigan,  Attorney-General ;  Wood, 
War;  Willard  (of  Baltimore  &  Ohio),  Postmaster-General; 
Hays,  Labor;  Lowden,  Interior;  Weeks,  Navy. 

I  would  put  you  and  Taft  on  the  Supreme  Bench  and 
scour  the  country  for  strong  men  for  the  Commissions 
which  have  mostly  third-rate  men  on  them. 

Well,  chat  with  me  some  more  for  I  am  much  in  the  house 
now  that  snow  has  come,  and  reading  what  Colonel  Gibbon 
has  to  say  as  to  the  Fall  of  Rome  is  not  what  you  would  call 
current  literature,  tho'  much  of  it  has  the  charm  of  gossip. 


368         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

You  enviously  write  of  my  opportunity  to  read  and  contem 
plate.  I  have  done  some  of  both.  But  that's  a  monk's 
life,  and  even  a  monk  has  a  cell  of  his  own,  and  a  bit  of  gar 
den  to  play  with ;  and  he  can  think  upon  a  God  that  is  his 
very  own,  an  Israelitish  Providence;  and,  in  his  egotism, 
be  content.  Yes,  with  a  cell  and  a  book  and  a  garden  and 
an  intimate  God,  one  should  be  satisfied  to  forego  even 
health.  But  I  hold  with  old  Cicero  that  the  "whole  glory 
of  virtue  is  in  activity,"  and  therefore  I  call  my  discontent 
divine. 

You  speak  of  great  Americans,  and  have  named  all  four 
from  political  life.  I  concur  in  your  selection.  Now  what 
writers  would  you  say  were  most  distinctly  American  in 
thought  and  most  influential  upon  our  thought,  men  who  a 
hundred  years  hence  will  be  regarded  not  great  as  literary 
men  but  as  American  social,  spiritual,  and  economic  phi 
losophers?  It  occurs  to  me  that  this  singular  trio  might 
be  selected  —  Emerson,  Henry  George,  and  William  James. 
What  say  you  ? 

Say  "Hello"  to  the  young  Colonel  for  me. 

F.  K.  L. 

Lincoln  haunted  Lane's  imagination,  the  humor,  friend 
liness,  loneliness,  and  greatness  of  the  man.  This  —  written 
for  no  formal  occasion  but  to  express  part  of  his  feeling  — 
has  found  its  way  to  others  who,  too,  reverence  the  great 
American. 

Lincoln's  Eyes 

I  never  pass  through  Chicago  without  visiting  the  statue 
of  Lincoln  by  St.  Gaudens  and  standing  before  it  for  a  mo 
ment  uncovered.  It  is  to  me  all  that  America  is,  physically 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    369 

and  spiritually.  I  look  at  those  long  arms  and  long  legs, 
large  hands  and  feet,  and  I  think  that  they  represent  the 
physical  strength  of  this  country,  its  power  and  its  youthful 
awkwardness.  Then  I  look  up  at  the  head  and  see  quali 
ties  which  have  made  the  American  —  the  strong  chin,  the 
noble  brow,  those  sober  and  steadfast  eyes.  They  were  the 
eyes  of  one  who  saw  with  sympathy  and  interpreted  with 
common  sense.  They  were  the  eyes  of  earnest  idealism  lim 
ited  and  checked  by  the  possible  and  the  practicable.  They 
were  the  eyes  of  a  truly  humble  spirit,  whose  ambition  was 
not  a  love  for  power  but  a  desire  to  be  supremely  useful. 
They  were  eyes  of  compassion  and  mercy  and  a  deep  un 
derstanding.  They  saw  far  more  than  they  looked  at. 
They  believed  in  far  more  than  they  saw.  They  loved  men 
not  for  what  they  were  but  for  what  they  might  become. 
They  were  patient  eyes,  eyes  that  could  wait  and  wait  and 
live  on  in  the  faith  that  right  would  win.  They  were  eyes 
which  challenged  the  nobler  things  in  men  and  brought  out 
the  hidden  largeness.  They  were  humorous  eyes  that  saw 
things  in  their  true  proportions  and  in  their  real  relation 
ships.  They  looked  through  cant  and  pretense  and  the  great 
and  little  vanities  of  great  and  little  men.  They  were  the 
eyes  of  an  unflinching  courage  and  an  unfaltering  faith  ris 
ing  out  of  a  sincere  dependence  upon  the  Master  of  the 
Universe.  To  believe  in  Lincoln  is  to  learn  to  look  through 
Lincoln's  eyes. 


To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 

Bethel,  18  [November,  1920] 

MY  DEAR  B.  I.,  —  From  both  ends  of  this  continent  we  talk 
to  each  other.  We  have  both  retired  from  active  things 
and  can  with  some  degree  of  removal,  and  from  some  alti- 


370         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

tude,  look  upon  the  affairs  of  men.  Frankly,  it  challenges 
all  my  transcendental  philosophy  to  convince  me  that 
"deep  love  lieth  under  these  pictures  of  time."  And  yet  I 
must  so  believe  or  die.  It  is  a  disheartening  time  —  Wil 
son,  a  wreck  and  beaten.  Clemenceau,  beaten  and  out. 
And  now  Venizelos  gone.  Only  Lloyd  George,  the  crafty, 
quick-turning,  sometimes-lying,  never-wholly-frank  poli 
tician  left,  because  he  called  his  election  when  spirits  had 
not  fallen. 

And  little  men  take  their  places,  while  Bolshevism  drives 
Wrangel  into  the  sea,  possesses  all  Russia  and  Siberia,  and 
is  a  success  politically  and  militarily,  tho'  a  failure  eco 
nomically  and  socially.  We  have  passed  the  danger  of  red 
anarchy  in  America,  I  think,  tho'  no  one  should  prophesy 
as  to  any  event  of  to-morrow.  Communism,  and  socialism 
with  it,  have  been  made  to  pause.  Yet  nothing  construc 
tive  is  opened  by  the  world  for  men  to  think  upon,  as  a 
means  of  bettering  their  lot  and  answering  the  questions 
flung  to  them  by  Russia,  Germany,  England,  and  our  own 
home  conditions. 

I  can  see  no  evidence  of  constructive  statesmanship  on 
this  side  the  water,  excepting  in  Hoover.  The  best  man  in 
Congress  is  Lenroot,  and  he  writes  me  that  unless  the  Re 
publicans  do  something  more  than  fail  to  make  mistakes 
that  the  Democrats  will  take  the  power  from  them  in  an 
other  four  years.  But  I  am  nothing  for  parties.  I  cannot 
wait  for  an  opposition  to  come  in.  I  would  like  to  see  t% 
Republicans  now  address  themselves  to  the  problems  of  the 

(world  at  large  and  of  this  land.  If  Knox  is  to  be  Secretary 
of  State,  as  the  rumor  is,  we  will  have  Steel  Trust  Diplo 
macy,  —  which  will  give  us  safety  abroad,  which  is  more 
than  we  have  had  for  some  years  —  but  it  will  be  without 
vision,  without  love  for  mankind.  Root  would  give  the 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    371 

Republicans  great  assurance  and  confidence.  He  would 
make  them  smack  their  lips  and  feel  that  Harding  was  not 
afraid  of  the  best  near  him.  Hoover  may  or  may  not  have 
a  Cabinet  place,  but  his  brain  is  the  best  thing  working  in 
America  to-day,  on  our  questions.  If  Penrose  and  Co.  beat 
him  they  will  regret  it. 

If  I  were  Harding  I'd  put  Root,  Lowden,  Wood,  Hoover, 
and  Johnson  if  he  wanted  it,  into  my  Cabinet  and  I'd  gather 
all  the  men  of  mind  in  the  country  and  put  them  at  work  on 
specific  questions  as  advisees  to  me,  under  Cabinet  officers. 
One  group  on  Taxes  and  Finance,  one  on  Labor  and  Capital, 
one  on  Internal  Improvements,  one  on  Education  and 
Health.  And  have  a  program  agreeable  to  Congress, 
which  is  sterile  because  it  is  a  messenger-boy  force  for 
constituents. 

The  Democrats  could  do  this  if  they  had  the  men, — 
but  look  over  the  nation  and  see  how  short  we  are  of  talent 
of  any  kind.  It  may  be  an  opposition  party  but  it  has  no 
force,  no  will,  no  self-confidence.  It  hopes  for  a  miracle, 
vainly  hopes.  It  cannot  gather  twenty  first-rate  minds  in 
the  nation  to  make  a  program  for  the  party.  I  tried  it  the 
other  day  —  men  interested  in  political  affairs,  outside 
Congress  —  try  it  yourself.  Get  twenty  big  enough  to 
draft  a  national  program  of  legislation  for  the  party.  I 
sent  the  suggestion  to  George  White,  chairman  of  the  Na 
tional  Committee,  and  gave  him  a  list,  and  at  the  head  I 
put  you  and  President  Eliot,  classing  you  both  as  Demo 
crats,  which  probably  neither  of  you  call  yourselves  now, 
tho'  both  voted  for  Cox.  .  .  . 

If  I  get  to  California  I  must  see  you.  But  I  shall  play 
my  string  out  here  before  trying  the  Western  land.  My 
best  regards  to  the  Lady.  Yours  always, 

LANE 


372         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt 

Bethel,  Maine,  [November,  1920] 

To  THE  DEAR  RoosEVELTS,  —  ...  You  realized  what  was 
coming,  but  I  fear  Cox  did  not ;  could  not  believe  that  his 
star  would  not  pull  through.  I  wish  Georgia  and  Alabama 
had  gone,  too.  The  American  born  did  not  like  Wilson 
because  he  was  not  frank,  was  too  selfish  and  opinionated. 
The  foreign  born  did  not  like  his  foreign  settlements.  So 
they  voted  "no  confidence"  in  his  party.  What  we  will  do 
in  this  land  of  mixed  peoples  is  a  problem.  Our  policies 
now  are  to  be  determined  by  Fiume  and  Ireland  —  not  by 
real  home  concerns.  This  is  dangerous  in  the  extreme. 
Demagogues  can  win  to  power  by  playing  to  the  prejudices 
of  those  not  yet  fully  American.  ...  As  always, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Lathrop  Brown 

Bethel,  [November]  20,  [1920] 

MY  DEAR  LATHROP,  —  You  are  wrong,  dead  wrong,  vi 
ciously,  wilfully  wrong.  I  do  like  this  exact  science  busi 
ness.  I  worked  at  it  and  in  it  on  the  railroad  problems  for 
seven  years.  There  is  only  one  thing  that  beats  it,  puts  it 
on  the  blink,  and  that  is  inexact  human  nature  which  does 
wicked  things  to  figures  and  facts  and  theories  and  plans 
and  hopes.  Prove,  if  you  will,  that  there  is  no  margin  at  all 
over  wages,  and  a  nominal  return  on  capital,  and  you  do  not 
kill  the  desire  of  someone  to  run  the  shop.  .  .  . 

Talking  of  business  men,  what  about  the  Shipping  Board  ? 
O,  my  boy,  they  have  something  to  explain  —  these  Hur 
leys  and  Schwabs !  .  .  .  How  does  this  sound  to  you  ? 
They  let  their  own  tanks  lie  idle,  commandeered  those  of 
Doheny  and  rented  them  to  the  Standard  Oil  —  so  that 
they  could  bid  when  Doheny  couldn't  —  eh,  what  ?  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    373 

To  Timothy  Spellacy 

Bethel,  [November]  22,  [1920] 

MY  DEAR  TIM,  —  I  hear  from  Mike  that  you  are  not  in 
New  York,  and  so  I  am  writing  you  out  of  "love  and  affec 
tion,"  as  I  hope  to  see  Mike  but  won't  see  you  when  I  go  to 
New  York  for  Thanksgiving.  It  was  my  hope  that  we 
three  could  have  a  good  talk  over  Mike's  Colombia  plans, 
but  do  not  trouble  yourself  with  these  business  concerns. 
Get  well  —  that's  the  job  for  both  you  and  me.  We  have 
been  too  extravagant  of  ourselves,  and  especially  you,  you 
big-hearted,  energetic,  unselfish  son  of  Erin!  Eighteen 
years  I  have  known  you  and  never  a  word  or  an  act  have  I 
heard  of  or  seen  that  did  not  make  me  feel  that  the  cam 
paign  for  Governor  was  worth  while,  because  it  gave  me 
your  acquaintance,  friendship,  affection.  And  Ned  and 
George  love  you  as  I  do.  When  I  get  mad,  as  I  do  some 
times,  over  something  that  the  Irish  do,  I  always  am 
tempted  to  a  hard  generalization  that  I  am  compelled  to 
modify,  because  of  you  and  Mike  and  Dan  O'Neill,  in  San 
Francisco  —  and  a  few  more  of  the  Great  Irish  —  .... 

Well,  my  dear  fellow,  drop  me  a  line  when  you  feel  like  it 
and  be  sustained  in  your  weakness  by  the  unfaltering  affec 
tion  of  thousands  who  know  you,  among  them  - 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


To  Frank  I.  Cobb 

New  York  World 

New  York,  December  6,  [1920] 

DEAR  FRANK, —  You  are  right,  but  too  far  ahead.  We 
must  come  to  Cabinet  responsibility,  and  I  am  with  you  as 
an  agitator.  Twenty  years  may  see  it. 

This  morning  you  chide  the  Republicans  for  not  having 
a  program.     Good   God,   man,   why   so  partisan?     What 


374         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

program  have  we?  Will  we  just  oppose;  vote  "Nay/*  to 
all  they  propose  ?  That  way  insures  twenty  years  as  "  outs  " 
—  and  we  won't  deserve  to  be  in.  What  we  lack  is  just 
plain  brains.  We  have  a  slushy,  sentimental  Democracy, 
but  don't  have  men  who  can  concrete-ize  feeling  into  policy, 
if  you  know  what  that  means.  A  program  —  a  practicable, 
constructive  program  —  quietly  drawn,  agreeable  to  the 
leaders  in  both  Houses,  pushed  for,  advocated  loudly ! 
That's  our  one  hope  —  Agree  ?  Yours  cordially, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  G.  Gehring 

New  York,  December  9,  [1920] 

Well,  my  dear  Doctor,  here  I  am  at  another  cross-roads. 
...  I  leave  ...  in  a  day  or  two  with  a  new  dietary  and 
some  good  advice.  The  latter  in  tabloid  form  being :  — 
"Drop  business  for  a  time,  go  into  it  again  slowly,  and 
gradually  creep  into  your  job."  All  of  which  is  wise,  and 
commends  itself  greatly  to  my  erstwhile  mind,  but  is  much 
like  saying,  "Jump  off  the  Brooklyn  bridge,  slowly." 

...  I  am  not  resigned,  of  course.  Because  I  cannot 
see  the  end.  Definiteness  is  so  imperative  to  some  natures. 
However,  I  think  that  I  have  done  all  that  an  exacting  Deity 
would  demand,  and  cannot  be  accused  of  suicide,  if  things 
go  badly. 

Our  plan  is  to  go  to  Washington  to  see  some  old  friends 
thence  south  and  so  to  California,  for  a  couple  of  monthp. 
Delightful  program  if  one  had  health,  but  in  exchange  I 
would  gladly  take  a  sentence  to  three  months  in  a  chain- 
gang  on  the  roads. 

One  of  my  friends  has  suggestively  sent  me  Burton's 
Anatomy  of  Melancholy.  To  offset  it  I  went  out  at  once 
and  bought  a  new  suit  of  bright  homespun  clothes  and  a  red 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    375 

overcoat  —  pretty  red.  In  addition  I  have  a  New  Thought 
doctor  giving  me  absent  treatment.  I  am  experimenting 
with  Hindu  deep  breathing,  rhythmical  breathing,  in  which 
the  lady  who  runs  this  hospital  is  an  adept.  And  what 
with  an  osteopath  and  a  regular  and  a  nurse  and  predigested 
food,  I  am  not  shirking.  If  melancholy  gets  the  better  of 
me  now  —  Kismet ! 

Tell  your  dear  Lady  that  it  was  infinitely  good  of  her  to 
write,  (and  she  has,  I  may  say,  quite  as  brilliant  a  pen-style 
as  speech.)  And  one  day  I  shall  write  her  when  the  world 
looks  better.  My  best  reading  has  been  William  James* 
Letters;  and  that  which  amused  me  most  a  new  novel,  en 
titled  Potterism,  by  Rose  Macauley,  which  cuts  into  the 
cant  and  humbug  of  the  world  right  cruelly. 

I  see  your  beautiful  serene  landscape  and  envy  you. 
And  I  envy  those  who  hear  your  hearty  chuckle  each  morn 
ing  in  the  Inn.  As  always, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  W.  Hallowell 

New  York,  December  9,  [1920] 

DEAR  JACK,  —  I  have  tried  out  New  York  again  and  find 
it  lacking  as  before.  No  help  !  They  do  not  know.  ...  So 
I  am  going  to  California.  ...  I  wish  I  were  to  be  near  you 
—  you  really  have  a  special  old  corner  in  all  that  is  left  of 
my  heart.  And  one  of  these  days  we'll  indulge  ourselves  in 
a  good  time  —  a  long  pull  together  again. 

I  have  been  reading  William  James'  Letters  —  and  real 
literature  they  are  —  far  better  than  all  your  novels.  What 
a  great  Man  —  a  mind,  plus  a  man.  Not  to  have  known 
James  in  the  last  generation  is  to  have  missed  its  greatest 
intellect ;  Roosevelt  and  James  and  Henry  George  were  the 
three  greatest  forces  of  the  last  thirty  years.  Sometime 


376         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

when  you  come  across  a  good  photo  or  engraving  or  wood 
cut,  or  something,  of  James,  will  you  buy  it  and  send  it  to 
me  ?  I  want  a  human  one  —  not  a  professional  one.  I 
guess  he  couldn't  be  the  pedantic  kind  anyway. 

Billy  Phillips  has  a  new  baby-boy  born  Monday. 

My  plan  is  to  leave  here  in  a  week,  go  to  Washington  and 
see  Nancy,  and  get  a  glimpse  of  some  of  my  old  people  in 
the  Department,  thence  to  South  Carolina  and  then  prob 
ably  California  for  two  or  three  months.  Ah  me  —  most 
people  would  think  this  luxury  —  I  think  it  hell !  But  it 
may  be  for  my  great  spiritual  good.  Certainly  if  I  could 
have  you  to  walk  with  for  these  months,  and  more  of  Wil 
liam  James  to  read,  I  could  take  a  step  or  two  forward. 

Have  also  been  reading  a  bit  of  Buddhism  lately.  It  is 
too  negative  —  that  is  almost  its  chief  if  not  its  only  defect, 
as  an  attitude  toward  life.  It  won't  make  things  move 
but  it  will  make  souls  content.  And  I  can't  get  away  from 
the  thought  that  we  are  here  as  conquerors,  not  as  pacifists. 
I  can't  be  the  latter,  save  in  the  desire. 

Peabody  dropped  in  yesterday  from  Chicago.  (I  have 
forgotten  whether  you  knew  him  well  or  not.)  Able  chap, 
fond  of  me,  as  I  of  him.  My  boy  works  for  him.  He  sent 
me  a  gorgeous  edition  of  Burton's  Anatomy  of  Melancholy 
which  I  have  always  wanted,  largely  because  it  is  one  of  the 
curiosities  of  the  world.  .  .  . 

Write  me  as  often  as  your  Quaker  spirit  moves  you  to 
utterance.  Your  dinner  got  quite  a  send-off  in  these  pa-, 
pers,  which  is  something,  for  New  York  to  recognize  Bos 
ton  !  Terribly  tough  job  though.  Poor  babies !  Hard 
to  believe  in  a  good  God  and  a  kind  God,  isn't  it  ? 

I  hear  talk  of  shoving  Hoover  outside  the  breastworks. 
Fools !  Fools !  Best  for  him  but  worse  for  the  country. 
Whole  question  of  Republican  success  turns  on  the  largeness 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  —  LINCOLN'S  EYES    377 

of  Harding.  I  don't  ask  a  Lincoln  —  much  less  will  do. 
If  he  is  only  a  smooth-footed  politician  he  will  fail.  So  far 
he  has  been  the  gentleman.  .  .  . 

My  love  to  your  whole  circle,  from  Grandmother  down. 
Affectionately, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  G.  Gehring 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  December  31,  [1920] 

MY  DEAR  PADRE,  —  It  is  the  last  night  of  an  unhappy  year. 
Never  do  I  wish  for  such  another.  No  joy  —  defeat,  dreary 
waiting.  These  words  describe  not  merely  my  personal 
history  and  attitude  but  fairly  picture  those  of  the  world. 
It  took  guts  to  live  through  such  an  unillumined,  non 
productive,  soul-depressing  year.  Did  any  good  come  out  of 
it  ?  Yes,  to  me  just  one  thing  good  —  I  came  to  know  you, 
your  Lady  and  the  beauteousness  of  Bethel.  And  after  all 
a  man  does  not  do  any  better  in  any  year  than  make  a 
friend.  No  man  makes  seventy  friends  in  a  life-time,  does 
he  ?  So  I  must  not  repine  nor  let  the  year  go  out  in  bitter 
ness.  On  the  credit  side  of  my  account  book  I  have  some 
thing  that  can  be  carried  over  into  1921,  whereas  most 
people  can  only  carry  over  Hope. 

I  hope  there  is  something  significant  and  more  than  sug 
gestive  in  my  turning  up  here  on  the  last  day  of  the  year  for 
examination  —  "Getting  a  ready  on"  for  a  New  Year- 
that's  what  you  would  optimistically  shout  if  you  were  here, 
I  know.  And  that  is  my  Goodbye  word  to  1920  —  "You 
haven't  beaten  me,  and  I  have  lived  to  take  your  brush." 

I  am  being  ground  and  wound  and  twisted  and  fed  into 
and  out  of  the  Mayo  mill,  and  a  great  mill  it  is.  Of  course 
they  are  giving  me  a  private  view,  so  to  speak.  Distin 
guished  consideration  is  a  modest  word  for  the  way  in  which 


378         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

I  am  treated  —  not  because  of  my  worth  but  because  of 
my  friends  —  .  Those  men  are  greater  as  organizers,  I 
believe,  than  as  workmen,  which  is  saying  much  indeed, 
for  they  are  the  surgeons  supreme.  .  .  .  Two  to  three 
hundred  people,  new  people,  a  day  pass  through  [their 
shop].  Sixty  to  seventy  thousand  a  year  received,  ex 
amined,  diagnosed,  treated  perhaps,  operated  on  (fifty  per 
cent),  and  cared  for.  The  machinery  for  this  is  colossal 
and  superbly  arranged. 

Dr.  Mayo  told  me  to  come  over  at  two  o'clock  and  reg 
ister.  ...  I  stood  in  line  and  was  duly  registered,  telling 
name,  and  other  such  facts,  non-medical.  Then  a  special 
guide  took  me  to  Dr.  Mayo,  who  had  already  heard  my 
story  at  the  hotel  but  who  wished  it  in  writing.  Ac 
cordingly,  I  was  presented  to  a  group  of  the  staff  and 
one  man  assigned  as  my  escort.  I  answered  him  a 
thousand  questions,  touching  my  physical  life  for  fifty- 
six  years.  Then  to  the  tonsil  man,  who  saw  a  distinct 
"focus,"  now  there,  a  focus  in  the  tonsils!  Nose  and  ears 
without  focus  or  focii  or  focuses.  Down  an  elevator, 
through  a  labyrinth  of  halls,  down  an  inclined  plane,  up  a 
flight  of  steps,  two  turns  to  the  left  and  then  a  group  of  the 
grumpiest  girls  I  ever  saw  or  heard  or  felt.  They  were  good 
looking,  too,  but  they  didn't  care  to  win  favor  with  mere 
males.  They  had  a  higher  purpose,  no  doubt.  They 
openly  sneered  at  my  doctor  escort.  They  lifted  their  eye 
brows  at  my  good-looking  young  son,  and  they  told  me 
precisely  where  to  sit  down.  I  was  not  spoken  to  further. 
My  ear  was  punched  and  blood  was  taken  in  tubes  and  on 
slides  by  young  ladies  who  did  not  care  how  much  of  my 
blood  they  spilled  or  extracted.  They  were  so  business 
like,  so  mechanical,  so  dehumanized,  these  young  ladies 
with  microscopes!  One  said  cryptically  "57,"  another 


POLITICAL  COUNSEL  — LINCOLN'S  EYES    379 

said  "53."  I  was  full  of  curiosity  but  I  did  not  ask  a  ques 
tion.  They  tapped  me  as  if  I  were  a  spring  —  a  fountain 
filled  with  blood  —  and  gave  me  neither  information, 
gaiety  or  entertainment  in  exchange.  Each  one  I  am  con 
vinced  has  by  this  life  of  near-crime,  which  she  pursues  for 
a  living,  become  capable  (>f  actual  murder. 

Thus  has  my  first  day  gone.  It  is  cold  here  —  slushy 
underfoot,  snow  dirty,  sky  dark.  How  different  from  a 
place  we  know ! 

There  are  one  hundred  and  fifty  physicians  and  surgeons 
in  the  clinic,  and  Heaven  knows  how  many  hundred  em 
ployees.  No  hospitals  are  owned  and  run  by  the  Mayos; 
all  these  are  private,  outside  affairs.  The  side  tracks  are 
filled  with  private  cars  of  the  wealthy.  Scores  of  resi 
dences,  large,  small,  fine,  and  shabby  are  little  hospitals. 
The  town  has  grown  5,000  in  five  years,  all  on  account 
of  the  Mayos,  these  two  sons  of  a  great  country  doctor 
who  without  a  college  education  have  gathered  the  world's 
talent  to  them. 

I  am  tomorrow  to  be  medically  examined  further,  to  the 
revealing  of  my  terrible  past,  my  perturbed  present,  and 
pacific  future.  The  result  of  which  necromancy  I  shall 
duly  report.  I  am  afraid  that  they  will  not  find  that  an 
operation  will  do  good,  if  so  I  shall  truly  despair.  And  if 
they  decide  for  the  knife,  I  shall  go  to  the  guillotine  like 
the  gayest  Marquis  of  the  ancient  regime.  Yes,  I  should 
do  better  for  I  have  my  chance,  and  he,  poor  chap,  had 
none. 

I  received  your  Christmas  present  in  the  spirit  that  sent 
it.  I  can't  say  "No  !  No  !"  -  for  I  preach  mixing  pleasure 
with  business.  Things  are  all  wrong  when  we  don't.  I 
will  never  repay  you.  If  I  could,  or  did,  you  would  re 
ceive  none  of  the  blessings  that  come  from  giving  gifts. 


380        LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K  LANE 

The  truth  is,  we  knew  each  other  years  ago,  perhaps  cen 
turies  ago,  and  you  have  done  a  good  turn  to  an  old  friend 
for  which  the  old  friend  is  glad,  because  it  makes  the  tie 
more  binding. 

I  told  you  I  would  send  Wells'  history  to  you,  and  to  it 
I  have  added  one  of  the  greatest  of  human  documents, 
William  James'  Letters.  I  hope  you  love  the  largeness  of 
the  man,  to  be  large  and  playful  and  useful,  I  say,  man,  can 
you  beat  that  combination?  I  believe  I  know  another 
beside  James  who  meets  the  specifications.  And  strangely 
enough  he,  too,  evolved  from  physician  to  psychologist,  to 
philosopher. 

Well,  here's  hoping  that  he  and  his  High-Souled  Partner 
meet  with  many  joys  and  few  sorrows  in  1921. 

F.  K.  L. 


XIII 

LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH 

1919-1920 

To  Mrs.  Ralph  Ellis 

[Camden,  North  Carolina,  March,  1919] 

MY  DEAR  ELIZABETH,  —  And  so  they  call  you  a  Bolshevik ! 
a  parlor  Bolshevik !  Well,  I  am  not  surprised  for  your 
talk  gives  justification  for  calling  you  almost  anything, 
except  a  dull  person.  When  one  is  adventurous  in  mind  and 
in  speech  —  perfectly  willing  to  pioneer  into  all  sorts  of 
mountains  and  morasses — the  stay-at-homes  always  furnish 
them  with  purposes  that  they  never  had  and  throw  them 
into  all  kinds  of  loose  company.  I  have  forgotten  whether 
or  no  there  was  a  Mrs.  Columbus,  but  if  the  Old  Man  on 
his  return  spoke  an  admiring  word  of  the  Indian  girls  he  saw 
on  Santo  Domingo  you  may  be  sure  that  he  was  at  once 
regarded  as  having  outdone  that  Biblical  hero  who  ex 
claimed,  "Vanity  of  Vanities,  all  is  Vanity!,"  after  having 
run  his  personal  attachees  up  into  the  thousand. 

Yes,  the  very  solemn  truth  is  that  adventuring  is  dangerous 
business,  and  mental  adventuring  most  dangerous  of  all. 
We  forgive  those  who  do  things  that  are  strange,  really  more 
readily  than  those  who  talk  of  doing  them.  People  are  really 
afraid  of  talk,  and  rightly  so,  I  believe.  The  mind  that 
goes  reaching  out  and  up  and  around  and  through  is  a  dis 
turber,  it  bumps  into  every  kind  of  fixed  notion  and  takes 

3S1 


382         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

off  a  chip  here  and  there,  it  probes  into  all  sorts  of  mysteries 
and  opens  them  to  find  that  they  are  hollow  wind-bag  affairs, 
tho'  always  held  as  holy  of  holies  heretofore.  To  think, 
to  speculate,  to  wonder,  to  query  —  these  imply  imagination, 
and  the  Devil  has  just  one  function  in  this  Universe  —  to 
destroy,  to  kill,  or  suppress  or  to  divert  or  prevent  the 
imagination.  Imagination  is  the  Divine  Spark,  and  old 
Beelzebub  has  had  his  hands  full  ever  since  that  spark  was 
born.  "As  you  were,"  is  his  one  military  command.  His 
diabolical  energy  is  challenged  to  its  utmost  when  he  hears 
the  words  "Forward  March!"  There  is  not  much  — 
anything  —  of  beauty  or  nobility  or  achievement  in  the  world 
that  he  has  not  fought,  and  all  of  it  has  been  the  fruit  of 
imagination,  the  working  of  the  creative  mind.  You  see 
I  come  very  near  to  believing  in  that  old  personal  Devil 
which  my  Presbyterian  father  saw  so  vividly,  and  which  our 
friend  Wells  has  recently  discovered.  Satan  is  smart,  and 
that  is  a  very  dreadful  thing  to  be.  I  never  like  to  hear 
the  Yankee  called  smart,  it  is  a  term  of  reproach.  I  don't 
like  to  think  of  a  Smart  Set.  And  my  refuge  is  in  the  knowl 
edge  that  there  is  just  one  thing  that  destroys  smartness 
and  that  is,  to  put  it  in  a  very  high-sounding  word,  Nobility. 
There  is  the  test  we  can  all  put  to  ourselves  —  and  it  really 
is  conscience  and  ethics  and  religion  all  in  one  —  is  the  idea 
smart  or  is  it  noble  ?  I'd  take  my  chances  of  going  to  Heaven 
on  the  conformity  of  conduct  to  that  criterion. 

But  all  this  seems  a  far  way  from  Parlor  Bolshevism  — ? 
yet  it  is  not  so  far.  For  it  all  comes  down  to  this.  The  Lord 
he  prompts  us  to  think  and  to  advance,  and  the  Devil  he 
urges  us  to  be  smart,  to  switch  our  thinkings,  our  very  right 
thinkings,  our  progressive  impulses,  to  side  tracks  that  will 
serve  his  ends. 

And  that  is  just  what  is  happening  to  a  lot  of  the  finest 


LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH  383 

minds.  Men  and  women  who  see  clearly  that  things  are 
wrong,  who  have  enough  insight  and  knowledge  to  get  a 
glimpse  into  the  unnecessary  suffering  of  the  world  and  who 
mentally  come  down  with  a  slap-bang  declaration  that  this 
must  stop,  are  allowing  themselves  to  be  called  by  a  name 
that  history  will  execrate,  and  to  smooth  over  and  palliate 
and  defend  things  that  are  bad,  out  of  which  good  will  not 
come. 

You  have  no  love  for  Czarism  any  more  than  you  have 
for  Kaiserism.  You  do  not  care  to  make  the  world  righteous 
by  dictatorship,  because  you  know  that  it  is  not  growth  or 
the  basis  of  growth,  but  the  foundation  of  hate.  Now  the 
very  cornerstone  of  Bolshevism  is  smartness  —  the  get-even 
spirit.  Because  the  Czars  and  the  Dukes  have  oppressed 
the  poor,  because  when  this  land  was  divided  among  the 
serfs  the  division  was  not  what  it  pretended  to  be,  and 
because  the  German  business  managers  of  Russian  industry 
made  wages  and  conditions  that  were  brutal  and  brutalizing, 
the  peasants  and  workmen  have  said,  "Let  us  have  done 
with  the  whole  crew,  and  take  all  land  and  industry  into  our 
own  hands,  killing  those  who  were  our  masters  under  the 
old  economic  system.  Let  us  turn  the  whole  world  topsy 
turvy  in  a  night,  and  bring  all  down  to  where  we  are.  In 
our  aspiration  for  Beauty,  let  us  kill  what  has  been  created. 
In  our  hunt  for  Justice,  let  us  disregard  fair  dealing.  In  our 
purpose  to  level  down,  let  us  do  it  with  the  knife  ruthlessly 
and  logically."  Thus  disregarding  the  teachings  of  time, 
that  men  are  not  the  creatures  of  logic,  of  passionless  or 
passionate  theses,  but  are  the  expression  of  an  unfaltering 
Spirit.  Whenever  men  have  been  the  victims  of  logicalness 
they  have  been  wrong.  For  instance,  read  the  story  of  the 
Inquisition.  They  saw  what  they  wanted  clearly,  those 
old  Fathers  of  the  Church.  They  knew  their  objective. 


384         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

which  was  to  save  men's  souls.  And  they  thought  they 
knew  the  way.  Logic  told  them  that  those  who  preached 
heresies  were  bringing  men's  eternal  souls  to  everlasting 
hell  fire.  And  they  set  about  to  stop  the  preaching.  Had  I 
believed  as  they  did,  I  doubtless  would  have  done  as  they 
did.  But  to  be  infallibly  right  is  to  be  hopelessly  smart. 
Thus  it  is  with  all  who  take  a  paper  system  and  apply  it  to 
that  strange  thing  called  Life. 

This  is  the  defect  of  the  Intellectuals,  the  "parlor" 
Bolsheviks.  (Better  by  far  be  an  outdoor  Bolshevik,  a 
Red  Guard,  if  you  please,  one  who  is  in  and  of  the  fighting, 
who  acts,  who  lives  the  theory  !)  They  do  not  think  in 
terms  of  human  nature,  of  natural  progress,  of  real  facts. 
They  say,  "all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,"  and  at  once 
conclude  that  the  stable  boy  can  step  from  the  stable  door 
to  the  management  of  a  factory  or  into  the  legislature.  Now 
experience  teaches  that  this  is  a  most  dangerous  experiment, 
both  for  stable  boy  and  society.  The  true  philosophy  of 
Democracy  teaches  that  the  stable  boy  shall  have,  through 
school  and  the  step-ladder  of  free  institutions,  the  chance 
to  rise  to  the  management  of  industry  or  the  leadership  of 
the  Senate.  That  is  why  the  foundation  of  Democracy  is 
political.  For  out  of  political  freedom  will  come  social  and 
economic  freedom.  That  is  why  I  favor  woman  suffrage, 
it  gives  women  a  chance  to  grow,  to  think  along  new  lines 
and  grow  into  new  capacities. 

To  feel  acutely  that  things  are  badly  ordered,  and  to  feel; 
that  you  know  what  opportunities  men  and  women  and 
boys  and  girls  should  have,  is  not  a  program  of  salvation, 
it  is  only  the  impulse  toward  finding  one.  Why  then,  be 
cause  we  do  feel  so,  should  we  harness  ourselves  to  a  word 
that  implies  methods  that  we  would  not  countenance,  and 
give  character  to  a  movement  that  is  at  absolute  defiance 


LETTERS   TO  ELIZABETH  385 

with  America's  spirit  and  purpose  ?  There  is  danger,  grave 
danger,  in  doing  this.  For  we  can  upset  our  own  apple-cart 
very  easily  these  days.  I  have  no  more  of  this  world's 
goods  than  the  humblest  workingman.  No  man  is  poorer 
than  I  am,  measured  by  bank  account  standards.  The 
education  that  I  have,  I  fought  for.  Therefore  I  do  not 
speak  for  a  class.  To  defend  the  methods  by  which  some 
men  have  made  their  money  is  not  at  all  to  my  fancy.  I 
see  as  clearly,  I  think,  as  one  can,  the  necessity  for  the 
strong  arm  of  society  asserting  itself,  thrusting  itself  in  where 
it  has  not  been  supposed  to  have  any  business.  Yet  I  know 
that  a  Bolshevik  movement,  a  capturing  of  what  others 
have  gained  under  the  system  which  has  obtained,  and  the 
brutal  satisfaction  of  "  getting  even  with  the  wage-masters" 
and  making  them  feel  to  the  depths  of  their  souls  and  in 
the  pain  of  their  flesh  every  humiliation  and  torture,  will 
permanently  set  nothing  right.  America  is  fair  play.  Is  it 
a  failure  ?  \  Have  you  tried  it  long  enough  to  know  that  it 
will  not  serve  the  world,  as  you  think  the  world  should  be 
served?  Is  there  any  experiment  that  we  cannot  make? 
Are  our  hands  tied  ?  True,  our  feet  may  lag,  our  eyes  may 
not  see  far  ahead,  but  who  should  say  that  for  this  reason 
man  should  throw  aside  all  the  firmness  and  strength  and 
solidity  of  order,  forget  all  that  he  has  passed  through,  and 
start  afresh  from  the  bottom  rung  of  the  ladder  —  from 
the  muck  of  the  primitive  brute  ? 

There  are  things  that  we  would  not  hold,  that  we  think 
unworthy  of  our  philosophy,  that  must  be  changed  or  else 
our  sympathies  and  abiding  hopes  will  be  forever  offended. 
And  this  wotild  be  to  live  right  on  under  the  pointing  finger 
of  shame.  So  we  know  it  cannot  last,  this  thing  that  offends, 
the  badness  and  brutality  of  injustice,  of  unfairness  to  the 
weak,  their  inability  to  get  a  squarer  chance. 


386         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Yet  this  does  not  compel  us  to  forsake  the  hopeful  thing 
we  have,  for  which  all  men  have  striven,  these  centuries 
through.  Must  we  confess  that  revolution  is  still  necessary  ? 
Are  we  no  further  ahead  for  all  that  Pym  and  Hampden 
and  Sam  Adams  and  Washington  and  all  the  rest  of  the  glo 
rified  ones  have  done  ?  This  land  is  truly  a  land  of  promise 
because  it  may  be  a  land  of  fulfilment.  It  shows  the  way 
by  which  without  murder  and  robbery  and  class  hatred  and 
the  burning  up  of  what  has  been,  men  may  go  right  on 
making  experiments,  and  failing,  making  others  and  failing, 
and  learning  something  all  the  time. 

So,  I'm  for  America,  because,  if  nationalization  of  land 
and  industry  are  wise  experiments  to  make,  no  one  can  stop 
us  from  making  them,  if  partial  nationalization  of  either, 
or  both,  appeals  to  us  as  something  that  will  right  manifest 
wrongs,  we  can  try  that  solution.  And  to  cry  quits  on  the 
best  that  civilization  has  done,  because  all  that  is  wished 
for  may  not  be  realized  or  realizable  today,  is  to  lose  per 
spective  and  balance,  and  jump  out  the  window  because  the 
stairs  go  round  and  round. 

There  is  really  no  use,  and  therefore  no  sanity,  in  being 
too  gay  or  too  grave  over  this  old  world  of  ours.  That 
smart  Devil,  who  is  for  the  static  life,  is  just  now  particularly 
active  in  his  favorite  old  line  of  propaganda.  He  knows 
that  the  fruit  of  the  tree  will  bring  the  millennium.  Eat  it 
and  you  will  be  happy.  He  knows  the  short  cuts  to  freedom 
and  justice.  He  knows  that  the  curses  that  are  promised* 
for  the  breaking  of  the  laws  of  the  hunt  will  be  turned  into 
songs.  So  he  is  urging  and  urging,  telling  you,  with  your 
imagination  and  sensitiveness,  that  all  is  so  bad  that  it  is 
best  to  take  the  great  risk,  telling  the  poor  sightless  ones 
that  their  very  primitive  feelings  and  powers  are  the  only 
safe  guides,  their  last  ultimate  reliance  and  hope.  And  out 


LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH  387 

of  despair  comes  the  bitter  fruit  we  find  in  Russia,  where 
they  have  wrought  what  they  call  an  economic  revolution, 
but  have  in  fact  produced  nothing,  for  chaos  is  nothing. 
The  wise  Tinker  who  wrote  of  the  Pilgrim's  Progress  was 
too  true  a  Christian  Scientist,  a  Christian  and  a  Scientist, 
if  you  please,  to  picture  his  hero  reaching  the  gate  of  gold 
by  adopting  Despair  as  his  guide. 

Progress  means  the  discovery  of  the  capable.  They  are 
our  natural  masters.  They  lead  because  they  have  the  right. 
And  everything  done  to  keep  them  from  rising  is  a  blow  to 
what  we  call  civilization.  Bolshevism  is  the  supremacy  of 
the  least  capable  who  have  the  most  power,  most  physical 
power.  The  thing  Democracy  will  do  is  to  breed  capacity, 
give  capacity  its  "show."  The  premiums,  the  distinctions, 
must  go  to  capacity  to  promote  it,  to  bring  it  forth,  to  make 
it  grow,  to  be  its  sunshine.  A  chance  at  the  sunshine,  that's 
the  motto.  Sincerely  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Washington,  20  [March,  1919] 

You  said,  you  will  remember,  that  you  did  not  mind  such 
unconventional  things  as  penciled  letters  —  so  here  goes, 
Mrs.  Radium. 

This  is  to  be  a  conventional  letter,  too,  one  of  the  bread 
and  butter  variety,  the  quail  and  dove,  pigeon  pie,  creamed 
macaroni  variety,  for  all  of  which  much  thanks,  likewise 
for  much  stimulating  talk,  your  help  in  planting  my  garden, 
many  motor  flights  through  brown  woods,  and  some  most 
charming  company,  including  a  man  named  Ellis  and  his 
celebrated  son,  the  pigeon  shooter. 

We  left  you  in  the  best  possible  hands,  a  lion  and  lioness  1 
who  through  long  years  of  civilized  captivity  came  tamely 

1  Mr.  and  Mrs.  John  Galsworthy. 


388         LETTERS   OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

to  your  bars  to  be  tickled  and  patted,  and,  no  doubt,  when 
properly  fed,  purred  back.  If  I  were  you,  I  would  loot  their 
typewriter.  Therein  are  the  secrets  of  the  British  govern 
ment,  copies  of  all  unknown  treaties,  plans  for  the  extermi 
nation  of  Bolsheviki  generally  and  the  female  kind  in  par 
ticular;  likewise,  therein  you  will  find,  narrated  with 
particularity,  the  details  of  all  loose  conversations  had  with 
hotel  clerks,  commercial  travelers,  teachers,  chauffeurs,  and 
others  of  the  illuminati,  in  which  "impressions"  are  given  to 
foreign  authors  hunting  for  "copy."  Mr.  George  Creel  has 
these  aforesaid  gents  of  the  illuminati  staked  out,  so  to  speak, 
for  this  very  purpose.  Your  dear  friend  Vera,  the  political 
Vamp,  is  no  doubt  conducting  these  sweet  Innocents  abroad, 
tho'  not  in  person  of  course,  being  much  too  crafty  and 
cunning  for  that.  She  has  directed  them  by  the  wireless 
magic  of  her  mind  to  Horsebranch  on  the  Hill,  there  to 
discover  a  radiating  and  luminous  Lady,  hidden  in  the  pine 
woods,  who  will  reveal  among  other  things  the  following : 

(1)  The  nature  of  Woodrow  Wilson's  personal  character; 

(2)  The  full  reasons  for  his  conduct ;  (3)  His  occult  inter 
national  designs;    (4)    How  he  purposes   to  free  Ireland; 
(5)    The  value  of  being  House-broken;   (6)   The  real  name 
of  the  Man  in  the  Iron  Mask. 

And  much,  much  more  —  for  she  is  a  well,  a  fountain,  a 
geyser,  a  Niagara,  reversed,  of  information,  misinformation, 
knowledge,  ignorance,  modesty,  audacity,  in  captivating 
breeches  or  in  modest  demure  caps  or  in  flowing  evening* 
robe.  Wise  Vera,  wise  Creel  —  they  know  their  business  ! 
The  English  snooper,  with  typewriter  in  hand,  will  have  a 
generous  swig  of  the  Scotch  whiskey  of  the  vintage  of  '56, 
and  his  tied  tongue  will  loosen,  a  confiding  and  tender  and 
sympathetic  hand  will  softly  clasp  his,  and  the  Dark  Flower 
will  open  to  the  world  —  rather  mixed  that  figure  !  eh,  what  ? 


LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH  389 

Now,  of  course,  this  is  not  what  I  took  my  pen  in  hand 
to  write,  not  at  all.  I  had  intended  after  the  formalities 
had  been  duly  observed  to  tell  you  a  few  words  about  my 
wife.  Excellent  woman,  that !  But  very  jealous !  very ! 
No  sense  of  her  own  place !  Unwilling  to  subordinate 
herself.  Since  she  "came  into  my  life"  she  has  walked 
around  in  it  and  otherwise  behaved  familiarly  and  at  home. 
Never,  never  I  beg  of  you,  permit  anyone  to  come  into  your 
life.  It  decidedly  makes  for  clutter  and  disturbance.  How 
ever,  as  I  was  saying,  she  is  an  excellent  woman  and  has  been 
to  the  Doctor  who  says  that  she  has  suffered  much.  (Charge 
for  same  $10.)  As  he  wishes  to  make  the  same  charge  for 
many  days  the  excellent  wife  will  not  go  to  Charleston  but 
remain  here,  that  the  charge  may  lawfully  be  imposed. 
(This  is  where  the  Christian  Scientists  are  more  Scientific 
for  they  could  make  the  charge  in  absentia.) 

However  and  notwithstanding,  the  Peace  Conference 
still  lives.  By  wireless  I  have  the  news  that  Lloyd  George 
is  still  doing  politics,  that  Orlando  is  Fiuming  (give  that  one 
to  the  Englisher),  that  Colonel  House  has  not  told  all  he 
knows  to  Lansing,  and  that  Henry  White  dined  last  night 
with  a  Duchess  who  held  his  hand  four  minutes  while  telling 
him  terrible  things. 

But  this  is  too  frivolous  altogether  for  a  statesman  to  be 
writing  to  one  whose  mind  is  interested  only  in  serious  things  ! 
I  can  see  her  steady,  cold,  stern  eye  of  reproach.  "And  this 
to  me,"  she  says,  "And  'twere  not  for  thy  hoary  beard,  etc., 
etc." 

I  tell  you  frankly,  tho'  you  may  not  believe  it,  that  I  am 
not  entirely  in  a  sober  mood.  Yesterday  I  planted  bulbs 
with  a  lady  who  was  not  bulbous.  The  day  before  I  shot 
pigeons  for  a  lark.  And  I  am  boastful !  fair  boastful,  my 
Lady !  My  secretary  and  my  confidential  clerk  and  my 


390         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

many  dark-hued  messengers  are  solemnly  impressed  with 
my  prowess  with  gun  and  spade.  The  truth  shall  not  be 
heard  in  the  land.  I  am  my  own  talebearer  and  my  own 
censor.  I  know  more  about  agriculture  than  the  Secretary 
of  Agriculture,  and  I  know  more  of  Labor  than  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  same.  And  for  this,  this  glorious  bursting 
into  fruitfulness  at  so  advanced  an  age  —  you  and  your 
good  man  are  responsible  and  to  be  credited  in  the  Golden 
Book  in  which  is  written,  What  the  Plain  People  Do  for 
Each  Other. 

Thanking  you  for  the  Bread  and  Butter,  believe  me  yours 
for  Life,  Liberty  and  the  Pursuit  of  Happiness. 

F.  K.  L. 

Washington,  Saturday,  [January  19,  1920] 

I  am  clothed  in  sackcloth  and  sitting  in  ashes.  My  head 
is  bowed  in  humility  and  I  am  beating  my  breast  in  contri 
tion.  There  is  no  joy  in  my  face  and  my  eyes  look  down 
ward.  Truly  I  am  full  of  regret.  Did  she  not  write  long, 
joyous,  inquiring,  curious,  inviting  pages  to  me  ?  and  I  have 
not  answered !  And  now  will  she  ever  make  her  face  to 
shine  upon  me  and  give  me  peace  ? 

I  would  fly  to  her —  yes,  fly  to  her  in  monoplane,  biplane,  or 
triplane  —  but  many  things  deter  me.  A  wife,  who  is  busy 
with  the  Gods  of  the  Elder  Days ;  a  daughter,  who  is  busy 
with  the  God  of  the  present  day  —  to  wit,  a  young  man 
named  Philip,  surnamed  Kauffmann,  son  of  "  The  Star"  six 
feet  two  in  stockings  or  otherwise,  late  of  His  Majesty's 
Navy,  Princeton,  Football,  etc.,  etc.  The  marriage  is  to 
be  tied  in  April,  God  willing,  Nancy  ordering,  Philip  con 
senting,  Father  paying. 

As  if  this  were  not  enough  to  hinder,  the  desk  must  be 
cleared  for  exit  —  the  office  desk ;  for  the  place  that  knew 


LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH  391 

me  through  seven  long  years  of  trouble,  anxiety,  insult, 
joy,  humiliation,  satisfaction,  achievement,  companionship, 
hope,  shall  soon  know  me  no  more,  forever. 

Verily,  I  say  unto  you,  that  if  ever  mortal  man  or  mortal 
mind  needed  rest,  recreation,  recuperation,  and  other  al 
literative  things,  that  same  man  is  now  writing  to  the  Lady 
Elizabeth  Ellis,  of  Terraced  Garden,  in  Camden,  by  the 
Wateree.  And  he  is  writing  without  hope  that  he  will  see 
the  Lady  and  her  Lord  and  the  Princeling,  for  moons  and 
moons.  This  is  a  sad,  sad  word  for  him  to  write.  But 
the  whole  world  is  skew-jee,  awry,  distorted  and  alto 
gether  perverse.  The  President  is  broken  in  body,  and  ob 
stinate  in  spirit.  Clemenceau  is  beaten  for  an  office  he  did 
not  want.  Einstein  has  declared  the  law  of  gravitation  out 
grown  and  decadent.  Drink,  consoling  friend  of  a  Per 
turbed  World,  is  shut  off;  and  all  goes  merry  as  a  dance  in 
hell! 

Oh  God,  I  pray,  give  me  peace  and  a  quiet  chop.  I  do  not 
ask  for  power,  nor  for  fame,  nor  yet  for  wealth.  Lift  me 
on  the  magic  carpet  of  the  Infinite  Wish  and  lay  me  down 
on  a  grassy  slope,  looking  out  on  a  quiet  sunny  sea,  and 
make  me  to  dream  that  men  are  gentle  and  women  reason 
able.  And  forgive  us  our  trespasses,  Amen ! 

And  again  I  pray  —  Give  me  patience.  Let  me  not  ask 
for  today  what  may  not  come  until  tomorrow.  Let  mine 
eyes  not  be  filled  with  visions  of  things  as  they  would  be  in 
a  world  wherein  men  were  Gods.  Let  mine  ears  be  closed  to 
Siren  calls  which  lure  to  the  rocks.  Stiffen  my  soul  to  make 
the  climb.  Keep  from  my  heart  cynical  despair.  Make 
my  mouth  to  speak  slow  words,  and  curb  my  tongue  that 
it  may  not  outrun  the  Wisdom  taught  by  the  years.  Give 
surety  to  my  steps,  0  Lord,  and  lead  me  by  the  hand  for 
I  know  not  the  way. 


392         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Your  telegram  lures  as  your  letter  did.  But  such  pleasures 
are  not  for  us,  because  of  our  sins.  "And  those  that  are 
good  shall  be  happy  !" 

Work.  Work.  Work.  It  is  the  order  of  the  One  Su 
preme.  It  keeps  us  from  being  foolish,  and  doing  as  fools 
do.  It  is  needed  for  the  mastery  of  a  world  that  has  its 
Destiny  written,  as  surely  as  we  have  ours.  It  is  a  chain 
and  a  pair  of  wings ;  it  binds  and  it  releases.  It  is  the  master 
of  the  creature  and  the  tool  of  the  Creator.  It  is  hell,  and 
it  lifts  us  out  of  hell  into  heaven.  It  was  not  known  in 
Paradise,  but  there  could  be  no  Paradise  without  it.  A  curse 
and  a  Savior !  Our  life-term  sentence  and  the  one  plan  of 
salvation  !  Work — for  the  weary,  the  wasted,  and  the  worn. 
Work  —  for  the  joyous,  the  hopeful,  the  serene.  Work  — 
for  the  benevolent  and  the  malevolent,  the  just  and  the 
cruel,  the  thoughtful  and  the  unheeding.  Work  —  for 
things  that  life  needs,  for  things  that  are  illusions,  for  dead- 
sea  fruit,  for  ashes ;  and  work  for  a  look  at  the  stars,  for  the 
sense  of  things  made  happier  for  many  men,  for  the  lifting 
of  loads  from  tired  backs,  for  the  smile  of  a  tender  girl,  for 
the  soft  touch  of  a  grateful  mother,  for  the  promise  it  brings 
to  the  boy  of  one's  hopes. 

Work  !     Why  work  ?     It  is  the  order  of  the  One  Supreme. 

So  saying,  at  one  o'clock  of  Sunday  morning,  he  lifted 
up  his  hand  and  waved  three  times  to  the  Southward  — 
once  for  the  Lady  of  the  Troubled  Heart,  who  flirts  with  the; 
Angel  of  Destruction,  thinking  he  may  turn  out  to  be  a  God, 
and  once  for  the  Lord  of  the  Lady,  serenely  fatalistic,  and 
the  third,  and  this  a  very  big  one,  for  the  Princeling  who  is 
making  a  manly  battle,  cheerfully,  confidently.  The  Friend 
of  the  Three. 

F.  K.  L. 


LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH  393 

Washington,  [February  5,  1920] 

And  so,  again  the  Boy  has  been  attacked  by  a  strange 
enemy,  and  you  are  fighting.  That  is  what  you  have  been 
doing  for  years,  fighting  for  that  bit  of  life  you  love  more 
than  your  own  self.  You  did  not  think  you  could  do  it 
when  you  were  a  girl,  did  you?  You  have  wondered  at 
yourself  many,  many  times.  And  wondered  at  the  Fate 
which  brought  this  long  challenge  to  you.  But  it  has  been 
a  splendid  fight,  hasn't  it?  A  glorious  fight  against  odds. 
There  has  been  no  justice  in  it.  No  justice,  and  our  souls 
do  so  want  justice,  an  even  chance,  something  in  front  of 
us  that  we  can  see  and  know  and  fight.  God  knows  why 
such  tortures  come  to  some,  while  others  sail  on  such  smooth 
seas.  Can  it  be  that  there  is  no  soul  excepting  the  one  we 
make  for  ourselves  by  fighting  ?  Are  those  really  blest  who 
have  such  challenges  given  to  their  spirits?  Or  is  this 
all  by  way  of  excusing  God,  or  Nature,  for  the  unexplain- 
able? 

There  is  no  way  to  make  the  fight  excepting  to  believe 
that  the  fight  is  the  thing  —  the  one,  only,  greatest  thing. 
(To  deny  this  is  to  leave  all  in  a  welter,  and  drift  into  purpose 
less  cynicism,  —  blackness.)  To  determine  that  this  is  the 
way,  the  truth,  and  the  life,  is  to  get  serenity.  Then  the 
winds  may  howl  and  the  seas  roll,  but  there  can  be  no 
wreck. 

I  know  you  don't  like  to  be  coddled.  You  are  not  of  the 
cotton-batting  school.  You  can  take  and  give.  But  "may 
I  not"  say  a  word  of  appreciation  and  perhaps  of  stimulation 
—  give  you  a  good  masculine  thump  on  the  shoulder  by 
way  of  saying  that  for  one  who  lives  in  a  mist  you  have  lots 
of  gimp.  To  love  something  better  than  oneself  is  the  first 
step,  I  guess,  toward  making  that  soul. 

Please  read  the  note,  in  special  envelop,  to  Ralphie,  when 


394         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

he  will  be  interested.  By  Jove,  how  fortunate  that  we 
could  not  leave.  All  my  force  is  sick.  Three  of  my  assist 
ants  are  laid  up.  Six  hundred  and  eighty  people  in  my 
Department  are  in  bed.  And  I  am  struggling  to  get  out  and 
leave  my  job  up  to  date.  Good  fortune  ! 

F.  K.  L. 

[Katonah,  August,  1920] 

.  .  .  You  know  that  I  love  you  —  yes,  just  as  much  as 
Ralph  Ellis,  who  is  a  tough  sailor  man,  and  Anne  Lane,  who 
is  a  citizen  of  two  worlds,  will  let  me.  But  I  would  love  you 
more,  much  more,  if  you  did  not  have  to  be  induced  by  my 
wife  to  write  to  me.  Your  love  letter  was  all  right,  but  it 
was  procured.  Do  you  get  that  word  —  procured  —  and 
my  wife  was  the  procuress.  This  may  be  de  rigueur  and 
comme  il  faut  and  umslopogass  on  Long  Island,  but  it  does 
not  go  in  Katonah  —  peaceful,  pure  Katonah  ! 

Here,  in  this  sweet  centre,  if  a  lady  wishes  "for  to  make 
eyes"  at  a  man,  by  way  of  a  letter,  she  does  it  without  being 
told  to  do  it  by  the  said  man's  wife.  And  then  to  open, 
"Dear  Mr.  Lane,"  —  Gosh  Lizzie  !  isn't  that  pretty  warm  ! 

My  anger  is  so  great  that  I  am  now  sitting  up  in  bed  at 
the  weary  hour  of  two  to  relieve  myself  —  for  otherwise  I 
cannot  sleep. 

Your  remarks  upon  the  distraught  condition  of  the  public 
mind,  the  unfortunate  fix  into  which  the  Polacks  have  fixed 
themselves,  the  heart-breaking  cry  that  you  send  out  for* 
men  to  get  together  and  be  sensible,  before  they  are  sadder, 
—  these  things  have  no  lodgement  in  my  soul-center.  For 
I  am  loved  by  a  lady  who  speaks  much  of  free  speech  and 
courage  and  candor  and  other  virtues  of  prehistoric  existence, 
but  who  talks  of  herself  all  through  her  letter  and  never 
of  me  at  all.  How  can  the  fire  be  kept  burning  with  a  cold 


LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH  395 

back-log    like    that?     Talk    about   me!     That's    the   first 
principle  of  all  conversation  —  even  not  amorous. 

Well,  you  are  a  good  woman,  Mrs.  Ellis,  and  I  hope  Mr. 
Ellis  is  well,  and  that  you  are  not  having  trouble  with  the 
help.  Goodbye,  Mrs.  Ellis  ! 

Come,  sweet  Elizabeth,  let  us  join  hands  and  go  for  a 
gay  climb  over  the  piney  hills  —  you  can  sing  your  minor 
note  of  sad  distress  —  your  miserere,  if  you  can,  in  the  face 
of  the  puffy  clouds,  and  I  will  laugh  at  you  for  having  too 
much  of  world  concern  in  your  heart.  The  blessings  do 
not  come  to  those  who  are  "troubled  about  many  things." 

The  soul  is  an  individual,  you  know.  We  are  saved  by 
units  not  en  masse.  Every  individual  is  a  species  —  isn't 
that  what  splendid  Bergson  says?  So  come  away  from 
responsibilities  and  let  your  poor  heart,  which  is  so  un 
selfish  that  it  cannot  rest,  indulge  itself  in  the  luxury  of  a 
peaceful  forgetting,  for  a  few  days. 

Practically,  this  seems  like  a  good  place  —  the  process  is 
to  reduce  you  to  a  pulp  and  then  gradually  restore  you  to 
form.  I  am  just  emerging  from  the  mash. 

Do  give  my  greetings  —  graduated  calorically  as  your 
judgment  suggests  —  to  the  many  friends  in  your  neighbor 
hood  who  have  forgotten  me. 

Devotedly,  yet  very  sore, 

F.  K.  L. 

[September] 
This  is  a  sentimental  letter  from  a  sentimentalist  to  a  sent 

,  for  a  sent .     It  is  by  way  of  atonement,  chiefly. 

I  want  to  be  forgiven  for  all  the  hard  things  I  have  said  to 

you.     I  feel  that  I  owe  you  much,  at  least  a  good  word,  for 

all  the  bad  ones  I  have  given  you. 

You  are  a  health-giver.     That's  not  such  a  bad  name,  is 


396         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

it?  In  fact  I  don't  know  a  better.  It  doesn't  sound  sen 
timental,  no  husband  would  be  alarmed  by  it,  and  yet  it 
carries  in  it  implications  of  gaiety  and  tenderness  and  romp- 
ishness  with  a  touch  of  mysterious  adoration.  Altogether 
it  is  a  very  real  large  word  that  does  not  signify  virtues  but 
rather  attractivenesses.  Mind,  I  don't  say  that  you  have 
not  the  virtues  —  all  of  them,  offensive  and  defensive,  but 
the  attractivenesses  make  life,  don't  they?  And  to  be  a 
health-giver  is  not  merely  to  have  charm.  That  is  the 
spell-casting  power,  to  be  filled  with  witchery,  to  be  a  witch. 
Yes,  I  believe  it  is  something  like  that  —  very  much  in  fact, 
but  the  witchery  must  be  balsamic,  it  must  be  radiant,  it 
must  go  out  in  rays  or  circles  or  waves,  because  it  can't 
help  going  out,  not  purposefully  and  selfishly,  like  the  cast 
ing  of  a  net  —  it  must  be  balsamic  and  radiant,  the  out- 
breathing  of  pines. 

Now  this  is  a  very  nice  name  I  have  called  you  —  you 
can  put  it  into  Latin  or  Greek  or  French  and  make  it  sound 
much  better  to  the  unimaginative.  But  you  deserve  it,  and 
I  hope  my  little  girl  will  become  one. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Katonah,  Sunday,  [September  25,  1920] 

.  .  .  We  leave  here  on  Wednesday  (D.  V.)  for  Bethel 
because  you  said  to.  Now  how  soon  will  you  follow  —  a  day 
—  a  week  ?  Not  more  ! 

You  made  up  your  mind  that  you  would  go  there,  and  there 
is  now  to  be  proof  given  whether  your  mind  is  weak  or  riding  * 
strong. 

Anne  is  to  have  H.  Beale  there,  and  they  move  in  circles 
barred  to  me.  So  I  shall  sorely  need  someone  who  knows 
my  language.  And  I  am  not  frivolous  when  I  say  that  you 
and  I  need  nothing  more  than  a  religious  faith  of  some  kind. 


LETTERS  TO  ELIZABETH  397 

Mohammedan,  Christian  Science,  or  what  you  will.  We 
are  both  religious  —  deeply.  We  pray  —  we  do  things  for 
the  good  of  men  and  women,  —  but  we  do  not  relate  our 
selves  properly  to  the  Great  Enveloping,  Permeating  Spirit. 
I  have  sought  to,  vainly,  for  many  years,  and  yet  I  have 
not  been  persistent.  "Seek  and  ye  shall  find !"  I  want  to 
believe  that  the  God  of  Things  as  They  Are  is  not  wilfully 
cruel.  Is  He  indifferent  ? 

Are  we  mastering  something  ?  Tell  me !  Do  you  know  ? 
What  philosophy  have  you  come  to  ? 

Well,  all  this  we  can  talk  over  when  we  reach  Bethel. 
Say,  do  you  ever  answer  letters  or  is  it  your  Queenly 
prerogative  to  drop  your  sweethearts  down  the  public 
oubliette  ? 

F.  K.  L. 

Washington,  27  [December,  1920] 

My  wife  won't  let  me  call  on  you,  "not  now,  anyhow," 
she  says.  Oh,  you  have  so  many  enemies !  Adolph  and 
Mary,  Senator  and  Mrs.  Kellogg,  Chief  Justice  and  Mrs. 
White,  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Gehring.  All  are  against  you,  and 
against  me — all  plotting,  planning,  and  conspiring  with 
my  wife  to  keep  us  apart.  They  know  the  hold  you  have 
on  me,  that  I  had  rather  have  you  as  my  doctor  than  any 
one  else  in  the  whole  vasty  Universe  —  but  why  sigh? 
I  am  to  be  torn  away  on  Wednesday  and  rushed  to 
Rochester,  where  the  Mayos  will  take  me  in  hand,  and  do 
their  worst.  I  have  great  hope  that  they  may  cut  me 
into  happiness,  and  carve  me  into  health,  and  slice  me  into 
strength. 

So,  as  Anne  wired,  we  shall  not  see  you  in  Camden,  nor 
Ralph  nor  the  Junior  nor  anything  that  is  Ellis  —  not  for 
some  moons  anyway. 


398         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

.  .  .  The  reason  for  going  to  Mayos?  To  see  if  it  is 
true  that  my  stomach  and  my  gall  bladder  have  become  too 
intimate.  Rochester  is  the  Reno  where  such  divorces  are 
granted. 

I'd  like  to  say  I  love  you  and  the  whole  kit  and  caboodle, 
but  my  wife  won't  let  me. 

F.  K.  L. 


XIV 

FRIENDS  AND  THE   GREAT  HOPE 
1921 

Need  for  Democratic  Program  —  Religious  Faith  —  Men  who  Have  In 
fluenced  Thought  —  A  Sounder  Industrial  Life  —  A  Super-University  for 
Ideas  —  "I  Accept"  —  Fragment 

To  Mrs.  Philip  C.  Kaujfmann 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  1,  1921 

To  that  little  Fairy  with  whom  a  young  fellow  named 
Frank  Lane  used  to  wander  in  the  woods,  hunting  the  homes 
of  the  Fairies,  —  Greetings  on  her  birthday !  Has  she 
found  where  they  live?  I  believe  she  has.  They  live 
where  eyes  are  bright  with  love,  and  hands  are  gentle  and 
kind,  where  feelings  are  not  hurt  and  there  is  song  hummed, 
and  Play,  a  very  real  God,  still  lives. 

...  I  think  that  we  have  got  to  see  each  other  some 
how,  somewhere,  because  life  is  passing  awfully  fast  and 
there  is  one  best  thing  in  it — supremely,  overwhelmingly 
best  —  and  that  is  affection.  I've  chased  around  after 
fame  and  work  for  others,  but  I  just  wish  I  had  spent 
pretty  much  all  my  time  loving  you  and  Mother  and  Ned, 
and  let  everything  else  come  way  down  on  the  list.  The 
people  who  really  love  us  are  so  few,  aren't  they?  Lots 
of  them  like  us,  lots  of  them  are  glad  to  be  with  us,  but 
few  can  be  counted  on  "world  without  end,  Amen." 

.  .  .     This  is  surely  a  very  uncertain  and  unsatisfactory 

390 


400         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

world  for  me  right  now.  How  much  we  all  do  like  definite- 
ness  and  how  few  are  willing  to  trust  the  future  to  the  Great 
Spirit.  We  fuss  and  fume  as  if  it  would  do  good  rather  than 
ill.  Happiness  is  the  thing  we  all  desire  and  it  is  to  be  had 
easily  through  a  most  simple  philosophy ;  do  your  best  and 
then  have  faith  that  things  will  come  right.  Happy  people 
are  those  who  live  with  happy  thoughts ;  those  who  see 
good  in  people  and  by  brave  and  cheerful  thinking  are  su 
perior  to  depression  and  bitterness. 

The  longer  I  live  the  more  I  am  convinced  that  it  is  our 
duty  to  be  gay ;  not  reckless,  never  that ;  not  boisterous, 
but  light-hearted.  It  saves  doctor's  bills,  brings  success, 
and  is  the  one  method,  the  natural  method,  by  which  we 
become  really  big,  and  by  that  I  mean  superior  to  the  evil 
forces  that  try  to  break  us  down.  ...  To  be  gay  one  must 
see  how  very  little  some  things  are,  and  how  very  big  other 
things  are.  And  the  big  things  are  things  like  love  and 
goodness  and  unselfishness ;  and  the  little  things  are  the 
selfish  mean  things,  self-indulgent  things,  things  generally 
that  come  out  of  one's  vanity,  one's  love  of  one's  self.  Get 
rid  of  that  and  life  becomes  a  pretty  good  place.  Envy, 
vanity,  self-indulgence  —  these  are  devils. 

...  I  wish  you  would  really  sink  yourself  into  some 
religion.  To  start  right  is  so  important.  You  will  miss 
much  joy  in  life,  I  am  convinced,  by  not  having  a  faith; 
something  to  live  by,  something  that  explains  the  questions 
that  rise  each  hour.  Buddhism  does  not  claim  to  be  super-; 
natural,  is  not  founded  on  miracles,  and  yet  Buddha  taught 
the  philosophy  of  Christ  five  hundred  years  before  He  came. 
The  central  note  is  getting  above  self  —  real  self-mastery. 
Possessing,  mastering  your  body  and  mind  so  that  you  do 
not  allow  envy  or  hatred  to  possess  you,  and  do  not  hanker 
after  "things,"  possessions,  or  fame  or  popularity,  and  keep 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE        401 

strong  hold  on  wilfulness  and  anger  and  your  passions. 
Its  fundamental  maxim  is  that  unhappiness  and  sorrow 
come  from  ignorance  of  Truth  —  and  Truth  is  found  by 
submerging  self.  The  body  is  not  bad,  the  lusts  of  the 
body  and  the  mind  are  not  bad,  but  the  body  is  no  more 
than  an  envelop  for  the  soul,  its  master. 

Good-night  to  you  both,  you  are  fast  asleep  by  now.  .  .  . 
In  my  long  days  and  nights  I  think  so  much  about  you, 
wondering  what  the  Gods  have  in  store  for  her  who  has  been 
so  much  to  me.  Much,  much  love  little  one. 

DAD 

To  Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  1,  1921 

To  the  Wheelers  with  the  warmest  greetings  of  the  Lanes  ! 
A  bonny  year  be  this  to  you  —  a  year  of  sunny  faces  —  may 
you  live  surrounded  by  those  whom  you  love  and  damned 
indifferent  to  all  the  rest ! 

I,  Franklin  K.  Lane,  am  trying  to  find  out  if  the  last  doc 
tor  in  New  York  was  right.  He  said  my  trouble  came  from 
an  improper  alliance  between  my  gall-bladder  and  my  py- 
loric  orifice,  and  that  here  in  Rochester  they  could  be  sum 
marily  divorced.  (If  you  don't  know  where  the  pylorus  is 
you  may  locate  it  as  the  N.  W.  \  of  the  N.  W.  i  of  the  stom 
ach.  Until  you  reach  fame  you  never  have  a  pylorus  —  and 
then  it  is  most  costly.)  So  here  I  am  in  a  real  Reno,  hoping 
that  a  knife  will  be  able  to  "put  me  to  work  anew,"  .  .  .  and 
writing  this  as  a  proof  of  "love  and  affection,"  whatever 
the  legally  great  may  mean  by  the  distinction.  .  .  . 

And  talking  of  language,  have  you  read  what  Wells  has 
to  say  in  his  Outline  of  History  on  this  subject  ?  I  found  it 
very  interesting;  probably  all  old  stuff  to  you,  however. 
Can  there  be  a  science  of  language,  or  of  anything  that  a 


402         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

human  creates  ?     I  am  rather  Bergsonian  in  my  idea  of  the 
individual  man  —  each  is  a  species. 

Miller  is  very  unhappy  because  [Governor]  Harding  may 
leave  the  Board.  He  [Miller]  will  go  if  the  new  man  is  not 
satisfactory.  But  I  think  he  will  be.  For  Harding  will  be 
conservative  and  a  great  respecter  of  wealth.  And  Miller 
while  a  radical  in  many  things  is  a  classicist  as  to  Finance. 

If  Harding  leaves  out  Hoover  he  will  do  himself  and  the 
country  harm,  and  Hoover  good.  At  last  the  sun  shines ! 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Lathrop  Brown 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  3,  [1921] 

Well,  my  dear  young  Spirit  of  the  Renaissance,  I  am  not 
yet  dead,  not  even  dying.  Slowly  I  am  doing  the  stations  of 
the  Cross  in  this  most  thorough  institution.  I  am  delighted 
with  my  experience.  Here  is  concentrated  every  form  of 
torture  and  annoyance  to  which  one  can  be  legally  subjected. 
Cruel  and  unusual  punishments  are  forbidden  by  the  Con 
stitution,  but  I  take  it  that  one  may  yet  take  torture  and 
punishment,  if  he  pays  for  it.  All  that  I  have  ever  done, 
been  or  thought  has  been  revealed  —  probed  for,  and  found 
out.  .  .  . 

Truly,  this  is  the  most  scientifically  organized  organiza 
tion  of  scientists  that  ever  was.  Henry  Ford  could  not 
improve  upon  it.  Combine  him  with  M.  Pasteur,  add  a 
touch  of  one  Edison,  and  a  dose  of  your  friend,  Charlie 
Schwab,  and  you  have  the  Mayo  Clinic,  big,  systematized; 
modernized,  machinized,  doctorial  plant,  run  by  a  couple 
of  master  workmen.  I  am  seeing  it  all,  and  am  prepared 
for  any  fate.  Thus  far  I  am  no  more  than  twenty-one  years 
of  age.  My  organs  seem  to  be  working  union  hours  and  to 
react  with  proper  promptitude,  self-respect  and  authority. 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT   HOPE         403 

Tomorrow  I  am  to  be  photographed  and  fluoroscoped  — 
and  then  will  come  the  verdict.  If  it  is  the  guillotine  I  shall 
go  gaily,  like  one  of  your  ancestors  in  those  tumbril  days  of 
France.  What  I  fear  is  an  order  to  "rest,"  on  a  new  diet. 
But  I  guess  whatever  is  said  will  be  the  last  word  —  the 
Supreme  Court  decision.  Fine  reputation,  that,  for  two 
young  chaps  who  never  went  to  Harvard,  eh,  what  ? 

Well,  tell  me  the  news.  You  have  been  silent  too  long. 
I  long  to  know  of  your  further  adventures  in  politics  with 
one  G.  White.  .  .  . 

And  now,  my  dear  Lathrop,  may  I  extend  to  you  the 
greetings  of  the  New  Year.  May  you  have  a  continuous 
and  abiding  and  keen  sense  that  you  are  doing  good,  like 
wise  doing  well. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Mrs.  George  Ehle 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January,  [19211 

It  is  only  a  little  below  freezing.  The  sky  is  grey.  Snow, 
hard  and  frozen  over,  covers  the  ground,  sleighs  go  through 
the  streets,  jingling  their  merry  way.  Boys  throw  each 
other  down  upon  the  encrusted  snow.  Girls  in  red  woolen 
caps  pick  their  way  cautiously.  Farm  horses  drawing  sleds 
make  their  heavy  way.  And  in  these  sleds,  families  sitting 
on  the  heaped  straw  in  the  bed  of  the  wooden  box,  smiling 
mothers  and  happy  babies,  lined  up  together,  warm,  pro 
tected  from  the  wind.  Trees  outlined  against  the  sky,  look 
ing  like  dark  coral  rising  out  of  a  sea  of  snow  into  the  dull 
light.  An  old  man,  gaunt,  be  whiskered,  trudges  along  con 
fidently  although  he  looks  over  eighty.  A  younger  man, 
evidently  a  stranger,  feels  his  cautious  way  over  the  slippery 
walk,  covered  with  furs,  hands,  head,  and  body.  After 
him  a  still  younger  man,  without  an  overcoat  —  a  postman. 


404         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Can  you  see  it  all  ?  Do  you  recognize  the  picture  ?  Was 
it  once  part  of  your  life?  This  world  is  not  so  very  bad 
when  nature  challenges  every  one  to  fight  for  life. 

Nothing  doing  for  me  now!  That's  the  word.  Too 
much  risk.  .  .  . 

Bless  you,  Lady  Dear  of  the  Understanding  Eye.  May 
we  yet  meet  upon  the  gentle  banks  of  the  Shepaug  and  there 
make  medicine  for  our  poetic  souls. 

Anne  has  been  a  trump  through  these  ten  days  of  anxiety. 
Yours  affectionately, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Mrs.  William  Phillips 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  11,  [1921] 

The  black  cat,  yellow-eyes,  came,  dear  Lady  Caroline  — 
came  to  me  here  in  a  hospital  and  I  put  him  on  my  table 
alongside  my  tiny  bust  of  Lincoln,  which  is  the  sacred  place. 
I  wish  indeed  those  eyes  could  see  within  this  shell  of  mine 
and  tell  what  it  is  that  twists  my  heart,  physically  turns  it 
on  its  axis,  so  that  its  polarity  is  changed.  From  mystery 
to  mystery  we  have  traveled  the  past  year,  Anne,  with  her 
unfaltering  trust,  and  I,  a  doubting  Thomas.  We  came 
here  for  an  operation,  but  the  doctors  somewhat  doubt  its 
wisdom  at  all,  certainly  not  now,  when  pneumonia  might 
befall.  So  after  ten  hard  days  of  closest  examination  I  go 
forth  from  this,  the  Supreme  Court  of  Surgery  in  the  Land, 
with  no  decision.  "Wait  and  see  what  good  it  has  done  toi 
live  without  tonsils,  and  in  the  California  sunshine  until 
spring. "...  But  they  live  in  the  Land  of  Guess  ! 

And  so  another  baby  has  come  to  bless  you  and  William ! 
Truly  you  are  a  confident  couple !  Age  would  hesitate  to 
bring  into  a  world,  so  filled  with  shadow,  an  increasing  num 
ber  of  our  species.  What  a  supreme  act  of  faith  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  race  is.  ...  Oh,  the  cunning  of  Nature — • 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         405 

how  empty  the  heart  of  man  or  woman  who  has  not  felt 
the  clutch  of  a  baby's  hand,  or  drunk  deep  of  the  heaven- 
made  perfume  of  a  baby's  breath.  And  the  impulse  that 
babies  give  to  life,  the  challenge  that  they  make  to  the 
father  is  always  a  noble  one.  It  is  not  so  as  to  women ;  less, 
as  to  ourselves.  We  are  urged  to  courses  that  are  petty, 
unworthy,  selfish,  debasing,  supine,  and  brutal  by  our  own 
natures  or  those  of  our  mates.  But  for  the  child  we  act 
nobly,  its  call  to  us  is  always  to  our  finer  side,  and  so  gradu 
ally  we  are  lifted  higher.  Did  any  man  in  history  ever  do  a 
cruel  or  wicked  thing  because  of  the  appeal  made  to  him  by 
the  smile  of  his  child  ?  He  may  have  accredited  his  action  to 
the  prompting  of  love  for  his  baby,  but  I  believe  it  would  be 
found  that  there  was  another  motive,  generally  an  over 
whelming  personal  vanity ;  so  great  a  lust  for  power,  per 
haps,  that  it  would  carry  across  the  gulf  of  death. 

I  hardly  believe  that  you  need  fear  immediate  expulsion 
from  your  new-found  Eden.  My  expectation  is  that  you 
will  be  treated  with  kindness  by  the  new  Administration, 
which  will  act  most  cautiously  on  all  things.  I  shall  know 
how  to  get  a  word,  any  word  you  wish,  to  the  new  Presi 
dent,  I  think,  and  my  services  as  you  know  are  at  your 
order  at  any  time.  But  if  you  are  sent  into  the  Limbo 
of  private  life  you  will  be  welcomed  by  a  host  who  have 
preceded  you  and  who  will  selfishly  rejoice. 

My  gayest  greetings  to  Sir  William  and,  in  cloudy  Hol 
land,  may  the  sun  shine  in  your  hearts  always. 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  James  H.  Barry 

San  Francisco  Star 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  12,  [1921] 

DEAR  JIM,  —  The  Star  has  set  —  it  goes  the  way  of  Nature 
—  the  circle  must  be  completed.     The  only  question  one 


406         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

may  ask  is,  "Was  it  useful?"  I  think  it  was,  Jim,  it  held 
many  to  the  true  course,  it  was  an  honest  guide  in  a  bewil 
dering  world. 

Do  let  us  meet  when  I  am  West,  and  talk  of  Henry  George 
and  John  Marble  and  Arthur  McEwen,  who  have  gone  on, 
and  left  not  their  like.  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Michael  A.  Spellacy 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  12,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  MIKE,  —  ...  I  shall  await  your  re-coming  with 
great  interest.  Truly  you  should  write  up  what  you  see. 
Get  good  pictures  and  I  will  get  it  all  in  the  National  Geo 
graphic  Magazine,  and  then  we'll  see  what  the  Cosmos  Club 
will  say !  I  am  in  earnest  about  this  —  keep  a  diary  in 
which  you  write,  in  your  own  gay  style,  what  you  see,  and 
you  will  soon  have  fame  as  well  as  fortune. 

The  news  from  Mexico  is  not  very  encouraging.  Obre- 
gon  is  sick  so  much,  and  without  policy,  without  de 
pendable  friends.  Cardinal  Gibbons  came  near  dying,  but, 
thank  God,  pulled  through !  A  very  wonderful  man.  I 
am  very  fond  of  him  and  he  likes  me  I  know,  for  I  handled 
the  Indians  for  seven  years  and  had  no  trouble,  because  he 
and  I  had  a  flat  understanding  that  I  should  take  my  church 
troubles,  if  any  arose,  to  him. 

The  old  Chief  Justice  called  on  us  in  Washington.  He  is 
seventy -five  and  almost  totally  blind.  And  the  greatest 
Chief  since  John  Marshall. 

De  Valera  has  landed  and  I  expect  things  to  be  doing 
pretty  soon.  The  British  are  greatly  mystified  as  to  how 
he  got  over  and  back.  You  see  you  are  not  the  only  adven 
turer  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  We  used  to  think  that  these 
were  prosey,  stoggy,  flat-footed  days,  but  there  is  any 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         407 

amount  of  adventure  —  from  the  fields  of  Flanders  to  the 
mountains  of  Colombia  —  even  the  Spanish  main  has  had 
its  rebirth. 

Mrs.  Lane  wants  me  to  thank  you  for  your  thought  of  her. 
As  you  know  no  one  holds  a  deeper,  surer  place  in  her  heart 
than  you  and  Tim. 

Well,  old  chap,  I  am  sitting  in  bed  —  four  in  the  morning 
—  with  a  devilish  sore  throat  and  without  anything  to  eat 
or  much  sleep  for  thirty-six  hours,  so  if  this  screed  is  not  one 
of  great  illumination  or  information  you  will  know  that 
it  was  only  a  message  of  cheer  and  good- will  from  one  who  is 
fond  of  you,  but  who  warns  you  to  be  careful  for  all  of  our 
sakes.  As  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  William  R.  Wheeler 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  13,  [1921] 

DEAR  BILL,  —  Off  to  see  you  eventually,  I  trust,  tomorrow. 
Had  my  tonsils  out,  won't  do  anything  else  till  Spring. 
Meantime  I  want  to  see  no  doctors.  Having  tried  twenty, 
and  come  "out  by  that  same  door  wherein  I  went."  An 
osteopath,  yes.  Faith  cure  —  Indian  Medicine  men  — 
anything  else,  but  no  doctors !  I  turn  from  Esculapius  to 
Zoroaster,  from  medicine  to  the  sun.  I  want  to  "lie  down 
for  an  aeon  or  two."  (Alice  knows  where  that  comes  from.) 
With  much  love  to  you  both. 

FRANK 

To  V.  C.  Scott  O'Connor 

[Rochester,  Minnesota],  January  13,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  SCOTT  O'CONNOR,  —  It  is  a  joy  to  get  your  letter 
and  to  know  of  your  new  book  which  I  have  not  seen,  for 
the  very  good  reason  that  for  five  months  I  have  been  in 


408         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

hospitals.  Angina  pectoris  they  call  it,  but  where  it  comes 
from  they  don't  say,  they  don't  know.  Am  off  to  Califor 
nia  for  a  couple  of  months,  then  probably  back  to  New  York. 

I  have  read  Wells'  History,  which  seems  to  me  the  most 
remarkable  thing  of  the  historical  essay  kind  ever  hit  off; 
and  therein  I  discovered  your  friend  Asoka,  but  I  have 
been  able  to  learn  little  else  about  him. 

Buddhism  attracts  me  greatly,  as  perhaps  the  most  per 
fect  attitude  on  the  negative  side  that  has  ever  been  devel 
oped  and  largely  lived.  It  is  not  complete  for  a  temperate 
zone  people,  who  are  and  must  be  aggressive.  Nor  does  it 
reveal,  so  far  as  I  know,  the  spiritual  possibilities  that 
Christianity  does.  The  constructive  seems  to  be  lacking. 
But  it  is  so  far  ahead  of  the  purely  opportunist  attitude  that 
Christianity  takes  that  I  should  like  to  be  a  Buddhist,  I 
verily  believe. 

I  see  that  Lord  Reading  goes  to  India.  lie  is  the  greatest 
of  diplomats,  an  oriental  by  nature,  and  will  do  good,  if 
good  can  be  done  in  that  unhappy  situation.  I  admire  the 
cheerful  way  Lloyd  George  keeps.  He  is  a  great  man. 
Each  six  months  I  have  looked  to  see  him  fall,  but  he  keeps 
up,  even  with  Ireland,  India,  Egypt,  South  Africa  on  his  back. 

Tell  me  what  you  are  doing  now,  anything  beside  writ 
ing,  and  writing  what  next  ?  I  wish  that  I  had  the  literary 
endowment  —  ideas,  plus  style,  plus  energy.  Good  for 
tune  to  you  always.  Cordially  yours, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE    \ 

Letter  sent  to  several  friends 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  10,  1921 

"And  when  they  came  upon  the  Snark,  they  found  it  was 
a  Boojum  —  or  words  to  that  effect  —  and  so,  my  dear 
Jack,  they  couldn't  operate  now. 


FRIENDS  AND   THE   GREAT  HOPE         409 

There  is  the  whole  story.  Details  there  are,  of  course. 
But  Meissonier's  style  never  did  appeal  to  me.  After  peer 
ing  into,  and  probing,  all  known  and  unknown  parts  of  the 
Mortal  Man,  they  found  that  the  heart  in  one  part  changed 
its  polarity,  —  turned  over,  by  George,  or  tried  to,  - 
hence  the  Devil's  clutch.  But  why  did  it  do  this  vaude- 
villian  act?  Bugs,  bugs,  of  course.  But  where?  So  they 
chased  them  to  their  lair  in  that  wicked,  nasty-named  and 
most  vulgar  organ  known  as  the  gall-bladder.  Damn  the 
gall-bladder !  Out  it  must  come !  On  with  the  knifing ! 
But  soft,  not  so  swift.  Suppose  the  heart  should  try  to 
play  its  funny  stunt  in  the  midst  of  the  operation?  Or 
suppose  again  in  this  icy  weather,  pneumonia  should  ensue 
and  the  naughty  heart  should  take  to  turning?  Eh,  what 
then,  my  brave  Bucko?  "No,"  they  said,  "We  are  experts 
in  eliminating  this  same  appropriately  named  organ  from 
the  system  —  eight  thousand  times  have  we  done  it.  It  is 
a  twenty -five  minute  job.  A  mere  turn  of  the  wrist  and 
out  the  viper  comes.  And  it  never  comes  back!  This  is 
positively  its  last  appearance,  save  as  a  memento  for  the 
morbid-minded  in  a  bottle  of  alcohol.  But  hearts  that  do 
somersaults  and  lungs  that  choke  up,  fill  us  with  fear.  So 
out  with  the  tonsils  where  bugs  accumulate  and  men  decay, 
and  then  off  with  you  to  California  where  bugs  degenerate 
and  men  rejuvenate.  Then  come  back  when  the  sun  shines 
and  the  trees  begin  to  burgeon  and  the  trick  will  be  done. 
Hold  yourself  where  you  are,  grow  better  if  you  can,  and 
we'll  have  to  take  the  risk  of  the  tumbling  heart,  but  the 
pneumonia  risk  will  be  gone." 

Thus  saith  the  Prophets !  And  this  day,  therefore,  will 
be  spent  with  the  Master  of  the  mysterious  fluoroscope, 
who  reverses  Edward  Everett  Hale  and  looks  "in  and  not 
out,"  and  with  the  dentist  who  must  fill  a  pesky  tooth,  and 


410         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

then  with  the  surgeon  who  tears  out  tonsils.  Rather  a  full 
day,  eh  ?  And  after  two  days  in  hospital,  or  three,  over  the 
hills  to  8  Chester  Place,  Los  Angeles,  —  by  no  means  a 
poor-house,  —  but  alas !  carrying  the  malevolent  bugs  and 
their  nesting  place  with  me.  Then  I  shall  rest,  "and  faith 
I  shall  need  it,  lie  down  for  an  aeon  or  two,  till  the  Master 
of  all  good  workmen  shall  put  me  to  work  anew." 

I  am  disappointed.  I  would  take  the  risk  if  it  were  left 
to  me.  But  I  shall  go  West — why  did  those  soldier  boys 
ever  use  that  phrase  with  such  sinister  meaning,  or  did  it 
signify  a  better  land  to  them  ?  I  shall  go  West  in  good  hope 
that  I  shall  return,  and  meantime  will  try  to  develop  a 
strong  propaganda  in  favor  of  race  suicide  in  the  land  of 
the  bothering  bacteria.  Adios. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  G.  Gehring 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  January  13,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  PADRE,  —  I  wrote  you  an  impressionistic  sketch 
of  what  the  politicians  call  the  "local  situation,"  a  couple 
of  days  since.  ...  It  is  subject  to  attack  on  every  possible 
ground  as  to  details,  for  no  man  can  know  from  it  what  these 
doctors  found.  But  it  is  a  perfect  picture  from  the  artist's 
standpoint,  because  it  produces  the  result  on  the  viewer  or 
reader  that  is  truth,  and  that  result  is  a  large,  purple  be- 
fuddlement.  I  am  whole,  but  I  have  a  pain.  .  .  . 

After  I  had  practically  been  declared  one  hundred  peri 
cent  pluperfect  I  gave  the  electric  cardiograph  man  a  picture 
or  exhibition  performance  under  an  attack.  This  revealed 
to  him  a  change  in  polarity  in  the  current  passing  through, 
which  signified  something,  but  what  that  something  was, 
other  than  that  I  was  having  a  spasm,  I  don't  know.  .  .  . 

The  smug,  mysterious  gentleman  who  made  this  picture 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         411 

was  much  pleased,  apparently  at  nothing  more  than  that 
he  had  proved  that  I  had  a  clutch  of  the  heart,  which  I  had 
announced,  by  wire,  before  arriving  here. 

Am  I  impatient  or  am  I  a  damn  fool  ? 

Well,  with  my  tonsils  out  I  am  in  Royal  Baking  Powder 
condition  and  tomorrow  we  start  for  California.  I  cannot 
hope  to  be  out  there  till  May  or  June,  when  you  would 
come.  But  Heaven  knows  I'd  like  to  introduce  you  to  the 
Yosemite !  .  .  . 

Do  you  know  I  am  beginning  to  admire  myself.  Now 
many  have  thought  that  that  was  my  favorite  sport.  But 
I  can  assure  you  that  no  one  ever  felt  more  humble  than  I 
have,  any  appearance  to  the  contrary  being  a  bluff  for 
success  —  effect.  But  now  that  I  have  been  wisely  and 
scrupulously  and  unscrupulously  examined  by  the  most 
exalted  rulers  of  the  Inner  Temple,  and  they  pronounce  me 
all  that  man  should  be,  why  shouldn't  I  strut  some?  But, 
damn  it,  strutting  brings  that  Devil's  clutch  —  and  a  man 
cannot  be  anything  more  strutty  than  a  dish-rag  then. 

In  William  James  you  will  find  a  questionnaire,  "Why  do 
I  believe  in  immortality?  *  Because  I  think  I'm  just  about 
ready  to  begin  to  live.'"  There  speaks  self -justify  ing  age 
—  I'm  there,  too. 

I'd  love  to  look  on  Bethel  this  morning,  and  see  what 
your  poet-partner  calls  the  hills  in  their  wine  bath.  Good 
luck. 

LANE 

To  Lathrop  Brown 

Los  Angeles,  [January]  15,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  LATHROP,  —  I  have  yours  of  the  eleventh.  First 
question,  as  to  men  and  women  for  the  Executive  Com 
mittee. 


412         LETTERS  OP  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Answer :  Get  men  who  can  make  a  program,  something 
that  the  party  can  push,  outside  Congress,  if  too  cowardly 
in.  People  who  don't  want  anything,  if  possible. 

Think  of  these!  (I  don't  say  they  will  do,  but  they 
stand  for  something.) 

Charles  W.  Eliot. 

Benjamin  Ide  Wheeler.  (Ex-President  of  the  Univer 
sity  of  California.  Ex- 
Chairman,  Democratic  Com 
mittee,  Elmira,  New  York.) 

E.  M.  House. 

Frank  I.  Cobb. 

John  W.  Davis. 

Robert  Lansing. 

R.  Walton  Moore.  (Congressman  from  Virginia,  big 

fellow.) 

Gavin  McNab. 

Governor  Parker,  of  Louisiana. 

James  D.  Phelan. 

Van-Lear  Black. 

For  solid  thought  I'd  choose  out  of  that  bunch  —  Eliot 
and  Moore. 

For  cleverness  —  Black  and  McNab. 

For  diplomacy  —  House  and  Davis. 

For  progressiveness  —  House  and  Parker. 

For  Conservative  Democracy  —  Wheeler  and  Lansing. 

For  writing  ability  —  Cobb  and  Eliot. 

I  know  no  women  who  think,  particularly.  .  .  . 

The  kind  of  publicity  we  need  is  the  advocacy  by  the 
National  Committee,  and  by  Democrats  in  Congress  of 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE        413 

first  class  measures,  known  to  be  Democratic  measures, 
part  of  a  program. 

I'll  tell  you  how  to  get  all  the  publicity  you  want  when  I 
see  you  —  or  White  —  a  new  kind,  cheap,  but  requiring 
brains.  .  .  . 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Lathrop  Brown 

Los  Angeles,  January,  [1921] 

DEAR  LATHROP,  —  (1)  You  are  right  as  to  standardiza 
tion.  The  Devil  devised  it  as  a  highway  to  socialism.  It 
is  the  Bible  of  the  great  Tribe  of  Flatfoot,  not  for  artists 
like  you  and  myself.  And  speaking  of  programs,  please 
read  what  Wells  says  in  his  first  volume  of  Outline  of  His 
tory,  on  David,  Solomon,  Moses.  It  will  delight  your  anti- 
semitic  soul.  .  .  . 

Yes,  standardization  is  like  all  else,  good  —  for  a  distance. 
The  whole  bally  outfit  of  life  is  a  matter  of  balance,  main 
tained  by  war  among  the  unintelligent  bacilli  and  other 
primitives,  and  by  will  among  men  (goat  feed  for  men,  eh  ?) 
But  do  you  get  my  point  ?  Something  to  it ! 

(2)  George  White  will  be  eaten  up  first  thing  he  knows, 
unless  he  moves.  Your  friend  McAdoo  is  here  declining 
the  next  nomination  daily,  speaking  much,  and,  I  under 
stand,  well.  .  .  .  Why  doesn't  G.  W.  get  Frank  Cobb  and 
Hooker,  of  the  Springfield  Republican,  and  Van-Lear  Black, 
and  Senator  Walsh,  and  Phelan,  and  Congressman  Walton 
Moore  together,  or  any  other  group,  and  put  up  his  plan 
and  ask  them  what  they  think  of  it  tentatively,  —  just  a 
quiet  chat,  but  start. 

He  doesn't  need  to  resign,  if  he  can  get  someone  as  a  quiet 
organizer  "who  will  give  all  his  time"  to  take  up  that  job 
under  him,  with  sub-organizers.  Who  is  this  genius  who 


414         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

can  organize  inorganic  matter,  and  give  it  life?     Thought 
He  was  dead  sometime  ! 

"Wanted  —  A  Miracle  Man  who  can  overcome  a  ma 
jority  of  seven  million  votes  with  a  hearty  handshake  and  a 
warm  brown  eye.  Need  have  no  program,  no  money. 
Must  be  a  hypnotist  who  can  make  the  people  forget  a  few 
things  and  believe  a  few  things  that  are  not  true.  Must  be 
able  by  reciting  poetry  to  make  the  cunning  capitalist  see 
that  he  is  safer  in  the  hands  of  the  Democrats  than  else 
where,  and  at  the  same  time  educate  the  worker  by  a  pass 
of  the  hand  to  know  that  it  is  decent  to  stay  bought.  Must 
have  received  the  Gift  of  Tongues  on  the  Day  of  Pentecost, 
so  as  to  talk  Yiddish,  in  New  York;  Portuguese  and 
Gaelic,  in  Massachusetts ;  Russian  and  German,  in  Chicago ; 
Scandinavian,  in  the  Northwest;  Cotton  and  Calhoun,  in 
the  South;  John  Brown  and  wheat,  in  Kansas;  gold  and 
Murphy,  on  14th  Street;  and  translate  Jesus  Christ  into 
Bolshevism,  Individualism,  Capitalism,  Lodgeism,  Wil- 
sonism !  Must  be  as  honest  as  old  Cleveland  and  as  clear 
of  purpose  as  Abraham  Lincoln." 

Put  this  want  ad.  in  the  papers  and  send  me,  by  freight 
car,  the  replies.  With  my  warmest, 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller 

Los  Angeles,  January  26,  [1921] 

DEAR  ADOLPH,  —  I  see  that  Harding1  is  to  leave  you.  and 
this  is  a  note  of  sympathy.  What  will  you  do?  Poor* 
chap  !  I  know  the  satisfaction  you  have  had  out  of  working 
with  him  and  now  he  follows  Warburg,  Delano,  and  Strauss. 
By  Jove,  that's  why  we  can't  make  things  go  as  other  coun 
tries  do  —  because  we  can't  give  our  people  enough  to  live 

1  Governor  Harding  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board  —  a  rumor  of  resignation. 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         415 

on.     This  is  at  once  the  meanest  and  most  generous  of 
Republics.     Mean  collectively,  generous  individually. 

He  will  wait  until  after  March  4th.  "Right  oh!"  I 
expect  you  to  have  some  say  as  to  his  successor,  espe 
cially  as  to  the  new  Governor.  And  if  you  can't  work 
with  the  new  man  you  can  lift  your  skirts  and  skip ! 
Freedom  of  movement,  assured  as  to  all  by  Adam  Smith, 
is  exclusively  the  prerogative  of  the  fortunate  few.  Don't 
be  downhearted !  You  can't  be  as  badly  off  as  you 
were  for  several  years.  Just  think  how  unlucky  I  am  as 
compared  with  you,  and  pat  yourself  on  the  back  and  take 
one  of  the  old  time  struts.  Good  belly !  Good  brains ! 
Good  pocket-book !  Good  friends  near  you !  Good  dog 
to  walk  with  in  the  woods  —  and  woods  in  which  you  can 
walk !  Good  house,  with  your  own  books  to  look  at  you 
friendly -like.  Oh  boy,  rejoice  and  be  glad ! 

February  17,  [1921] 

We  are  most  terribly  disappointed.  Your  promised  visit 
was  a  bright  spot,  —  a  sunshiny  place  —  to  which  we  have 
looked  forward  as  to  nothing  else  since  we  came  here.  Well, 
life  is  a  series  of  such  jars,  and  child-like  I  submit,  but  am 
not  reconciled. 

.  .  .  Are  you  coming  later?  How  is  Mary?  We 
really  seem  far  away  from  our  friends.  The  land  is  beau 
tiful,  but  friends  convert  a  shack  into  a  palace,  a  desert  into 
a  heaven. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  G.  Gehring 

Pasadena,  near  Paradise,  February  18 

Before  breakfast  this  morning,  indeed  before  dressing,  I 
sent  you  a  message  which  was  a  combined  confession, 


416         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

apologia,  report,  and  appeal.  I  said,  "I  have  done  wrong, 
I  apologize,  I  am  slightly  better,  and  I  hope  and  pray  you 
will  not  become  downhearted."  I  also  promised  to  write 
and  here  I  am  at  it.  But  you  would  have  had  this  letter 
just  as  early  anyway,  for  this  morning  was  to  be  yours  and 
mine.  All  other  mornings  for  two  weeks  and  more  have 
belonged  to  someone  else.  I  have  been  pretending  to  work, 
by  going  to  the  office  each  day.  And  last  night  I  said 
good-bye  to  the  Napoleon  of  our  institution,  who  took  his 
private  car  and  rolled  away  to  Mexico,  to  Galveston  first, 
thence  by  private  yacht  to  Tampico,  there  to  see  his  prop 
erties  and  spend  two  or  three  weeks. 

.  .  .  They  desired  us  to  go  greatly,  and  ours  would  have 
been  every  possible  comfort  that  one  can  have  while  travel 
ing,  .  .  .  but  the  tyrant  Anne  thought  that  as  I  was  pick 
ing  up  a  bit  it  was  wrong  to  change  conditions,  and  I 
yielded,  hardly  against  my  judgment,  but  strongly  against 
my  desire. 

So  here  I  am,  the  first  hour  after  release,  sitting  on  the 
porch  of  a  villa,  looking  across  a  valley  at  amethyst  moun 
tains,  crowned  with  a  sprinkling  of  blue  and  white  snow. 
The  noises  that  come  to  me  are  not  raucous ;  —  the  twitter 
of  birds,  a  rooster  crowing,  a  well-pump  throbbing  its  heart 
out,  the  shouts  of  some  children  at  play,  a  distant  school 
bell,  with  no  silver  in  its  alloy,  however,  the  swish  of  a  wood- 
sawing  machine  in  some  back-yard.  So  my  ears  are  not 
lonesome.  Immediately  before  me  is  the  gray-lavender 
bole  of  a  tall  eucalyptus,  not  a  leaf  or  branch  for  fifty  feet, 
and  then  a  drooping  cascade  of  blue-green  feathers.  Be 
yond  it  a  few  feet  a  red-blue  eucalyptus,  sturdy,  branching 
almost  at  the  ground  and  in  blossom.  These  stand  near 
the  border  of  a  drive  which  is  marked  by  a  cypress  hedge, 
trimmed  and  proper,  and  beyond  the  drive,  on  the  front  of 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         417 

the  terrace  are  magnolia  and  iron-wood  and  avocado  and 
palm  and  spruce,  rising  up  out  of  beds  of  carnations  and 
geraniums,  jasmine  and  pansies  (all  violet),  and  cherokee 
roses,  five-petaled,  white  with  golden  centers,  and  rose 
colored  —  (the  wild  rose  with  a  university  education,  a  year 
or  two  in  Italy,  and  the  care  of  a  good  maid).  While  be 
yond  this  terrace  are  orange,  and  tangerine,  and  lemon,  and 
grapefruit  with  their  green,  yellow,  and  deep  red-golden 
fruit  pendant;  and  still  further  on,  a  fringe  of  blossoming 
pear  trees  tell  you  that  this  is  not  the  tropics  after  all.  The 
breeze  is  a  gentle  woman's  hand,  a  soft  touch,  kindly,  ten 
der,  emotional,  but  not  disturbing.  It  is  not  lotus-eating 
time.  I  don't  know  that  that  time  ever  comes  here.  Autos 
whisk  through  the  woods,  buildings  are  going  up,  the  air  is 
dry  and  has  tang ;  it  has  challenge  in  it,  but  it  does  not  give 
off  the  heady  champagne  of  the  ah*  that  the  snow  breathes 
out  on  your  Millbrook  hillside. 

I  remember  as  I  looked  from  my  window  at  the  sunset  at 
Bethel  saying  to  myself,  "Can  there  be  any  fairer  spot  than 
this  ?  "  And  this  morning  as  I  saw  the  sun  rise  into  the  pink 
and  blue  of  the  sky,  empurpling  the  shadowed  hills  and 
splashing  rose  leaves  on  the  snowy  mountains,  I  again  said 
44 Is  there  anything  lovelier,  anywhere?"  Great  blessing, 
these  catholic  eyes  !  Should  the  heart  be  equally  catholic  ? 
There  is  a  real  problem  in  philosophy  and  sociology  for  you  ! 

And  now  that  you  know  how  happily  circumstanced  I 
am  as  to  environment  your  doctorial  demand  is  for  some 
thing  as  to  the  behavior  of  the  organs  and  nerves  which  we 
call  the  physical  man.  Well,  I  can't  tell  you  much.  I  do 
not  rise  and  walk  half  a  block  without  that  trigger  being 
pulled,  but  the  explosion  is  not  dynamite,  rather  poor  black 
powder,  I  should  say.  If  I  walk  half  a  dozen  blocks  I  stop 
a  half  a  dozen  times,  and  once  or  twice  nibble  at  a  precious 


418         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

pellet  of  nitro.  At  night  I  am  wakened  as  of  yore,  but  the 
agonizing,  crushing  pains  do  not  come  every  night.  .  .  . 
I  eat  prunes  and  bran  biscuit  and  coffee  for  breakfast;  a 
bit  of  cooked  fruit  (and  that  in  this  land  of  oranges  and  alli 
gator  pears  and  ripe  raspberries !),  chicken  and  green  peas, 
and  bran  biscuit  and  tea  for  lunch ;  a  couple  of  green  vege 
tables  and  bran  biscuit  and  a  small  black,  for  dinner.  And 
all  this  I  write  with  a  supreme  sense  of  virtue,  which  Simon 
Stylites  or  St.  Benedict  could  not  more  than  parallel.  As 
to  smoking  —  a  pipe,  generous  in  size  but  of  the  mildest 
possible  tobacco,  after  breakfast.  A  mild,  large  cigar  after 
lunch,  and  pause  here  and  worship  —  no  cigar  after  dinner. 
(But  this  latter  is  a  Lenten  innovation.  I  would  not  have 
you  think  I  am  preparing  for  immediate  ascension.) 

As  to  treatment,  an  osteopath  and  a  Christian  Scientist 
are  my  present  complement.  Each  morning  the  former, 
and  each  evening  the  latter.  The  former  to  gratify  myself, 
the  latter  to  gratify  a  dear  friend  who  "believed  and  was 
saved."  The  osteo  is  rational,  the  C.  S.,  with  limitations 
and  reservations.  .  .  . 

The  C.  S.  is  a  woman,  the  sister  of  an  artist  I  used  to 
know.  If  she  did  not  ask  or  expect  that  I  believe  certain 
things,  we  would  get  on  better.  I  can  believe  in  God  as  the 
Principle  of  Life,  that  seems  scientific.  I  am  willing  to  call 
Him  Spirit,  that  is  Christian.  That  He  is  Supreme  in  the 
Universe,  I  admit.  That  sin  and  sickness  may  with  further 
light  be  overmastered  I  do  not  deny;  physical  death,  of; 
course,  seems  to  me  a  thing  not  worth  bothering  about. 
But  that  God  is  all  good,  I  cannot  asseverate  in  the  living 
presence  of  a  few  Devils  whom  I  know,  unless  I  deny  that 
He  is  omnipresent  and  omnipotent,  or  unless  I  say  that  Bad 
is  Good.  God  cannot  be  good  and  all  powerful  without 
being  also  responsible  for  Bad,  and  therefore  be  both  Good 


FRIENDS  AND   THE   GREAT  HOPE         419 

and  Bad.  This  I  can  believe,  and  it  brings  me  to  Emerson's 
transcendentalism,  which  is  set  forth  in  the  Sphinx  — 
"Deep  Love  lieth  under  these  pictures  of  Time,  which  fade 
in  the  light  of  their  meaning  sublime."  In  a  word  we  are 
growing  into  the  Good.  The  Bad  is  not  the  ultimate,  but 
is  none  the  less  real.  This  is  better  than  Manicheism,  the 
Miltonian  contest  between  the  Good  Spirit  and  the  Bad, 
which  Wells  also  in  his  Invisible  King  presents;  a  simple 
theory,  understandable  but  not  to  my  mind  subject  to  care 
ful  scrutiny.  There  is  but  one  God,  one  Force,  one  Prin 
ciple,  one  Spirit,  and  it  is  working  its  way  through,  express 
ing  itself  as  best  it  can.  And  Evil  is  a  partial  view,  one 
phase  of  undevelopment,  the  muck  through  which,  by  God's 
own  law,  we  must  come;  and  indeed  He  could  not  have 
sent  us  any  other  way.  This  means  that  He  is  bound,  too. 
Is  this  supposable  ?  Omnipresent  ?  Yes  !  All  pervading  ! 
In  all !  But  Omnipotent  ?  No,  not  in  the  sense  that  He 
could  change  the  Order  of  Things,  for  He  is  the  Order  of 
Things  Himself.  Is  there  even  in  Him  complete  Freedom 
of  Will,  freedom  to  make  a  world  other  than  this?  One 
wishes,  in  a  sense,  to  say  so,  but  the  horror  of  it !  for  then 
He  is  responsible  for  the  cruelty  of  the  ant-heap,  the  feeding 
of  the  carnivorous  upon  the  vegetable  eaters,  the  preying 
and  persecution  of  the  malevolent  upon  the  kindly  —  and 
He  could  have  made  it  all  otherwise!  With  a  Free  Will 
He  could  have  brought  growth  without  pain,  being  om 
nipotent.  Here  we  see  God  as  a  monster,  —  responsible  for 
sweat  shops  and  the  Marne,  in  the  sense  that  His  will  could 
have  averted  these  things.  So  I  say  God  is  not  Good,  save 
in  the  sense  that  He  is  that  sunrise  this  morning.  But 
night  cometh,  when  thieves  break  through  and  steal.  More 
sunlight —  that  is  the  meaning  of  the  phrase  "God  is  Good" 
—  a  belief  in  a  tendency,  in  the  temporality  of  darkness,  of 


420         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

night,  a  sureness  that  the  day  will  come  and  "There  will  be 
no  night  there." 

This  is  a  long  disquisition,  but  I  just  had  to  get  it  out  of 
my  system ;  yet  I  can't,  it  bothers,  and  confuses,  and  per 
plexes,  and  hinders,  I  believe.  Better  brush  it  away  for 
practical  purposes  and  have  the  Will  to  Believe,  for  thence 
cometh  strength.  Pragmatically  C.  S.  works  out  with 
certain  people ;  and  to  them  it  is  Truth.  I  wish  it  were  so 
with  my  doubting  mind,  that  I  could  believe.  I  am  willing 
to  be  cured  tho'  I  do  not  understand  and  cannot  believe, 
and  this  they  say  they  can  do.  But  it  has  not  been  done 
with  me. 

Lunch  broke  into  this  discourse,  and  then  a  walk.  This 
time  on  the  other  side  of  the  house,  the  other  side  of  the  hill. 
There  I  found  a  new  world.  Palms,  huge  ones,  thirty  feet 
across,  with  their  dead  branches  strewing  the  ground,  mak 
ing  a  coarse  woven  carpet ;  and  pines,  large  ones,  yet  not  so 
gigantic  as  yours  on  the  road  beyond  the  creek ;  and  acacia 
in  full  golden  bloom,  glorious,  yet  modest  tree,  a  very  rare, 
non-self-assertive  tree,  a  truly  Christian  tree,  beautiful  but 
not  prideful.  Bamboo  in  great  clumps,  erect,  yielding  but 
not  to  be  broken  —  wise,  tenacious  orientals !  And  I 
walked  on  the  off-cast  seed  of  the  pepper,  and  beside  cacti 
higher  than  my  head  with  spears  of  crimson,  and  across  a 
sweep  of  lawn  over  which  oranges  had  been  dropped,  by  the 
generosity  of  an  up-hill  row  of  trees  that  were  saying,  "We 
must  make  room  for  the  next  generation."  The  flowers, 
(oxalis)  and  leaves  I  enclose  made  a  mat,  close  clinging  to 
the  earth,  a  mat  of  white,  red,  and  lavender  resting  on  these 
clover-like  leaves  that  rested  in  turn  directly  on  the  ground. 
And  all  about,  a  hundred  plants  I  did  not  know,  into  which 
my  footsteps  sent  quail  and  rabbit,  that  did  not  fear  me 
really  but  could  not  quite  say  that  Man  is  Love. 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         421 

I  have  written  you  a  long  line,  may  it  serve  for  a  time  as 
a  word  also  to  your  dear  Lady,  whose  letter  and  rare  bit  of 
verse  I  have  also  received.  I  do  hope  that  you  soon  master 
whatever  ails  you.  Don't  lose  faith  in  yourself,  above  all 
things.  Believe  that  you  are  all  that  your  friends  believe 
you  to  be  —  a  Civilized  Medicine  Man.  Be  as  deluded  as 
we  are.  Affectionately, 

LANE 

To  John  W.  Hallowell 

Los  Angeles,  February  21,  1921 

MY  DEAR  JACK,  —  It  is  Sunday  morning,  very  early ;  the 
sun  is  trying  to  get  out  of  bed,  a  mocking  bird  is  hailing  its 
effort  with  great  gurgling.  I  am  sitting  near  an  open  win 
dow  looking  down  into  orange  trees,  which  are  a  very  dark 
shadow,  and  I  am  just  as  happy  in  my  heart  as  I  can  be  with 
a  bum  heart,  and  no  home,  and  a  scattered  family.  But 
—  !  Bad  word  that  "but." 

Roots  we  all  have  and  we  must  not  be  torn  up  from  them 
and  flung  about  as  if  we  were  young  things  that  could  take 
hold  in  any  soil.  I  have  been,  all  America  has  been,  too 
indifferent  to  roots  —  home  roots,  school  roots,  work  roots. 
.  .  .  We  should  love  stability  and  tradition  as  well  as 
love  adventure  and  advancement. 

Your  new  job  interests  me,  but  I  wonder  if  you  will  go 
with  the  Secretary  of  Commerce  [Hoover].  ...  I  guess 
he  did  right.  But  unless  he  gets  to  be  the  leading  adviser 
he'll  have  to  get  out.  For  I'm  afraid  we  are  to  see  too  much 
politics  —  Republican  Burlesonism  in  the  saddle.  Gov 
ernment  by  unanimous  consent  is  not  practicable,  and  it 
looked  as  if  this  were  Harding's  motto  until  Hoover's  ap 
pointment.  Hoover  will  be  the  man  to  whom  the  country 
will  look  for  some  guidance  along  progressive  lines,  and  the 


LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

country  will  expect  too  much,  more  than  any  man  can  de 
liver. 

Please  tell  your  dear  Mother  that  I  have  her  book,  and 
last  night  read  two  chapters.  I  know  Bok  and  did  not 
think  him  capable  of  such  a  literary  work,  or  that  he  had 
such  character  as  his  book  reveals.  .  .  .  My  love  to  the 
Troop,  and  write  just  as  often  as  you  can. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Curt  G.  Pfeiffer 

Pasadena,  22  [February,  1921] 

MY  DEAR  OLD  PFEIFFER,  —  I  have  treated  you  shamefully. 
Yes,  I  have,  don't  protest !  But  I  have  been  pretending  to 
be  busy.  Mr.  Doheny  wanted  me  to  go  to  Mexico,  and 
Anne  did  not  want  me  to  go,  and  I  have  had  a  hard  time. 
They  have  gone  and  we  have  come  out  here  with  Mrs. 
Severance,  in  the  loveliest  hillside  spot  you  ever  saw.  Flow 
ers  and  trees  all  about  and  mountains  in  the  distance. 
Wonderful  land ! 

To-day  I  celebrated  G.  W.'s  birthday  by  taking  on  a  new 
doctor.  .  .  .  Thought  I  had  escaped  from  doctors  but  it 
is  not  so  to  be.  .  .  . 

This  is  all  my  news.  I  do  wish  I  were  there  to  talk  poli 
tics  with  you.  Poor  Harding!  He  will  suffer  the  politi 
cians,  I  fear,  till  they  undo  him.  .  .  . 

The  Germans  seem  to  have  recovered  their  audacity. 
They  should  have  been  driven  into  their  own  land  and  theit 
some.  I  am  not  for  revenge  nor  for  their  paralyzing,  but 
just  reparation  they  should  pay.  Perhaps  things  have  been 
botched,  I  do  not  trust  Briand.  I'd  trust  Hoover  to  get 
all  they  could  pay,  and  he's  the  only  one  I  know  who  could 
be  just  and  at  the  same  time  sensible  in  method,  but  he 
can't  be  used  where  he  should  be  used. 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE        423 

March  31 

.  .  .  You  are  a  delight  and  joy  to  a  thirsty  man,  a  true 
water  carrier,  you  give  of  the  water  of  life.  For  you  know 
that  men  shall  not  live  by  bread  alone.  Not  only  words  of 
wisdom,  sage  counsel,  come  from  you,  but  there  is  a  heart 
behind  which  does  not  wane  with  the  years,  but  on  the  con 
trary  grows  stronger  and  more  generous.  I  look  forward 
to  returning  to  New  York  to  be  able  once  again  to  feel  with 
you  the  pleasure  of  an  intellectual  companionship,  wherein 
the  mind  is  so  refined  as  to  be  emotionally  sympathetic. 
You  would  take  the  greatest  joy  out  of  the  beauty  in  which 
I  am  living.  .  .  .  The  night  is  fragrant  (Do  you  remember 
telling  me  of  that  Japanese  criterion  ?)  with  orange,  wisteria, 
and  jasmine.  Oh,  this  is  exquisite  country,  if  I  only  had 
health!  But  there  is  little  beauty  where  pain  is,  and  my 
pain  holds  on  even  when  I  was  with  my  brother  on  his  farm, 
eighty  acres,  south  of  San  Jose,  tucked  in  the  foothills  — 
raises  nothing  but  kindliness  and  a  few  vegetables  and  some 
hay.  It  is  the  sweetest  place  in  its  spirit  I  have  ever  felt, 
and  lovely  physically,  too.  I  wish  I  could  get  you  to  go  out 
there  with  me.  Put  up  a  comfortable  adobe  on  the  knob  of 
a  hill  with  a  wide  prospect  and  then  make  things  grow,  in 
cluding  our  own  souls.  .  .  . 

I'm  going  back  there  in  a  week  or  two,  then  East,  I  hope, 
to  Ned's  wedding.  .  .  .  The  girl  is  all  a  girl  should  be,  I 
believe.  Smaller  than  he  is,  a  tiny  thing  in  fact,  very  gentle 
in  voice  and  manner,  sweet  natured,  musical,  wholesome. 

...  I  still  dream  of  that  place  on  the  Shepaug  river,  in 
Connecticut,  where  you  think  I  would  be  lonesome.  A 
winter  here  with  George  and  a  summer  there  with  you, 
would  quite  suit  me.  .  .  .  Well,  write  me,  for  books  are 
not  old  friends  after  all,  are  they  ?  Forever  and  ever  yours, 

F.  K.  L. 


424         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Writing  of  the  days  of  their  youth  Pfeiffer  said  later, 
"Friendships  are  inexplicable,  they  defy  analysis,  but  what 
ever  it  was  that  we  might  be  doing,  we  were  usually  in  har 
mony  about  it.  I  can  only  explain  it  by  saying  that  we 
liked  each  other.  We  liked  each  other  just  as  we  were, 
and  we  knew  each  other  with  intimacy  that  deepened  with 
the  years,  and  never  disappointed  us.  The  magic  circle 
came  later  to  include  others,  and  they  were  accepted  and 
appreciated  with  the  same  affection  and  trust.  ...  It  is 
a  singular  and  beautiful  thing  that  such  a  multiple  and 
intimate  relationship  should  have  survived  throughout  all 
of  our  lives.  Perhaps  it  was  because  we  were  friends 
without  capitulation.  .  .  . 

"Some  of  us  did  not  meet  again,  after  that  first  period, 
for  years,  but  whenever  we  did  meet,  it  was  always  in  the 
spirit  of  the  early  days.  A  few  words  would  tell  us  what 
we  knew  of  the  latest  doings  of  the  rest,  and  we  would  then 
'carry  on'  just  as  if  there  had  never  been  a  break  in  our 
intercourse.  The  strength  of  our  joint  memories,  based  on 
our  youthful  experiences  in  common  and  added  to  from  time 
to  time,  grew  with  the  years." 

To  John  G.  Gehring 

Pasadena,  February  24,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  DocTOR-AND-MoRE,  —  This  is  a  note  of  cheer 
written  by  a  somewhat  dolorous  duffer  who  spent  last  night 
in  pain,  but  this  morning  is  rather  comfortable.  .  .  . 

Am  reading  William  James'  Varieties  of  Religious  Ex 
perience,  and  it  is  really  the  most  helpful  religious  or  phil 
osophical  work  I  have  ever  read.  Nothing  else  anywhere 
near  as  good  for  the  groping  mind  that  wants  to  be  led 
cautiously,  reasonably,  suggestively  to  the  "Water  of  Life," 
but  shown  that  there  is  water  there.  (Pretty  poor  figure, 


FRIENDS  AND  THE   GREAT  HOPE         425 

but  perhaps  understandable.)  I  must  re-read  his  answer  to 
the  questionnaire  in  his  Letters,  and  compare  it  with  his  con 
clusions  in  this  book.  You  remember  my  thought  that 
probably  Emerson,  William  James,  and  Henry  George  had 
been  the  greatest  writing  minds  we  had  produced.  Prob 
ably  you  can  improve  on  this. 

Have  been  interested  myself  in  thinking  of  a  list  of  books 
that  have  made  great  movements  in  the  world,  Darwin's 
Descent  of  Man,  for  illustration.  Books  that  have  provoked 
the  minds  of  men  into  action  of  one  kind  or  another :  --  The 
Bible,  Koran,  in  religions,  of  course !  What  started  modern 
medicine  ?  I  mean  in  the  way  of  a  book  ? 

What  are,  or  have  been,  the  great  movements  in  history, 
anyway  ?  Wars,  of  course,  don't  count,  when  merely  preda 
tory. 

Man's  relation  to  God. 

Man's  relation  to  the  World. 

Man's  relation  to  Man. 

Man's  relation  to  the  Good. 

Man's  relation  to  the  True. 

Man's  relation  to  the  Beautiful. 

These  ought  to  cover  Art,  Science,  Philosophy,  Religion, 
Progress.  Civilization  of  every  kind.  And  this  progress 
has  come  in  waves,  hasn't  it  ?  Did  any  book  start,  or  give 
evidence  of  the  starting  of  these  waves?  That's  the  ques 
tion.  Outside  religion  and  philosophy  books  were  the  re 
sults  not  the  causes  of  movements.  How  true  is  that? 

As  always  and  always,  _   T 

r .  K.  L. 

To  D.  M.  Reynolds 

Pasadena,  [February,  19211 

I'm  writing  this  late  at  night  and  will  mail  it  in  the  morning, 
for  I'm  going  to  Santa  Barbara  for  a  couple  of  days.  Do 


426         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

with  it  what  you  will.     Judge  for  me  what  it  is  wise  to  say. 
And  be  as  condensed  as  possible. 

What  I've  written  is  to  be  dropped  in  at  the  right  places, 
it  is  not  conservative.  Will  see  you  next  week,  I  hope, 
perhaps  Saturday. 

F.  K.  LANE 

Cooperation  is  the  word  of  this  century  and  we  don't 
know  what  it  means  yet.  We  work  together  most  imper 
fectly  in  things  political,  and  we  are  just  beginning  to  feel 
our  way  into  the  worlds  of  social  and  industrial  life.  I'm 
not  afraid  of  socialism.  I  really  don't  know  anyone  who 
is.  We're  all  afraid  of  blundering  attempts  at  getting  a 
thing  called  by  that  name,  which  is  a  mechanical  method  of 
bringing  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  on  earth,  without  chang 
ing  the  human  spirit. 

The  call  for  socialism  or  communism  is  generally  a  call 
for  more  of  justice  and  of  honesty  and  of  fair  dealing  be 
tween  men,  rather  than  a  demand  for  any  particular  and 
organized  method  of  carrying  on  industrial  life.  If  business 
is  squarely  conducted  we  won't  try  experiments  in  mechan- 
icalizing  and  sterilizing  business.  But  a  few  more  years 
of  profiteering,  and  Conservatives  would  have  become 
Reds. 

Now  we  should  be  studying  and  planning  for  a  safer  in 
dustrial  life,  one  in  which  there  will  be  fewer  waves,  a  safer 
and  more  even  sea.  That  we  can  have,  if  we  are  willing  to 
be  less  greedy  now,  less  venturesome  and  predatory. 

The  only  people  who  have  done  much  in  the  way  of  sub 
stantial  thinking  as  to  cooperative  action,  collective  ac 
tion,  are  those  who  think  in  terms  of  immediate  and  large 
fortunes  for  themselves,  through  plans  of  capitalizing  com 
bined  brains  and  money.  Their  example  is  a  good  one  to 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         427 

follow  in  lesser  things,  where  the  object  is  not  great  wealth 
but  a  more  even  measure  of  good  living.  Insurance  is  the 
right  word  for  it,  business  life  insurance  through  honest 
cooperation.  You  mark  my  word,  that  is  the  next  big  move 
in  business  affairs.  Nationalization  of  things  is  not  their  so 
cialization.  Not  at  all.  It  may  mean  their  desocialization, 
their  withdrawal  from  the  use  of  society  altogether,  or  their 
more  imperfect  use.  Calling  things  by  nice  names,  popular 
alluring  names,  does  not  solve  problems.  Nevertheless 
such  names  evidence  our  social  dreams.  We  all  feel  that 
there  must  be  more  of  justice  in  the  economic  world.  But 
we  don't  want  it  at  the  expense  of  society,  that  is  at  our 
own  expense,  for  that  means  Bolshevism  and  Bolshevism  is 
paralysis.  .  .  . 

Oil  is  one  of  the  fine  forms  of  Power  that  we  know,  for 
many  purposes  the  handiest.  Industrially  it  is  as  indis 
pensable  and  staple  as  the  soil  itself.  To  lose  faith  in  the 
future  of  oil  —  why,  that's  as  unthinkable  as  to  lose  faith 
in  your  hands.  Oil,  coal,  electricity,  what  are  these  but 
multiplied  and  more  adaptable,  super-serviceable  hands? 
They  may  temporarily  be  unemployed  but  the  world  can't 
go  round  without  them. 

A  slack  time  is  always  one  of  fear,  never  of  confidence. 
And  no  policies  should  be  adopted  in  such  an  atmosphere. 
For  the  man  who  can  afford  to  take  the  long  view  these  are 
great  days.  He  can  take  up  what  others  cannot  carry. 
Better  still  he  can  prepare  for  the  demand  of  to-morrow,  or 
the  day  after  to-morrow  —  find  more  oil,  if  you  please,  plan 
for  its  fuller  use,  as  we  are  talking  of  oil,  but  the  principle 
applies  to  everything.  Take  the  railroads.  Their  car 
shortage  is  mounting  and  their  out-of-order  equipment  is 
way  up.  This  has  always  been  so  in  hard  times.  But  this 
is  the  very  time  when  they  should  have  plenty  of  money,  to 


428         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

get  road  bed  and  equipment  in  perfect  shape  for  to-morrow's 
rush.  No,  the  nation  would  do  no  better  if  it  had  the 
roads.  Congress  doesn't  think  ahead  two  years.  It  is  a 
reflector,  not  a  generator.  The  fault  is  ours. 

Right  now  the  call  in  national  affairs  of  every  kind  is  for 
the  long  view;  we  have  use  for  the  men  who  can  see  this 
nation  in  its  relation  to  other  nations,  next  year  and  next 
generation,  and  for  men  in  business  who  can  think  in  terms 
of  1922,  and  1925,  and  1945.  That's  what  really  big  busi 
ness  can  do  —  hold  its  breath  under  water  and  watch  the 
waves. 


To  Mrs.  Cordenio  Severance 

[Pasadena,  March,  1921] 

DEAR  MAIDIE,  —  It  is  six  in  the  morning.  The  sun  is  a 
long  streak  of  salmon  pink  in  a  gray  skirt  of  fog.  Chanti 
cleer  is  very  loud  and  conquering.  The  little  birds  are 
twittering  all  about,  in  wisteria,  in  oranges ;  and  over  on 
the  hillside,  by  the  cherokee  roses,  there  was  a  mocking 
bird  that  hailed  the  dawn,  or  its  promise,  an  hour  ago. 

And  for  all  this  beauty,  this  gay  cheer,  this  soul-lifting 
day-breaking  I  have  you  to  thank.  It  is  the  one  most  ex 
quisite  spot  in  which  I  have  ever  laid  my  head.  And  pity 
is  that  I  have  been  so  down-cast  that  I  could  not  feel  fully 
what  was  here,  nor  show  what  I  did  feel. 

Forgive  me  for  my  many  ungraciousnesses  and  credit; 
yourself,  I  beg,  with  having  done  all  and  everything  that 
human  hands  and  heart  could  do  to  make  me  "come  back." 

You  have  spent  a  lifetime  doing  good,  giving  out  of  your 
heart,  and  the  only  reward  you  can  get  is  the  evidence  of 
understanding  in  paltry  words  like  these. 

F.  K.  L. 


FRIENDS  AND   THE   GREAT  HOPE         429 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Interior 

Los  Angeles,  March  4,  [1921] 

DEAR  ALECK,  —  The  end  has  come.  We  were  identified 
with  an  historic  period,  one  of  the  great  days  of  the  world. 
And  none  can  say  that  our  part,  of  relatively  slight  impor 
tance  maybe,  was  not  well  played.  We  did  not  strut  and 
call  the  world  to  witness  how  well  we  did.  We  did  not  voice 
indignation  at  injustice,  and  make  heroes  of  ourselves  at 
the  price  of  unity.  And  some  things  we  did,  and  more  we 
tried  to  do,  and  all  were  good.  So  I  look  back  over  the 
eight  years  with  some  personal  satisfaction,  for  not  a  thing 
was  done  or  attempted  .  .  .  that  was  unworthy,  ignoble, 
unpatriotic  or  little. 

I  am  glad  to  get  news  of  the  force,  and  sorry  that  I  can 
not  have  them  all  round  about  me  for  the  rest  of  my  days. 
Had  I  been  well  I  would  have  been  with  you  this  morning, 
to  bid  you  all  good  cheer.  It  was  my  hope  when  I  saw  you 
in  December  that  this  might  be. 

I  like  your  plans  for  the  future  and,  by  the  starry  belt  of 
Orion,  I'd  like  to  join  you.  ...  I  am  stronger  and  look 
very  well,  but  my  damn  pains  are  about  as  frequent  and 
crunching  as  ever.  .  .  .  No  one  can  say  that  I  have  not 
fought  a  good  fight  and  stood  a  lot  of  punishment.  Good 
luck,  dear  Aleck. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  James  S.  Harlan 

Pasadena,  March  5,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  That  was  a  fine  long  letter  in  your  old- 
time  style,  and  I  am  doing  the  unprecedented  thing  of 
answering  it  promptly.  To  this  I  am  prompted  by  the 
near-by  presence  of  a  very  handsome  young  woman  for- 


430         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

merly  named  Wyncoop,  now  Mays,  who  knows  Mrs.  Har- 
lan  well,  having  been  much  at  the  Crater  Club.  .  .  .  Who 
would  have  thought  such  a  thing  possible  —  that  here  as  I  lie 
on  a  couch  in  a  doctor's  office  with  a  rubber  tube  in  my  mouth, 
I  should  attract  the  curiosity  of  a  baby  who  came  to  see  the 
"funny  tube,"  and  that  she  should  be  followed  by  a  nice- 
looking,  blue-eyed,  bright-cheeked  girl  who  says,  "I  believe  I 
saw  you  once  at  Lake  Champlain.  You  know  Mrs.  Harlan." 

Well  now,  as  George  Harvey  might  say  —  "One  day 
After !"  I  want  to  help  in  any  way  I  can  to  make  this  ad 
ministration  a  success.  ...  If  Hoover  can  work  with 
Harding,  or  the  latter  with  him,  all  will  be  well.  But  I 
fear  the  politicians  —  especially  .  .  .  [those]  ambitious 
for  a  great  political  machine.  The  country  will  be  generous 
for  a  time  to  Harding.  ...  But  it  will  turn  against  him 
with  anger  unbounded  if  he  turns  the  country  over  to  the 
men  who  want  office  and  the  men  who  want  privilege  and 
favor.  The  politicians  and  the  profiteers  may  be  his  un 
doing.  I  hope  not ! 

...  I  cannot  close  without  a  special  word  to  that  most 
gracious,  tender,  and  charming  Lady  who  is  your  "sweet 
heart."  As  I  wander  and  see  many,  I  find  no  limitation, 
no  reservation,  or  modification  to  put  to  that  declaration  of 
admiration  and  devotion,  which  I  made  to  Her  now  some 
fifteen  years  ago,  nearly.  Tell  her  that  this  old,  sick, 
troubled  man  thinks  nice  things  about  her  often.  My 
affectionate  regards  to  you,  dear  Jim. 

LANE 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller 

Morgan  Hill,  March  9,  [1921] 

When  my  eyes  opened  this  morning  they  looked  out  upon 
a  hillside  of  vivid  green,  like  the  tops  of  Monterey  cypress, 


FRIENDS  AND   THE   GREAT  HOPE         431 

flecked  with  bits  of  darker  green  embroiderings,  and  be 
hind  this  was  green,  too,  but  very  dark,  and  it  had  great 
splashes  of  a  green  so  dark  that  they  looked  black  —  and 
my  heart  was  glad.  It  was  a  common  scene,  nothing  rarely 
beautiful  about  it.  Fog  enclosed  the  earth.  There  was 
no  sky.  But  I  had  known  it  as  a  boy,  this  same  kind  of  a 
picture,  and  it  went  to  this  poor  tired  heart  of  mine  and  was 
like  balsam  to  a  wound.  By  Jove,  it  is  balsam !  These 
hills  are  for  the  healing  of  men.  I  have  been  here  three 
days  and  have  taken  more  exercise  than  in  three  months  — 
walking  and  climbing;  beside  the  creek  lined  with  great 
sycamores  —  alluvial  soil,  crumbles  in  your  hand,  and  with 
our  friend  the  gopher  in  it ;  and  climbed  up  through  a  bit  of 
manzanita  —  big  fellows,  twenty  feet  high  some  of  them  - 
and  such  a  rich  brown,  near-burgundy  red !  I  barked  a  bit 
of  the  bole  to  get  that  green  beneath,  spring  green,  great 
contrast ! 

And  above  the  grove  of  manzanita  was  a  flat  top  to  the 
hill,  from  which  I  could  see  three  ways,  and  all  ending  in 
cloud-wrapped  mountains,  that  had  shape  and  were  blue  of 
some  kind,  as  far  as  you  could  see.  Ah  man,  this  is  a  glo 
rious  land  —  even  the  people!  Along  the  road  I  talked  to 
Lundgren,  who  used  to  be  a  ship-carpenter,  but  he  had  a 
prune  orchard  here  "since  the  fire."  I  must  "see  his 
horses,"  great  snuzzling  monsters  that  he  had  raised  him 
self  (sold  one  of  them  once,  and  sneaked  off  and  bought  it 
back)  and  his  calves,  twins  out  of  a  three-year-old  —  and  she 
had  had  one  before.  Oh  shades  of  Teddy  Roosevelt, 
there's  your  ideal !  (Do  you  remember  Kipling's  line  in  the 
Mary  Gloster,  "And  she  carried  her  freight  each  trip"?) 

And  next  to  Lungren  was  the  Frenchman  —  far  up  on 
the  hill  cultivating  his  grapes,  for  which  he  got  $110  per  ton 
last  year  —  and  this  year  he  puts  out  five  acres  more.  The 


432         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

Frenchman  has  indigestion  and  lives  alone  .  .  .  that  hill 
side  of  vines  gives  him  something  to  love. 

When  we  come  to  the  turn  in  the  road,  where  you  cross 
the  creek  to  climb  the  hill,  there  the  "Portugee"  lives.  He 
always  has  lived  there.  He  was  found  just  there  when  the 
Padres  came.  And  his  name  was  Silva.  John  Silva,  of 
Stevenson's  Treasure  Island  —  born  in  the  Azores,  of  course 

—  there  are  no  other  Portuguese  in  America. 

And  John  has  —  how  many  children  ?  Give  you  three 
guesses.  All  by  one  wife,  too,  and  she  is  in  evidence,  and  a 
native  daughter.  I  saw  her  with  my  own  eyes,  black  hair, 
dark  skin,  slight  figure,  voluble,  smiling,  large-knuckled 
hands  and  a  flashy  eye,  oh!  a  long  way  from  being  unin 
teresting  to  John  yet,  or  a  merely  "good  woman."  Well, 
how  many  children  did  they  have,  right  there  by  the  road  ? 

—  eleven.     Eight  boys  and  three  girls  —  and  four  dead, 
too.    Fine  boys  and  girls,  one  I  saw  plowing  or  cultivating 
straight  up  and  down  the  vineyard,  a  sixty  degree  hill,  I 
should  say.     I  was  struggling  with  a  cane  to  get  one  foot 
before  another  on  the  sloping  road  and  he  was  outdoing  a 
horse,  that  he  drove  with  his  neck  and  shoulders,  while  with 
his  hands  he  guided  the  little  plow  straight  up  toward  the 
sky.     I  am  not  envious  of  such  youth.     I  never  had  it.     I 
was  always  lazy.     But  it  is  a  real  joy  for  me  to  be  near  such 
youth  —  just  to  know  that  such  things  can  be  done  —  by 
angels  from  the  Azores.     You  remember  Anne's  story,  "In 
future  it  is  prohibited  to  refer  to  our  beloved  Allies  as  *  the 
God-damned  Portuguese"5  ?     Well,  I  feel  the  same  way. 

Yes,  this  land  of  yours  is  good.  (All  land  is  good,  I  be 
lieve.)  And  the  stillness,  and  the  birds,  and  the  flowers! 
The  simplicity  of  these  two  dear  hearts  —  George  and  his 
wife  —  the  little  they  need !  A  paper  once  a  day  for  five 
minutes,  a  song  to  break  day  with,  and  a  round  of  songs  and 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         433 

piano  pieces  to  end  the  day,  every  act  one  of  consideration, 
and  each  word  spoken  with  a  tender  look,  a  gay  lilt  to  the 
voice,  even  in  asking  to  pass  the  salt.  "Better  a  dinner  of 
herbs  where  love  is,"  etc.  Well,  they  have  it,  herbs  and 
all,  —  beet  tops  and  mustard  leaves.  .  .  .  Good  luck  to 

you. 

F.  K.  L. 

P.  S.  You  don't  deserve  this  —  you  stingy,  skimpy  mol- 
lusk! 


To  Lathrop  Brown 

Morgan  Hill,  [March]  16,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  LATHROP,  — I  wish  I  could  be  with  you  just  to 
laugh  away  that  cynical  mood.  I  know  that  I  do  not  see 
the  world  undressed,  naked,  in  the  raw,  as  you  youngsters 
do.  Illusions  and  delusions,  let  them  be !  I  shall  cherish 
them.  For  whatever  it  is  inside  of  me  that  I  call  soul  seems 
to  grow  on  these  things  that  seem  so  contrary  to  the  re 
sults  of  experience.  "If  a  lie  works,  it's  the  truth,"  says 
Dooley.  So  say  I,  in  my  pragmatism.  I  have  "become" 
in  the  eyes  of  men  and  I  want  to  "become"  in  the  eyes  of 
my  better  self,  that  ego  must  be  gratified  at  least  by  an 
effort.  And  to  "become"  requires  that  there  shall  be  some 
faith.  We  don't  accomplish  by  disbelieving.  That  is 
your  Mother's  religion.  It  is  my  philosophy.  She  has 
capacity  for  faith  which  I  have  not,  because  she  climbs, 
while  I  stand  still. 

Of  course  the  inauguration  business  was  commonplace. 
That  is  Ohio  statesmanship,  somehow.  But  good  may  come 
of  it,  and  you  and  I  want  to  help  it,  so  far  as  it  wants  na 
tional  food,  to  bear  fruit.  Damn  all  your  politics  and  par 
tisanship  !  Humbug — twaddle  —  fiddle-dee-dee,  made  for 


434         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

lazy  louts  who  want  jobs  and  bosses  who  want  power. 
Well,  we  are  out  now  for  a  long  time,  and  we  might  as  well 
forget  bitterness,  or  rather  submerge  it  in  the  bigger  call 
of  the  nation.  All  of  which  you  characterize  as  senti- 
mentalism  —  so  says  Burleson,  too. 

I  am  beginning  to  despair  of  doctors  and  to  say  to  my 
self,  "Better  get  back  to  work,  and  go  it  as  long  as  you  can, 
then  quit  and  live  on  rolled  oats  and  buttermilk  until  the 
light  goes  out."  .  .  .  Well,  goodnight,  dear  chap. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  G.  Gehring 

[March]  21,  [1921] 

And  how  are  you,  Padre?  Do  you  find  that  there  are 
those  who  can  probe  into  the  secrets  within  you  and  tell 
more  than  you  as  patient  can  tell  yourself?  Has  a  physi 
cian  who  follows  the  biblical  advice,  "Heal  thyself,"  a 
Fool  for  a  Doctor?  What  has  been  taught  you  in  the  ill- 
smelling  center  of  darkness,  dreariness  and  torture,  where 
there  is  more  need  for  beauty  than  in  any  other  place,  and 
less  of  it,  more  need  for  gaiety,  and  less  of  it,  more  need  for 
wholesome  suggestion  and  less  of  it?  ...  All  hospitals 
should  have  bright  paper  on  the  walls,  or  bright  pictures. 
To  hell  with  the  microbe  theory !  There  are  worse  things 
than  microbes.  All  nurses  should  be  good-looking.  They 
should  paint  and  pad,  if  necessary,  to  give  an  imitation  of 
good  looks.  Now,  honestly,  do  you  not  agree?  And  they; 
should  not  have  doors  open,  nor  ask  perfunctory  silly  ques 
tions,  such  as  "Well,  how  are  we  today?" 

On  examination  nurses  should  be  rated  largely  for  things 
that  don't  count  —  looks,  cheerfulness,  silliness,  sympathy, 
softness  of  hand,  willingness  to  listen  to  the  victim- 
patient!  .  .  . 


FRIENDS  AND   THE   GREAT  HOPE         435 

I  am  going  to  Rochester,  ...  my  brother  is  going  with 
me.  Bless  him !  He'd  be  glad  to  take  you  back,  and  he 
can  give  you  wood  to  chop,  and  a  black-headed  grosbeak 
to  sing  for  you.  Ever  hear  one?  Better  than  Caruso. 

May  the  Lord  make  his  light  to  shine  upon  you  and  give 
you  peace. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  H.  Wigmore 

Los  Angeles,  March  25,  1921 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  Hail  to  you  brave  leader  of  the  Moral 
Forces !  Isn't  that  an  offensive  title  ?  You  see  I  have 
been  asked  to  join  you  in  "Potentia."  Isn't  that  word  out 
of  the  Middle  Ages  ? 

I  would  like  to  join  against  crooks,  thieves,  and  liars. 
But  the  American  people  don't  like  anyone  to  assume  that 
he  represents  the  Moral  Forces.  And  "Potentia"  sounds  too 
mystic  for  any  land  this  side  of  Egypt.  Am  I  not  right? 
Answer  in  one  of  your  sane  moments.  You  cannot  go  against 
ridicule  in  America.  Bishops  here  are  not  the  same  as 
Lords  in  England.  They  cannot  save  from  ridicule  pre 
tentious  good  things.  Now  Ross  and  you  are  wise  things. 
How  do  you  stand  for  "Moral  Forces"  and  "Potentia"? 
No,  no,  dear  John  !  —  less  hifalutism  ! 

I  write  for  information.  Tell  me  —  do  you  think  good 
will  come  of  it?  My  immediate  judgment  is  against  it, 
strongly.  In  purpose  —  good,  in  method,  name,  —  im 
possible.  It  is  as  if  one  were  to  say,  "Come  let  us  gather 
together  the  Good  and  the  Wise,  and  say  who  shall  be  called 
honest  men."  Cicero,  I  believe,  formed  government  by 
the  "boni."  No  one  likes  the  good  who  advertise.  I 
don't.  Am  I  all  wrong  ?  .  .  . 

LANE 


436         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt 

[Pasadena],  March  25,  [1921] 

Your  letters,  my  dear  Mrs.  Franklin,  are  refreshing 
breezes.  They  are  quite  what  breezes  should  be  —  warm, 
kindly,  stimulating ;  not  hard,  stiff,  compelling  things,  off 
a  granite  Northern  shore.  Anne  rejoices  in  them,  without 
words. 

I  have  been  lately  with  my  one  brother  on  his  ranch  —  a 
large  name  implying  vast  herds  quietly  grazing  over  infinite 
valleys  and  mountains.  But  all  farms  here  are  ranches,  as 
you  doubtless  know,  as  all  weather  is  fine.  My  brother's 
ranchita  is  eighty  acres  of  beauty ;  a  stream  below,  running 
up  to  manzanita  crowns  on  good-sized  hills,  and  oaks  and 
sycamores  and  bays,  and  many  other  trees  between.  He 
has  a  house,  all  of  which  he  planned  in  fullest  detail  himself, 
with  as  lovely  a  site  as  anywhere,  and  a  pretty  and  artistic 
wife;  a  good  saddle  horse,  a  noble  dog,  a  loyal  and  most 
excellent  cook,  many  books  —  and  what  more  could  he 
have  in  heaven?  Outside  his  dining-room  window  he  has 
built  a  dining-table  for  the  birds,  and  so  as  we  dined  within, 
they  dined  without.  Each  morning  I  saw  the  sun  rise,  and 
I  whistled  as  I  dressed.  One  morning  I  climbed  the  hills 
and  found  the  cow  and  drove  it  in  for  the  man  to  milk. 
But  my  only  morning  duty  was  to  pick  a  golden  poppy  or  a 
cherokee  rose  or  a  handful  of  wild  forget-me-nots  for  my 
button-hole.  All  day  I  sat  in  the  sun,  or  drove  a  bit  or 
walked  a  little  —  talking,  talking,  talking ;  of  law,  and  Plato,  \ 
and  Epictetus,  and  Harry  Lauder,  (whom  we  imitated,  at  a 
distance ;  for  my  brother  sings  Scotch  songs) ;  and  we 
talked  too  of  our  old  girls  and  the  early  days  of  good  hunt 
ing  in  this  semi-civilized  land,  and  of  Woodrow  Wilson  and 
H.  G.  Wells  and  Emerson  and  Henry  George,  and  of  Billy 
Emerson,  the  negro  minstrel,  and  William  Keith  our  great 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE        437 

artist.  And  we  planned  houses,  adobe  houses,  that  should 
be  built  up  above,  over  the  manzanita  bushes,  and  the 
swimming-pool  that  should  just  naturally  lie  between  the 
two  live-oaks  hidden  behind  the  natural  screen  of  moun 
tain  laurel,  but  open  clear  up  to  the  sun.  Each  night  we 
closed  with  a  round  of  songs,  and  maybe  a  hymn.  And 
bed  was  early.  Now  wasn't  that  a  good  place  to  be  ? 

Not  so  very  different  in  atmosphere  from  Hyde  Park! 
But  what  would  Broadway  say  of  such  a  life !  Oh,  the 
serenity  of  it  all,  the  dignity,  the  independence,  the  supe 
riority  over  so  much  that  we  think  important.  There  one 
could  get  a  sense  of  proportion,  and  see  things  more  nearly 
in  their  natural  color  and  size.  Truly,  I  could  have  been 
religious  if  I  lived  in  the  country  —  and  not  been  too  hard 
driven  for  a  living !  (For  one  can't  be  anything  good  or 
great  when  pressed  and  bullied  by  necessity  of  any  kind.) 

So  I  grew  in  strength  on  the  little  ranch  and  unwillingly 
came  back  for  treatment  here,  which  was  not  half  so  good 
for  soul  or  body  as  to  sit  in  the  sun  and  see  the  birds 
daintily  pick  their  crumbs  and  know  that  the  dog  at  my 
knee  understood  what  I  did  not  tell  him. 

Give  to  the  Ducal  lady  at  Hyde  Park  my  spring  greet 
ings,  and  to  the  "young  lord  lover"  who  bears  your  name 
my  respectful  regards.  I  expect  to  go  to  Rochester,  or 
elsewhere,  in  May,  and  in  the  meantime  think  me  not  silly 
because  I  like  you  and  have  written  of  what  I  like. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  John  W.  Hallowell 

Los  Angeles,  March  31,  1921 

DEAR  JACK,  —  I  went  to  your  Church  on  Sunday.  Now 
there !  Real  Friends.  I  wondered,  "  Why  the  two  doors  ?  " 
as  I  went  up  the  steps,  but  I  said,  "I'll  take  the  nearest." 


438         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Someone  was  talking,  so  I  plumped  down  in  the  backmost 
seat.  Then  I  looked  about  and  found  that  I  was  faced  by 
three  rows  of  sisters,  in  poke  bonnets  on  a  raised  platform, 
at  the  end  of  the  room.  Around  me  were  women,  women, 
women,  and  children.  Not  a  man ! 

My  wits  at  last  came  to  me.  I  discovered  there  were  two 
rooms  really,  divided  by  pillars.  And  there  were  the  men, 
the  blessed,  homely  men.  So  up  I  lifted  hat  and  coat  and 
piled  over  on  the  man's  side  and  breathed  again. 

The  speaker  looked  like  the  late  Senator  Hoar  and  was 
intoning  or  chanting  his  speech  or  address  or  sermon.  I 
had  never  heard  it  done  and  the  cadence  was  charming.  It 
adds  to  the  emotionalism  of  what  is  said.  When  he  sat 
down,  there  was  a  long  pause,  and  then  a  sister,  on  the 
opposite  side  now,  quoted,  modestly,  a  psalm.  Two  more, 
a  man  and  woman,  spoke.  Then  a  prayer  and  at  twelve, 
with  one  accord,  we  all  rose  and  went  out. 

It  is  the  essence  of  Democracy  and  I  fear  the  forward  there, 
and  not  the  most  worthy  of  being  heard,  come  to  the  front. 

Please  tell  your  mother  how  good  I  was !  And  write  me, 
you  scoundrel ! 

F.  K.  L. 

Postcard  to  John  G.  Gehring 

April  20,  [1921] 

On  the  eastbound  train,  traveling  toward  a  little  man  who 
carries  a  little  knife  in  his  hand  and  beckons  me  toward  the 
north.  I  do  not  go  gladly,  because  I  am  feeling  so  much 
better.  Have  had  whole  days  and  nights  without  pain,  by 
the  exercise  of  all  kinds  of  care.  Still  that  is  living  "on 
condition."  Is  there  never  again  to  be  freedom?  You 
see  I  am  a  natural  Protestant.  Good  luck  to  you,  dear  man. 

LANE 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         439 

To  Hall  McAllister 

R.R.  Train,  Minnesota,  April  22 

DEAR  HALL,  —  I  am  now  on  the  St.  Paul  road  going  to 
Lake  City,  where,  it  is  said  my  son  is  to  be  married  to  a 
charming,  little  Irish  girl,  one  generation  away  from  Ire 
land. 

Right  now,  I  am  sitting  opposite  Mrs.  Franklin  K.  Lane 
who  is,  in  turn,  sitting  beside  my  brother  who  has  come 
East  with  me  as  secretary,  nurse,  doctor,  mentor,  spiritual 
advisor,  valet,  and  companion.  On  my  right  is  the  Missis 
sippi  river,  of  which  you  may  have  heard.  On  Sunday  I 
hope  to  go  to  Rochester  again  and  then  be  cut  in  two,  tho' 
I  am  not  sure  they  will  do  it. 

I  left  California  last  Tuesday.  It  was  quite  pleased  with 
itself  and  full  of  pity  for  all  the  rest  of  the  world.  It  surely 
has  much  to  say  for  itself,  and  says  it  with  frequency  and 
normalcy.  The  only  disappointment  in  dying  will  be  the 
unfortunate  contrast  —  eh,  you  Calif ornian  ?  But  then 
you  and  I  are  not  like  those  transplanted  lowans  who  fill 
Southern  California,  most  of  whom  have  never  seen  Mt. 
Tamalpais  nor  the  Golden  Gate  and  yet  think  they  know 
California ! 

I  look  at  the  paper  and  see  "Harding"  at  the  top  of  every 
column.  Then  I  think  of  W.  W.  looking  at  the  paper  and 
seeing  the  same  headlines.  Oh,  what  unhappiness !  Not 
all  the  devices  of  Tumulty  for  keeping  alive  illusions  of  gran 
deur  could  offset  those  headlines.  Ungrateful  world !  Un- 
understanding  world ! 

I  hope  you  like  your  new  boss.  He  will  be  a  good  west 
ern  Secretary,  and  is  quite  likely  to  get  into  a  row  with  our 
eastern  conservation  friends.  I  am  glad  he  is  from  the 
Senate,  they  care  for  their  own. 

I  don't  like  Harrison  jumping  on  Harvey  after  confirma- 


440         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

tion.  Looks  little,  weakens  his  influence  as  "our"  man, 
and  is  not  sportsmanlike.  We  must  take  our  medicine  and 
let  Harding  have  his  own  way,  and  it  won't  be  such  a  bad 
way,  but  surely  very  different. 

...  I  should  like  to  get  back  to  Washington  and  loaf 
for  a  time  around  Sheridan  Circle.  I  know  a  woman  there 
who  intrigued  me  (as  you  writers  say)  long,  long  ago  with 
various  fascinations  of  spirit  and  mind  and  eye  and  voice. 
But  I  fear  she  would  not  know  me  any  more. 

Now  do  not  be  discouraged  because  you  have  a  bit  of 
sickness.  You  are  youth,  you  can  beat  old  whiskered 
Time.  Life  has  many  a  laugh  in  it  yet  for  you.  Why  you 
look  forty  years  younger  than  Joe  Redding  —  but  don't 
tell  him  I  told  you. 

LANE 

To  Mrs.  Frederic  Peterson 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  April  26,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  MRS.  PETERSON,  —  ...  Once  more  I  am  going 
through  the  grinding  of  the  Mayo  mill,  and  this  time  I 
hope  to  some  concrete  purpose,  and  have  an  end  to  this 
coming  out  "by  that  same  door  wherein  I  went."  The 
dear  old  meditative,  contemplative  Orientals  threw  up  their 
hands  in  despair  long  years  ago  and  found  the  figure  of  the 
unending  wheel  to  symbolize  all  processes  and  procedures; 
a  world,  a  universe,  without  termini.  Sometimes  I  think 
them  right,  but  then  again  my  western  mind  will  not  haye 
it  that  the  riddle  of  the  Sphinx  may  not  be  solved.  Our 
assurance  meets  every  challenge;  mystery  may  make  us 
humble ;  we  may  be  baffled ;  but  we  do  not  despair  because 
we  know  we  are  Gods  to  whom  all  doors  must  open  even 
tually.  That  seems  to  be  the  real  underlying  strength  of 
our  position.  Why  men  go  on  with  research  excepting  out 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         441 

of  some  such  philosophy  I  cannot  see  —  nor  why  they  go 
on  with  life. 

Tell  your  good  man  that  I  long  to  look  once  more  into 
the  sweet  face  of  the  Shepaug,  and  that  while  I  have  been 
wandering  in  the  delicious  and  rare  places,  I  have  not  for 
gotten  the  fresh  wholesomeness  of  the  Hoosatonic.  My 
first  visit  shall  be  to  the  meeting  place  of  the  Three  Rivers. 
Why  might  not  fortune  lead  us  to  have  a  summer  in  Connec 
ticut  and  a  winter  in  California?  "I  know  a  place  where 
the  wild  thyme  grows,"  many  such  places  indeed,  and  high 
hillsides  of  wild  lilac  and  a  wee  mountain  crowned  with  the 
flowering  manzanita.  Oh,  this  world  is  a  place  to  make 
souls  grow  if  one  can  get  an  apple  tree,  a  pine  and  an  oak, 
a  few  lilies,  a  circle  of  crimson  phlox,  a  stretch  of  moving 
water  and  a  sweep  of  sky,  that  can  be  called  one's  own. 

We  saw  Cordy  Severance's  place  on  Sunday  —  went  there 
from  the  wedding  of  my  boy  to  Catherine  McCahill  —  and 
found  a  volume  of  the  Chinese  Lyrics  1  in  the  big  room. 
Great  chap  Cordy,  and  a  great  room  he  has  to  play  the  organ 
in,  and  more  people  love  him  than  anyone  else  I  know,  for 
he  loves  them  with  an  aggressiveness  that  few  men  dare 
to  show,  that  gives  him  distinction  and  is  a  glory. 

How  far  away  the  war  seems — way  back  yonder  with  the 
fight  for  Independence  and  the  French  Revolution,  almost 
back  to  Caesar.  Well,  I  must  quit  mental  meanderings. 
With  all  good  will, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Roland  Cotton  Smith 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  [April]  30 

And  you  know  that  I  cannot  even  write  Spoon  River ! 
Vain  man !  Strutting  cock  o'  the  wajk !  Knight  of  the 

1  By  Dr.  Frederic  Peterson. 


442         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Knickerbocker  Club !  Gazer  upon  Fifth  Avenue  and  the 
Foibles  and  Frivolities !  Reveller  in  things  of  life  and 
Enjoyer  of  Gaiety ! 

Look  thou  upon  me.  To  Minnesota  driven.  In  a  hos 
pital-hotel.  Punched  and  tapped  by  every  stray  Knight  of 
the  Golden  Fleecers.  Awaiting  a  verdict  from  puzzled 
doctors.  .  .  .  Bless  you,  I  have  been  through  years  of 
watchful  waiting  but  not  of  this  kind,  and  a  few  weeks  of 
this  is  enough.  But  I  am  a  patient,  long-suffering,  Christian 
martyr  upon  whom  the  Pagans  work  their  will. 

And  you,  poor  man.  Tied  to  a  woman's  foot !  Now  that 
is  what  I  call  humiliating.  Worse  than  being  tied  to  her 
apron  strings  or  to  her  chariot,  (in  the  latter,  they  say,  there 
is  often  much  joy.)  Why  should  people  have  feet  anyway 
in  these  days  of  autos  ?  A  mere  transportation  convenience ! 
Well,  all  our  transportation  facilities  seem  to  be  out  of  order 
these  days.  Fallen  arches,  in  sooth!  Reminds  one  of 
Rome.  Very  much  more  aristocratic  than  infected  gall 
bladder  after  all.  And  I  do  hope  they  can  be  restored,  those 
arches,  and  the  world  once  more  put  on  its  peripatetic  way. 

But  you  do  not  tell  me  of  yourself.  Can  you  chop  wood 
or  saw  wood  or  play  golf  or  do  aught  else  that  doth  become 
a  man  of  muscle,  energy,  life,  vim,  go,  pep?  Take  a  trip 
to  the  South  Seas,  a  knock-about  trip,  casting  off  clerical 
garb  and  living  in  the  open,  mixing  with  the  primitive 
peoples,  seeing  beauteous  nature,  climbing  mountains, 
swimming  in  soft  waters,  not  seeing  newspaper  or  bool^. 
They  tell  me  that  in  Burmah  live  a  happy  people  who  love 
beauty,  are  always  smiling  and  follow  the  Golden  Rule 
far  nearer  than  those  who  live  by  trade  and  are  blest  by 
civilization.  Ah,  that  I  might  see  such  a  people !  The  near 
est  I  ever  came  was  at  Honolulu,  and  there  was  the  taint  of 
the  Christian,  alack-a-day!  The  White  Man's  Burden  is 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         443 

the  weight  of  the  load  of  sin,  disease,  death,  and  misfortune 
he  has  dropped  on  the  happy  ones  who  never  knew  a  Chris 
tian  creed.  We  have  given  them  bath  tubs  in  exchange  for 
cheerful  living ! 

I  am  as  much  in  the  air  as  to  the  future  as  I  was  in  the 
russet  days  of  Bethel.  But  one  of  these  days,  let  us  hope 
we  may  gather  over  a  bottle  of  something  sound  and  mellow, 
and  laugh  together  over  our  adventure  into  the  land  of  the 
woebegone.  I  do  not  take  to  it,  tho'  they  say  some  people 
live  in  it  by  choice,  for  they  find  something  to  talk  of  there, 
and  feel  saintly  because  they  suffer.  Well,  we  will  have 
more  knowledge  in  that  happy  future  and  more  of  sym 
pathy.  What  a  lot  one  must  endure  to  gain  a  wee  bit  of 
wisdom.  And  then  to  have  it  die  with  us.  Maybe  it  does 
not,  eh?  Maybe  it  somehow,  somewhere  finds  a  corner 
into  which  it  drops  and  carries  someone  over  a  hard  place. 
I  don't  know  what  kind  of  theology  this  is  that  I  am  drip 
ping  from  my  pen,  but  I  cannot  yet  be  beaten  to  the  point 
where  I  say  it  is  all  purposeless.  And  that  is  the  faith 
that  may  not  save  a  soul  but  does  save  souls,  I  guess. 

I  wish  you  the  joy  and  elevation  of  spirit  that  you  have 
many  times  given  to  my  sick  soul  and  to  others.  Did  I 
tell  you  my  boy  is  married — to  a  Catholic  girl  too,  of  much 
charm?  They  were  married  on  the  ancestral  farm  with 
the  ancestor  of  ninety  years  present  and  in  high  spirits. 
A  Dios,  Padre  mio, 

F.  K.L. 

To  John  G.  Gehring 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  [April]  30,  [1921] 

Tomorrow  will  be  May  day  —  once,  before  the  world 
became  industrial,  a  day  of  gladness,  now  a  day  of  dread, 
another  result  of  mal-adjustment. 


444        LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

What  ever  would  these  doctors  do  if  they  had  no  cheeks 
in  which  to  hold  their  tongues  while  telling  sick  folk  what 
ails  them,  and  the  cure?  You  are  learning,  Sir,  how  much 
of  wisdom  some  men  lack  who  have  certain  knowledge. 
And  wisdom  is  what  we  are  after,  we  Knights  of  the  Mystic 
Sign.  Wisdom  —  the  essence  of  lives  lived ;  knocks,  blows, 
pains,  tortures  reduced  to  fears,  and  these  incorporated  into 
a  string  or  queue  of  people  who  have  eyes,  nerves,  and  powers 
of  inference,  and  the  initiative  to  experiment  and  the  im 
pulse  to  try,  and  try  again.  Result  —  a  nugget  no  larger 
than  a  mustard  seed  of  intellectual  or  spiritual  radium, 
y-clept  wisdom.  It  does  not  grow  on  ancestral  trees  or  on 
college  campuses,  nor  does  it  come  out  of  laboratories  or 
hospitals,  tho'  it  is  sometimes  found  in  all  these  places. 
A  Carpenter  is  known  to  have  possessed  more  of  it  than  any 
other  man;  tho'  most  of  us  don't  possess  enough  wisdom 
to  know  that  He  did  possess  so  much  of  it.  An  Indian 
Prince  is  also  celebrated  for  the  richness  of  his  supply. 
These  men  have  been  followed  by  others  who  sometimes 
carried  mirrors,  but  some  had  tiny  grains  of  the  real  thing 
also.  And  those  are  called  Optimists  and  Transcen- 
dentalists  and  Idealists  and  Fools  who  think  that  more  and 
more  of  these  grains  will  come  into  the  hearts  and  minds 
of  men ;  while  those  are  called  sensible,  and  shrewd,  and 
sane,  who  assert  that  the  supply  is  uniform,  stationary  in 
quantity  but  moved  about  from  time  to  time,  producing 
nothing  but  the  illusion  that  something  is  worth  while.  \ 

But  you  and  I  say,  "Suffer  the  Illusion  to  come  into  me, 
for  of  such  is  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven."  Emerson  says 
each  man  is  an  "inlet"  of  the  Divine  Spirit  —  just  a  bit  on 
the  side,  out  of  the  infinite  ocean.  Thus  all  of  us  are  con 
nected  up,  and  thus  there  is  hope  that  some  day  doctors 
will  be  wiser  than  today.  .  .  . 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         445 

I  should  like  to  hold  your  hand  for  a  time.  It's  the  best 
service  one  man  can  give  another.  We  are  great  hand- 
holders,  we  men,  natural  dependents,  transfusers  of  sym 
pathy  and  understanding  and  heartening  stuff.  They  tell 
me  here  that  your  blood  for  purposes  of  transfusion  is  1-2-3- 
or  4.  The  last  is  common  denominator  blood  and  will  go 
into  anyone  safely,  but  is  uncommon.  All  the  other  three 
will  kill  if  not  put  into  those  of  corresponding  quality  of 
blood.  Well,  you  and  I  like  each  other  because  we  have  the 
same  wave-length  to  our  nerve  current,  perhaps,  and  we 
could  hold  hands  without  danger  to  the  other  fellow,  and 
possibly  with  some  benefit  to  the  world,  —  for  human  sym 
pathy  makes  good  medicine. 

Good  fortune  betide  you  !  My  brother,  who  is  sitting  by, 
wishes  his  affectionate  regards  to  go  with  mine,  and  he  hopes 
you  will  some  day  see  him  in  that  vale  of  Paradise  where  he 
lives. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Adolph  C.  Miller 
Federal  Reserve  Board 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  1,  [1921] 

May  Day,  Glad  Day,  Day  of  Festival  and  Frolic,  —  once. 
Now  Day  of  Portent,  of  Threats  and  the  Evil  Eye.  Such 
is  the  miracle  worked  by  Steam  Engine,  Mechanics,  Quick 
Exchanges,  Industry ! 

With  this  happy  opening  let  me  to  your  letter  in  which 
you  love  me  a  little,  which  I  very  much  like,  calling  me  baby, 
—  child,  anyway.  And  so  I  am.  I  laugh  at  myself.  I 
cannot  think  of  myself  as  Grandad  or  possible  Grandad. 
In  fact,  I  should  not  be  Grandad  or  Dad,  notwithstanding 
the  beauty  and  noblemindedness  and  capacity  of  my  dear 
kids.  But  I  have  always  been  a  priest,  married  to  things 


446         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

undomestic,  and  without  the  time  which  every  father  should 
have  to  train  and  educe  the  mind  of  his  offspring ;  especially 
to  give  sound  and  substantial  bread  and  meat  to  their  sub 
conscious  mind  when  they  are  young.  Then,  too,  a  father 
should  have  a  religion,  a  sense  of  relation  between  him 
self  and  the  Master,  and  be  able  to  instill  this  by  gentle 
and  non-didactive  method  into  his  bairns,  so  that  they 
may  steer  by  the  North  Star  and  not  by  shiftier,  flashier 
stars. 

Yes,  altho'  I  am  now  tottering,  bruised,  battered,  down 
on  the  floor  like  a  prostrate  prize-fighter  "taking  the  count" 
and  hoping  for  strength  enough  to  rise,  altho'  an  "aged  man," 
as  I  was  once  described  in  my  hearing,  I  am  the  youngest 
thing  inside  that  I  know;  in  my  curiosity  and  my  trustful 
ness  and  my  imagination,  and  my  desire  to  help  and  my 
belief  in  goodness  and  justice.  I  want  to  strike  right  out 
now  and  see  the  world,  and  having  found  the  good  bring  it 
back  and  distribute  it.  And  I  see  every  day  things  that 
should  be  done  which  make  me  long  to  live,  even  tho'  I  only 
tell  others  that  they  should  be  done.  And  one  thing  that 
bothers  me  right  now  is  our  money  scheme.  I  know  I  am  far 
off  from  your  standpoint,  but  there  is  something  wrong  when 
there  is  so  great  a  variation  in  the  purchasing  power  of 
things  produced.  Why  is  not  Irving  Fisher  on  the  right  road  ? 
I  should  like  to  lay  a  quieting  hand  upon  the  feverish  desire 
for  things  which  so  possesses  our  people.  So  few  things  will  do, 
rich,  beautiful,  solid  things,  but  not  many ;  and  then  to  live 
with  them,  proud  of  them,  revelling  in  them,  and  making 
them  to  shine  like  well-handled  bronze  —  not  glossily  but 
deeply.  The  great  luxury  we  will  not  allow  ourselves  is  re 
pose;  that  is  because  we  are  not  essentially  dignified. 
The  soul  is  not  respected  sufficiently ;  it  is  not  given  that 
food  on  which  it  grows. 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         447 

Curious,  the  turn  of  my  mind  now,  too.  Having  been 
thinking,  and  while  I  still  am  thinking,  in  large  terms,  — 
the  city,  the  state,  the  nation,  all  peoples  (I  have  grown 
through  them  all,  never  really  thinking  of  the  family  unit) 
—  I  am  now  thinking  of  a  nest,  a  roof  of  my  own,  a  bit  of 
garden,  a  tree  of  my  planting  —  little  things,  indeed,  on 
which  the  mind  can  rest,  after  casting  an  eye  over  the  world 
and  talking  in  terms  of  continents.  (And  I  wonder  if  the 
gardens  of  the  British  —  their  week-ends  at  home  with 
flowers  and  birds,  may  not  bring  them  down  to  those  little 
things  which  make  for  good  sense,  sanity,  wisdom !)  But 
I  fear  me  I  may  never  so  indulge  myself,  and  that  is  wrong  — 
that  a  man  should  live  for  fifty-seven  years  and  never  thrust 
his  hand  into  his  own  bit  of  his  country's  soil  —  such  con 
dition  makes  against  loyalties  that  are  essential. 

Now  I  have  talked  with  you  for  a  long  time,  but  not  long 
enough.  How  I  should  like  to  sit  in  the  big  re-upholstered 
chair  beside  the  lamp,  beyond  the  fire,  and  throw  a  match 
into  your  brain  stuff  that  would  start  it  blazing.  Yes,  and 
I  would  like  to  gather  around  that  fire  a  few  whom  I  love. 
You  and  Aleck  and  Sid.  and  Pfeiffer  and  Jack  Hallo  well 
and  John  Burns  and  Brydon  Lamb  and  Lathrop  Brown  and 
Cotton  Smith  and  John  Finley  and  Dr.  Gehring  and  John 
Wigmore  —  the  real  world  is  very  small,  isn't  it  ? 

It  just  may  be  that  the  verdict  here  will  be  one  of  exile  to 
California,  to  my  brother  George's  farm ;  ah,  yes  he  should 
be  with  the  few  great,  and  I  say  'exile'  for  I  wonder  if  I 
should  ever  see  any  of  you  then  ?  My  doctor  in  Pasadena 
said  that  I  should  live  as  a  country  gentleman,  and  I  an 
swered,  "But  that  takes  money."  Yet  I  would  not  know 
where  the  farm  should  be,  for  climate  is  not  all.  So  long, 
old  man. 

F.K, 


448         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

Many  months  later,  writing  to  Mrs.  Lane  this  friend  of 
many  years  says,  "I  want  also  to  recall  the  remark  Frank 
made  when  you  and  Mary,  and  he  and  I,  were  rain-bound  in 
the  little  chalet  at  St.  Mary's  in  Glacier  Park,  nine  years  ago. 
That  was  an  outstanding  experience  in  my  long  friendship 
with  Frank.  We  had  many  hours  to  discuss  things,  and  no 
matter  on  what  road  we  started,  we  always  came  back  to  a 
discussion  of  life ;  what  it  was  all  for,  and  what  it  was  about, 
and  what  principle  a  chivalrous  man  should  take  in  adjusting 
himself  usefully  to  the  going  world.  I  remember  late  one 
night  we  sat  in  the  dimly  lighted  room  after  a  long  dis 
cussion,  he  arose,  and  turning  to  me  said :  'Doesn't  it,  after 
all,  just  come  to  this,  —  To  spend  and  to  be  spent  —  isn't  that 
what  life  is?'  Every  subsequent  experience  with  Frank 
confirmed  me  in  the  belief  that  that  was  his  personal  philos 
ophy.  That  is  why  he  lived  greatly  while  he  lived,  and  died 
nobly  when  his  life  was  spent." 


To  Robert  Lansing 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  2,  [19211 

MY  DEAR  LANSING,  —  I  am  to  be  operated  on  on  Friday 
and  so  send  you  this  line  that  you  may  know  that  I  have 
yours  of  April  sixteenth,  and  have  rejoiced  very  much  at 
its  good  news,  that  you  were  better,  and  that  you  were  not 
bitter  because  of  the  come-back  campaign. 

Really,  I  think  Harding  is  doing  well,  or  rather  that  the 
whole  administration  is  being  supported  well  by  the  country. 
Oh,  these  Republicans  have  the  art  of  governing,  and  we  do 
so  much  better  at  talking !  No  one  knows  just  what  his 
foreign  policy  is,  but  something  will  work  through  that  will 
satisfy  a  very  tired  people.  There  seem  to  be  comparatively 
few  out  of  work  now.  We  are  not  out  of  the  woods  yet. 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         449 

But  the  Lord  will  take  care  of  them.  He  may  even  keep 
Johnson  from  bolting  Harding.  They  will  temporize 
through ;  that's  my  guess. 

Good  English  the  people  don't  know.  Ideality  they  have 
had  enough  of  for  a  time.  They  just  want  to  get  down 
to  brass  tacks  and  make  some  money,  so  that  the  Mrs.  can 
have  more  new  dresses.  I  do  earnestly  wish  them  luck. 
God  gave  us  the  great  day,  and  you  and  I,  anyway,  are  not 
ashamed  of  the  parts  we  played.  In  fact,  the  party  loomed 
pretty  large  those  days  —  the  whole  country  breathed 
lung-fuls  and  felt  heroic.  We  shall  not  look  upon  such 
another  time  nor  act  for  a  people  so  nobly  inspired. 

Please  give  to  Mrs.  Lansing  my  very  best  regards  —  fine 
spirit,  that  she  is  —  and  to  you,  as  always,  dear  Lansing, 
my  affection  and  esteem. 

LANE 

To  James  D.  Phelan 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  2,  1921 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  Glad  to  hear  from  you  and  to  get  so  cheer 
ful  a  word,  for  surely  you  are  justified  in  looking  upon  the 
world  as  very  much  of  a  friend  of  yours.  You  have  a  rare 
home,  in  which  to  gather  your  many  friends,  and  you  have 
had  honors  in  abundance,  and  now  may  rest  and  write  and 
speak  and  adjust  yourself  to  things  —  terrestrial  and  celes 
tial  —  and  other  service  will  call  you.  There  must  be  some 
Democrats  appointed  to  adjust  European  or  other  diffi 
culties,  even  by  a  Republican,  and  you  will  be  the  prominent 
one.  So  I  can  look  across  the  mountains  to  Montalvo  and 
find  you  ripening  into  a  fine  old  mellow  age,  conscious  of 
usefulness,  in  health  and  in  happiness.  May  it  be  so  ! 

Just  as  soon  as  my  boy  gets  here,  I  shall  be  operated  on. 
.  .  .  Ned  is  now  on  his  honeymoon  with  his  darling  little 


450         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

bride,  a  Catholic  Irish  girl  named  Catherine  McCahill,  whose 
grey-whiskered  grandfather  of  ninety  quite  took  the  shine 
off  the  bride  at  the  wedding.  He  is  a  Democrat  (State 
Senator  for  thirty  years)  a  Sinn  Feiner  of  the  most  robust 
sort,  and  a  farmer  of  many  acres. 

Poor  Anne,  she  is  in  for  a  bad  time,  with  Nancy  sick,  but 
she  has  a  good  stout  heart  and  a  most  adequate  and  com 
fortable  religious  faith,  which  throws  things  that  are  per 
sonal  into  a  very  minor  place.  The  theory  of  relativity 
has  more  than  one  expression  indeed,  and  things  are  small 
when  looked  at  from  a  height.  And  it  is  good  to  find  one 
who  can  be  both  religious  and  large. 

The  country  seems  to  be  liking  Harding  and  his  cabinet 
more  and  more.  They  do  have  a  faculty  for  getting 
things  done,  those  Republicans,  and  they  are  subjected  to 
so  little  criticism.  It  is  really  good  to  see  them  do  their 
work  and  get  away  with  things  so  neatly.  ...  As  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Louis  Hertle 
Gunston  Hall  on  the  Potomac 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  2 

DEAR  PEOPLE,  —  What  good  angel  ever  put  it  into  your 
heart  to  wire  us  —  and  such  a  warm  electric  message ! 

I  tell  you  this  is  not  Gunston  Hall  —  so  few  birds,  flowers, 
trees  —  but  I  like  the  great  sweep  of  the  sky  out  here.     There 
is  nothing  mean  about  this  land  of  ours.     It  gives  you  some- 1 
thing,  and  gives  it  to  you  generously,  something  lovable 
wherever  you  are. 

The  Doctors  have  not  decided  what  to  do  with  me.  .  .  . 
But  we'll  be  out  of  suspence  this  week,  I  expect. 

I  can  see  your  garden  now  —  fountain,  hedge,  roses, 
bird-boxes,  pergola,  box  and  all  —  with  the  dignified,  stately 


FRIENDS  AND   THE   GREAT  HOPE         451 

Potomac  way  out  yonder,  beyond  the  cleared  fields  and  the 
timber.  Lucky  people,  and  you  deserve  it  all.  No  one, 
not  even  the  Bolsheviks,  would  take  it  from  you.  Cordially 

yours  always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  4,  1921 

DEAR  ALECK,  —  I  must  pass  under  the  knife,  that  is  the 
verdict.  On  Friday  morning  the  act  takes  place.  And  out 
will  come  gall-bladder,  adhesions,  appendix  and  all  things 
appertaining  thereto,  including  hereditaments,  reversions, 
lives  in  posse,  and  sinecures.  So  that's  that ! 

They  say  that  my  heart  has  grown  much  worse  in  the  last 
three  months,  but  that  I  probably  have  four  chances  out 
of  five  of  pulling  through,  which  is  more  chance  than  I  ever 
had  in  politics  in  California.  I  believe  I  am  to  be  operated 
on  while  conscious,  as  they  fear  to  give  ether.  I  trust  my 
curiosity  will  not  interfere  with  the  surgeon's  facility. 

Ah  well,  this  old  shell  is  not  myself,  and  I  have  never  felt 
that  the  world's  axis  was  located  with  reference  to  my  hab 
itat.  But  this  is  so  interesting  an  old  world  that  I  don't 
want  to  leave  it  prematurely,  because  one  does  run  the  risk 
of  not  coming  upon  one  equally  interesting.  So  I  shall 
think  of  you  and  try  to  see  you  later,  in  the  new  offices  in  the 
Mills  Building.  May  clients  come  thick  as  dogwood  in  Rock 
Creek  Park ;  and  trout  streams  in  hidden  places  be  revealed 
unto  you,  within  an  hour's  flight  by  aero.  Affectionately, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

P.  S.  Give  my  regards  to  the  boys  with  you  and  in  the 
office,  when  you  see  them  —  and  to  Wade  Ellis  and  Ira 
Bennett  and  others  who  may  be  interested.  Love  to  your 
dear  Lady ! 


452         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

To  John  Finley 
New  York  Times 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  4,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  FINLEY,  —  I  have  your  postal  from  London  and 
it  cheereth  me  —  Yea,  thou  hast  done  a  kindly  act  to  one 
who  is  sore  beset.  .  .  . 

When  you  and  I  can  talk  together  I  want  to  urge  a  new 
field  upon  your  great  paper.  Perhaps  you  can  take  it  up 
with  Mr.  Ochs  and  perhaps  he  can  see  how  he  can  add  to 
his  usefulness  and  to  the  glory  of  his  paper's  name. 

My  thought  is  that  there  should  be  somewhere  —  and  why 
not  in  New  York  ?  —  a  Place  of  Exchange  for  the  New  Ideas 
that  the  world  evolves  each  year,  a  central  spot  where  all 
that  is  new  in  science,  philosophy,  practical  political  machin 
ery,  and  all  else  of  the  world's  mind-products  shall  be  placed 
on  exhibition  where  those  interested  may  see.  Why  should 
not  the  Times  do  this  ? 

It  would  cost  very  little.  All  the  plant  needs  would  be 
a  building  which  would  contain  one  or  two  fine  halls  for 
public  speaking,  and  a  few  properly  appointed  apartments. 
No  faculty  —  but  a  super-university  with  all  the  searchers 
and  researchers,  inventors,  experimenters,  thinkers  of  the 
world  for  faculty.  No  students  —  but  every  man  the 
world  round  interested  in  the  theme  under  consideration, 
welcome,  as  student  without  pay.  The  only  executive  officer 
a  Director,  whose  business  would  be  to  see  that  the  great 
minds  were  tapped,  —  a  high  class  impresario,  who  would  • 
know  who  had  thought  thoughts,  developed  a  theory,  found 
a  new  problem,  or  a  new  method  of  solving  an  old  one,  and 
[would]  bring  the  thinker  on  the  stage  and  present  him  to 
those  who  knew  of  what  he  talked ;  and  could  intelligently, 
quickly,  distribute  it  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

Money?     The  lecturer  would  get  his  expenses  from  his 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE        453 

home  and  back  again,  and  be  cared  for  appropriately  in  one 
of  the  apartments.  Otherwise  the  incidental  expenses  of 
administration.  Aside  from  the  single  and  simple  building 
the  whole  thing  should  not  cost  more  than  $100,000  a  year. 

To  illustrate  —  it  took  years  for  the  world  to  know  what 
Rutherford  was  doing  with  radium.  Why  should  he  not 
have  been  brought  to  some  central  place  and  there,  before 
all  the  students  who  might  choose  to  come,  tell  his  story  ? 

Pasteur,  Einstein,  Bergson,  Wright  Brothers,  Wells 
(theory  of  Education).  These  names  are  suggestive.  The 
great  of  the  world  could  walk,  as  it  were,  in  the  groves  with 
their  pupils  and  critics,  and  we  could  have  a  new  Athens. 
Whatever  progress  the  world  had  made,  in  whatever  line, 
would  be  reported  at  that  time.  And  the  world  would  know 
in  advance  that  this  was  to  be  so.  Germany  has  been  the 
world  thought  center  for  forty  years.  England  is  now 
planning  to  take  Germany's  place.  Why  not  America? 
But  the  government  has  not  the  imagination,  and  this  must 
be  done  quickly. 

Why  not  the  Times?  And  why  shouldn't  you  start  it 
for  the  Times  —  be  the  first  Director  ? 

Then  I  want  someone  to  take  over  another  of  my  ideas  —  a 
sort  of  Federal  Reserve  Board  on  the  good  of  the  nation,  an 
unofficial  group  of  men  with  foresight,  who  would  be  a  spur  to 
government  and  suggest  direction.  Somebody  whose  busi 
ness  it  would  be  to  attend  to  that  which  is  nobody's  business 
and  so  waits,  and  waits,  until  sometimes  too  late.  Why 
should  we  have  had  no  plans  for  caring  for  our  soldiers  as  to 
employment  and  giving  them  the  right  bent  on  their  return  ? 

There  was  no  one  to  concentrate  attention  —  the  atten 
tion  of  Congress  and  the  public  —  on  any  definite  plan. 
I  tried  it  with  my  scheme  for  making  farms  for  soldiers, 
but  Congress,  as  soon  as  it  found  that  I  was  really  agitating, 


454         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

passed  laws  making  it  impossible  for  me  to  use  a  sheet  of 
paper  or  the  frank  for  the  purpose.  I  do  not  say  my  plan 
was  the  best  possible.  Then  someone  should  have  come 
forward  with  another,  and  pushed  it  against  a  Congress 
made  up  of  Republicans  who  feared  that  Democrats  would 
get  the  credit,  and  Democrats  who  feared  Republicans 
would.  Hence,  deadlock,  and  a  great  opportunity  lost !  .  .  . 

Seers,  or  see-ers,  that's  what  these  men  should  be.  Elder 
Statesmen,  if  you  please,  independent,  away  above  politics. 

Doesn't  it  seem  to  you  that  we  are  coming  to  be  altogether 
too  dependent  on  the  President  ?  That  office  will  be  ruined. 
Every  one  with  a  sore  thumb  has  come  into  the  habit  of 
running  to  the  President.  This  is  all  wrong,  all  wrong.  He 
cannot  do  his  job  well  now.  And  he  is  only  nominally  doing 
it,  and  only  nominally  has  been  doing  it  for  years.  But 
each  month  seems  to  add  to  his  duties  as  arbiter  of  every 
thing  from  clothes  to  strikes,  from  baseball  to  disarmament. 

I  see  a  tremendous  field  for  a  body  of  a  few  ripe  minds 
who  would  talk  so  little,  and  so  wisely,  and  so  collectively, 
that  they  could  get  and  hold  the  ear  of  the  country,  govern 
mental  and  otherwise. 

I  outlined  for  Mezes,  in  your  old  job,  a  series  of  lectures 
by  Americans  who  have  done  things  on  Why  America  is 
Worth  While  —  and  he  has  expanded  it  into  a  whole  course 
on  America,  so  that  I  believe  he  will  have  something  new  and 
great  —  teaching  history,  geology,  art,  everything,  by  the 
history  of  that  thing  in  America,  and  how  it  came  to  come; 
here,  or  be  here,  or  what  it  means  here. 

Well,  I  have  written  you  a  book  and  must  stop  —  I  don't 
know  where  to  address  you  but  will  send  this  to  the  Times. 
Please  remember  me  to  Mr.  Ochs  —  who  can  see  things, 
and  here's  hoping  it  won't  be  long  before  we  meet.  Yours 
always, 

FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         455 

To  James  H.  Barry 
San  Francisco  Star 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  5,  [1921] 

MY  DEAR  JIM,  —  I  have  nothing  of  importance  to  say, 
except  that  I  am  to  be  operated  on  tomorrow  and  hope 
for  the  best,  for  Dr.  Will  Mayo  is  to  do  the  operating,  and 
I  am  not  in  a  very  run-down  condition. 

I  find  myself  quite  serene,  for  I  can  look  forward  even 
to  the  very  worst  result  with  the  feeling  that  there  is  no  one 
to  meet  me  over  there  to  whom  I've  done  any  wrong.  And 
while  I  haven't  done  my  best,  my  score  hasn't  been  blank. 
I  honestly  believe  I've  added  a  farthing  or  two  to  the  talent 
that  was  given  me. 

My  brother  George  is  here,  with  his  splendid  philosophy 
and  his  Scotch  songs ;  and  Ned,  my  boy,  and  his  bride  have 
just  come  back,  so  that  Anne  and  I  are  very  well  content 
that  things  are  just  as  they  should  be.  I  go  to  St.  Mary's 
Hospital  where  they  have  nuns  for  nurses,  and  when  time 
comes  for  recuperation  I  shall  go  to  the  near-by  estate  of 
my  old  friend,  Severance,  the  big  St.  Paul  lawyer,  whom  I 
have  known  these  thirty  years. 

I  hope,  my  dear  old  man,  that  you  will  find  new  occupa 
tion  soon  that  will  give  you  use  for  your  pen,  and  sterling 
love  of  justice.  My  regards,  sincere  and  hearty  to  your 
family,  and  my  other  friends. 

F.  K.  LANE 

To  Mrs.  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  5,  [1921] 

Just  because  I  like  you  very  much,  and  being  a  very  old 
man  dare  to  say  so,  I  am  sending  this  line,  which  has  no 
excuse  in  its  news,  philosophy  or  advice;  has  no  excuse, 
in  fact,  except  what  might  be  called  affection,  but  of  course 


456         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

this  being  way  past  the  Victorian  era,  no  one  admits  to  af 
fections  !  I  will  not  belittle  my  own  feeling  by  saying  that  I 
have  a  wife  who  thinks  you  the  best  Eastern  product  — 
and  probably  she'd  move  to  strike  out  the  word  "Eastern." 
At  any  rate,  I  think  I  should  tell  you  myself  that  I  am  to 
be  operated  on  tomorrow,  by  Dr.  Will  Mayo,  and  am  glad 
of  it.  We  shall  see  what  we  shall  see. 

I  find  myself  quite  serene  about  the  matter,  altho'  I  be 
lieve  my  heart  is  so  bad  that  they  fear  giving  ether  and  will 
keep  me  conscious  if  they  can,  applying  only  a  local  anes 
thetic. 

I'd  like  to  have  Anne's  perfect  sureness  as  to  the  future, 
but  lacking  it,  I  do  not  look  forward  with  fear,  even  if  the 
worst  should  happen.  I've  never  done  a  wrong  to  any  man 
or  woman  or  child  that  I  can  now  recall  —  but  maybe  my 
memory  is  failing. 

My  boy  and  his  bride  came  back  this  morning  —  happy  ! 
Oh,  so  happy !  And  my  "best  beloved"  brother  who  sings 
Scotch  songs  is  here  —  a  great  philosopher  whom  you  would 
deeply  admire  —  and  our  friends  the  Severances  of  St.  Paul, 
thirty  year-old  friends,  they  come  over  tonight.  So  we  will 
be  a  merry,  merry  company.  I'd  love  to  see  you  and  the  gay 
Cavalier,  but  let  us  hope  it  won't  be  long  till  we  meet ! 
Au  revoir ! 

F.  K.  L. 

To  friends  who  had  telegraphed  and  written  urgently  for  news 
£  «  May  11,  1912 

It  is  Wednesday  afternoon  and  I  am  now  sitting  up  in  bed 
talking  to  my  good  friend,  Cotter.  Until  yesterday  I  did 
not  clearly  visualize  any  one  thing  in  this  room  and  did  not 
know  that  it  had  a  window,  except  that  there  was  a  place 
that  noise  came  through,  but  I  did  know  that  it  had  a  yellow 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE         457 

oak  door  that  stared  at  me  with  its  great,  big,  square  eye, 
all  day  and  all  night. 

Last  Friday,  you  see,  about  ten  in  the  morning,  I  took  the 
step  that  I  should  have  taken  months,  yes,  years  ago.  I 
was  stretched  on  a  stiff,  hard  table,  my  arms  were  clamped 
down  and  in  three-quarters  of  an  hour  I  had  my  appendix 
and  my  gall  bladder  removed,  which  latter  was  a  stone 
quarry  and  the  former  a  cesspool.  Today,  most  tentatively, 
I  crawled  on  to  a  chair  and  ate  my  first  mouthful  of  solid 
food.  But  four  days  ago  I  managed  to  shave  myself,  and 
I  am  regarded  as  pretty  spry. 


I  have  seen  death  come  to  men  in  various  ways,  some 
rather  novel  and  western.  I  once  saw  a  man  hanged.  And 
I  have  seen  several  men  shot,  and  came  very  near  going  out 
that  way  myself  two  or  three  times,  but  always  the  other 
fellow  aimed  poorly.  I  was  being  shot  at  because  I  was  a 
newspaper  man,  and  I  should  have  been  shot  at.  There 
must  be  public  concern  in  what  is  printed,  as  well  as  its  truth, 
to  justify  it.  That  is  something  that  newspapers  should 
get  to  know  in  this  country.  After  the  earthquake  in  San 
Francisco,  I  saw  walls  topple  out  upon  a  man.  And  I  have 
had  more  intimate  glimpses  still  of  the  picturesque  and  of 
the  prosaic  ways  by  which  men  come  to  their  taking  off. 

But  never  before  have  I  been  called  upon  deliberately 
to  walk  into  the  Valley  of  the  Shadow  and,  say  what  you 
will,  it  is  a  great  act.  I  have  said,  during  the  past  months 
of  endless  examination,  that  a  man  with  little  curiosity  and 
little  humor  and  a  little  money  who  was  not  in  too  great 
pain  could  enjoy  himself  studying  the  ways  of  doctors  and 
nurses,  as  he  journeyed  the  invalid's  path.  It  was  indeed 
made  a  flowery  path  for  me,  as  much  as  any  path  could  be 


458         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

in  which  a  man  suffered  more  humiliation  and  distress  and 
thwarting  and  frustration,  on  the  whole,  than  he  did  pain. 

But  here  was  a  path,  the  end  of  which  I  could  not  see. 
I  was  not  compelled  to  take  it.  My  very  latest  doctor  ad 
vised  me  against  taking  it.  I  could  live  some  time  without 
taking  it.  It  was  a  bet  on  the  high  card  with  a  chance  to 
win,  and  I  took  it. 

'I  undressed  myself  with  my  boy's  help,  in  one  of  the 
hospital  rooms,  and  then  arraying  myself  in  my  best  suit 
of  pajamas  and  an  antique  samaurai  robe  which  I  use  as  a 
dressing  gown,  submitted  myself  to  being  given  a  dose  of 
dazing  opiate,  which  was  to  do  its  work  in  about  fifteen 
minutes.  I  then  mounted  a  chair  and  was  wheeled  along 
the  corridor  to  the  elevator,  stopping  meantime  to  say 
"adieu"  to  my  dear  ones,  who  would  somehow  or  other 
insist  upon  saying  "good-bye,"  which  is  a  different  word. 
I  was  not  to  be  given  the  usual  anesthetic,  because  my  heart 
had  been  cutting  up  some  didos,  so  I  must  take  a  local 
anesthetic  which  w'as  to  be  administered  by  a  very  celebrated 
Frenchman.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  this  whole  performance 
was  managed  with  considerable  eclat,  and  Doctor  Will  Mayo, 
probably  the  first  surgeon  of  the  world,  was  to  use  the  knife ; 
and  in  the  gallery  looking  on  were  Doctor  Finney,  of  Johns 
Hopkins,  Doctor  Billings,  of  Chicago,  Doctor  Vaughan  of 
the  Michigan  University,  and  others.  On  the  whole,  it  was 
what  the  society  reporter  would  call  a  recherche  affair.  The 
local  anesthetic  consists  of  morphine  and  scopolamin.  Itj 
is  administered  directly  by  needle  to  the  nerves  that  lead 
to  those  particular  parts  which  are  to  be  affected  by  the 
operation.  This  I  watched  myself  with  the  profoundest 
interest.  It  was  painful,  somewhat,  but  it  was  done  with 
the  niceness  and  precision  that  make  this  new  method  of 
anesthesia  a  real  work  of  art.  I  should  think  that  the 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE          459 

Japanese,  with  their  very  rare  power  at  embroidery,  might 
come  to  be  past  masters  in  this  work.  There  were  some 
insertions  very  superficial  and  some  extremely  deep.  Over 
the  operator's  head,  there  were  a  half  dozen  heads  peering 
intently  at  each  move  he  made,  while  the  patient  himself 
was  free  to  lift  his  head  and  look  down  and  see  just  what 
was  being  done.  I  did  not  test  myself,  as  I  should  have, 
to  see  whether  I  was  paralyzed  in  any  part. 

Just  when  this  performance  came  to  a  head,  Doctor  Mayo 
came  in  and  said,  "Well,  I  am  going  in  for  something." 
I  said,  "That's  right,  and  I  hope  you  will  get  it." 

His  statement  did  not  conclusively  prove  confidence  that 
he  would  find  the  cause  of  my  trouble  by  going  in.  ...  I 
knew  there  could  be  no  such  definiteness,  but  I  said  to 
myself,  "He  will  get  it,  if  it's  there." 

For  two  days  I  had  had  knowledge  that  this  operation  was 
to  take  place  at  this  time,  and  my  nerves  had  not  been  just 
as  good  as  they  should  have  been.  Those  men  who  sleep 
twelve  hours  perfectly  before  being  electrocuted  have  evi 
dently  led  more  tranquil  lives  than  I  have,  or  have  less  con 
cern  as  to  the  future.  Ah,  now  I  was  to  know  the  great 
secret !  For  forty  years  I  had  been  wondering,  wondering. 
Often  I  had  said  to  myself  that  I  should  summon  to  my  mind 
when  this  moment  came,  some  words  that  would  be  some 
what  a  synthesis  of  my  philosophy.  Socrates  said  to  those 
who  stood  by,  after  he  had  drunk  the  hemlock,  "No  evil 
can  befall  a  good  man,  whether  he  be  alive  or  dead."  I  don't 
know  how  far  from  that  we  have  gone  in  these  twenty-four 
hundred  years.  The  apothegm,  however,  was  not  apposite  to 
me,  because  it  involved  a  declaration  that  I  was  a  good  man, 
and  I  don't  know  anyone  who  has  the  right  so  to  appreciate 
himself.  And  I  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  perhaps 
the  best  statement  of  my  creed  could  be  fitted  into  the  words, 


460         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

"I  accept,"  which  to  me  meant  that  if  in  the  law  of  nature 
my  individual  spirit  was  to  go  back  into  the  great  Ocean  of 
Spirits,  my  one  duty  was  to  conform.  "Lead  Kindly  Light," 
was  all  the  gospel  I  had.  I  accepted.  I  made  pretense  to 
put  out  my  hand  in  submission  and  lay  there. 

"All  through,  doctor?" 

"Yes,  doctor." 

"Very  well,  we  will  proceed." 

And  I  was  gradually  pushed  through  the  hall  into  the 
operating  room.  The  process  there  was  lightning-like.  I 
was  in  torture. 

"Lift  me  up,  lift  me  up." 

"What  for?" 

"I  have  one  of  those  angina  pains  and  I  must  ease  it  by 
getting  up  and  taking  some  nitro." 

That  had  been  my  practice,  but  I  did  not  reason  that 
never  before  had  the  pain  come  on  my  right  side. 

"Give  him  a  whiff  of  ether."  The  tenderest  arms  stole 
around  my  head  and  the  softest  possible  voice  —  Ulysses 
must  have  heard  it  long  ago  —  "Now  do  take  a  deep  breath." 
I  resisted.  I  had  been  told  that  I  would  see  the  perform 
ance. 

"Please  do,  breathe  very  deeply  —  just  one  good  deep 
breath." 

That  pain  was  burning  the  side  out  of  me.  I  tried  to  get 
my  hand  up  to  my  side.  Of  course  it  was  tied  down.  I 
swore. 

"Oh  Christ !     This  is  terrible." 

"It  will  stop  if  you  will  reach  for  a  big  breath,"  —  and  I 
resigned  myself.  Men  who  are  given  the  third  degree  have 
no  stronger  will  than  mine.  I  knew  I  was  helpless.  I  must 
go  through.  I  must  surrender  to  that  Circean  voice. 

I  heard  the  doctor  in  a  commonplace  monotone  say,  "This 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE          461 

is  an  unusual  case "  —  the  rest  of  this  sentence  I  never 

heard. 

There  was  a  long  ray  of  gray  light  leading  from  my  bed 
to  my  door.  I  had  opened  my  eyes.  "I  had  not  died." 
I  had  come  through  the  Valley. 

"I  wonder  what  he  got." 

In  the  broad  part  of  the  ray  was  my  wife  smiling,  and 
stretching  out  to  that  unreachable  door  were  others  whom 
I  recognized,  all  smiling.  Things  were  dim,  but  my  mind 
seemed  definite. 

"What  did  he  get?"  I  had  expected  eternal  mysteries 
to  be  unraveled.  Either  I  would  know,  or  not  know,  and 
I  would  not  know  that  I  would  not  know. 

"He  got  a  gall-bladder  filled  with  stones  and  a  bad  ap 
pendix,  and  now  you  are  to  lie  still." 

Then  to  this  the  drama  had  come,  the  drama  beyond  all 
dramas  —  a  handful  of  brownish  secretions  and  a  couple  of 
pieces  of  morbid  flesh ! !  Ah  me ! 

I  am  doing  well,  cared  for  well,  as  happy  as  can  be ;  have 
had  none  of  my  angina  pains  since  the  operation.  And  as  I 
lie  here,  I  contemplate  [making]  a  frieze  —  a  procession  of 
doctors  and  nurses  and  internes,  of  diagnosticians  and  tech 
nicians  and  experts  and  mechanics  and  servitors  and  cooks  — 
all,  the  great  and  the  small,  in  profile.  They  are  to  look 
like  those  who  have  made  their  pretenses  before  me  during 
the  past  year;  — the  solemn  and  the  stupid;  the  kindly, 
the  reckless;  the  offhand;  the  erudite,  the  practical;  the 
many  men  with  tubes  and  the  many  men  with  electrical 
machines.  Old  Esculapius  must  begin  the  procession  but  the 
Man  with  the  Knife,  regnant,  heroic  size,  must  end  it. 

What  a  great  thing,  what  a  pride,  to  have  the  two  men 


462         LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

of  greatest  constructive  imagination  and  courage  in  sur 
gery  in  the  world  as  Americans,  Dr.  Charles  and  Dr.  Will 
Mayo. 

To  Alexander  Vogelsang 

Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  14,  [1921] 

This  is  a  line  by  my  own  hand,  dear  Aleck,  just  to  show 
you  that  I  am  still  this  much  master  of  myself.  .  .  . 

I  am  going  through  much  pain.  Inside  I  am  a  great  boil. 
But  Nature  is  doing  all  she  can,  and  I  am  helping.  They 
think  me  a  right  model  sort  of  patient,  for  I  made  a  showing 
of  exceptional  recovery.  When  T.  R.  shaved  the  day  after, 
I  said,  "Hip  Hip  !"  Well,  I  done  it  too  !  I  guess  as  how  I 
haven't  been  so  very  bad  a  boy  all  these  fifty-seven  years  or 
I  couldn't  play  as  good  as  "par"  at  this  game,  and  they  say 
they  have  no  better  record  than  mine  on  the  books. 

The  National  Geographic  Society  did  a  nice  thing.  Today 
I  got  a  resolution  of  the  most  sympathetic  kind  from  them. 
Some  gentlemen  still  alive,  eh  ? 

I  dictated  a  bit  of  a  thing  about  my  experience  the  other 
day  to  Cotter  —  something  to  send  off  to  the  chaps  who 
wrote  or  wired  —  and  sent  you  one.  I  hope  it  wasn't  soft 
or  slobby.  Did  you  think  it  was  all  right  to  come  from  a 
sick  bed  ? 

It  will  be  three  weeks  or  more  yet  of  hospital,  and  then 
much  of  recuperation.  But  I  have  no  complaint.  I  feel 
a  faith  growing  in  me,  and  I  may  yet  draw  my  sword  in  some  . 

good  fight.     Affectionately, 

FRANK 

To  John  W.  Hallowell 

'        Rochester,  Minnesota,  May  14,  1921 

DEAR  JACK,  —  I've  been  down  into  the  Valley  since  I  heard 
from  you,  but  I'm  up  once  more  and  with  new  light  in  my 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE          463 

eye,  new  faith  in  my  heart,  more  sense  of  the  things  that 
count  and  those  that  don't.  And  affection,  love  for  the 
good  thing  of  any  kind ;  loyalty,  even  mistaken  loyalty, 
these  are  the  things  that  the  Gods  treasure.  They  live 
longest.  So  I  turn  to  give  you  my  hand,  dear  boy. 

I  was  most  badly  infected,  but  I  really  never  felt  better 
than  when  I  stepped  out  of  the  auto  on  to  the  hospital  steps. 
And  it  took  some  nerve  for  me  to  say,  "Go  to  it,"  under 
such  circumstances.  (I  am  patting  myself  on  the  back  a 
bit  now.) 

Well,  Glory  be !  —  that  step  is  taken  and  now  I  must 
fight  to  get  fit.  They  say  I  am  making  as  good  a  record  as 
a  boy,  as  to  recovery,  so  all  my  Scotch  whiskies,  and  big 
cigars  and  late  nights  with  you  politicians  have  not  ruined  me. 

Say  dear  things  to  your  Mother  for  me,  Jack,  and  give 
greetings  to  all  your  family. 

F.  K.  L. 

To  Robert  Lansing 

Rochester,  14  [May,  1921] 

MY  DEAR  LANSING,  —  I  am  disturbed  because  you  may  be 
disturbed.  As  I  lie  in  bed  I  read  and  am  read  to,  and  some 
of  the  papers  do  not  treat  you  decently.  The  very  ones 
that  were  loudest  in  their  declarations  against  W.  W.  at 
every  stage,  now  suggest  that  you  might  have  quit  his  service 
if  you  didn't  like  it.  I  hope  it  will  not  get  under  your 
skin  .  .  . 

What  comfort  you  would  have  given  the  enemy  if  you 
had  resigned  !  Have  they  thought  of  that  ?  I  came  to  the 
brink  when  the  President  blew  up  my  coal  agreement  to 
save  three  or  four  hundred  million  dollars  for  the  people. 
But  I  was  stopped  by  the  thought,  "Give  no  comfort  to 
Berlin."  .  .  .  Good  night  and  good  luck. 

F.  K.  L. 


464       LETTERS  OF  FRANKLIN  K.   LANE 

Manuscript  fragment  written  May  17,  1921,  and  found 
in  his  room.  Franklin  K.  Lane  died  May  18,  1921. 

And  if  I  had  passed  into  that  other  land,  whom  would  I 
have  sought  —  and  what  should  I  have  done  ? 

No  doubt,  first  of  all  I  would  have  sought  the  few  loved 
ones  whose  common  life  with  me  had  given  us  matter  for 
talk,  and  whom  I  had  known  so  well  that  I  had  loved  dearly. 
Then  perhaps  there  might  have  [been]  some  gratifying  of  a 
cheap  curiosity,  some  searching  and  craning  after  the  names 
that  had  been  sierras  along  my  skyline.  But  I  know  now 
there  would  have  been  little  of  that.  It  would  not  have 
been  in  me  to  have  gone  about  asking  Alexander  and  Crom 
well  little  questions.  For  what  would  signify  the  trifle 
which  made  a  personal  fortune,  that  put  a  new  name  up 
upon  some  pilaster  men  bowed  to  as  they  passed?  Were 
Aristotle  there,  holding  in  his  hand  the  strings  and  cables 
that  tied  together  all  the  swinging  and  surging  and  lagging 
movements  of  the  whole  earth's  life  —  an  informed,  preg 
nant  Aristotle,  —  Ah  !  there  would  be  the  man  to  talk  with  ! 
What  satisfaction  to  see  him  take,  like  reins  from  between 
his  fingers  the  long  ribbons  of  man's  life  and  trace  it  through 
the  mystifying  maze  of  all  the  wonderful  adventure  of  his 
coming  up.  The  crooked  made  straight.  The  'Daedalian 
plan '  simplified  by  a  look  from  above  —  smeared  out  as  it 
were  by  the  splotch  of  some  master  thumb  that  made  the 
whole  involuted,  boggling  thing  one  beautiful,  straight  line. 
And  one  could  see,  as  on  a  map  of  ocean  currents,  the  swing 
and  movements  of  a  thousand  million  years.  I  think  that 
I  would  not  expect  that  he  could  tell  the  reason  why  the 
way  began,  nor  where  it  would  end.  That's  divine  business, 
yet  for  the  free-going  of  the  mind  it  would  lend  such  impulse, 
to  see  clearly.  Thus  much  for  curiosity !  The  way  up 
which  we've  stumbled. 


FRIENDS  AND  THE  GREAT  HOPE          465 

But  for  my  heart's  content  in  that  new  land,  I  think  I'd 
rather  loaf  with  Lincoln  along  a  river  bank.  I  know  I  could 
understand  him.  I  would  not  have  to  learn  who  were  his 
friends  and  who  his  enemies,  what  theories  he  was  com 
mitted  to,  and  what  against.  We  could  just  talk  and  open 
out  our  minds,  and  tell  our  doubts  and  swap  the  longings 
of  our  hearts  that  others  never  heard  of.  He  wouldn't 
try  to  master  me  nor  to  make  me  feel  how  small  I  was. 
I'd  dare  to  ask  him  things  and  know  that  he  felt  awkward 
about  them,  too.  And  I  would  find,  I  know  I  would,  that 
he  had  hit  his  shin  just  on  those  very  stumps  that  had  hit  me. 
We'd  talk  of  men  a  lot,  the  kind  they  call  the  great.  I  would 
not  find  him  scornful.  Yet  boys  that  he  knew  in  New 
Salem  would  somehow  appear  larger  in  their  souls,  than 
some  of  these  that  I  had  called  the  great.  His  wise  eyes 
saw  qualities  that  weighed  more  than  smartness.  Yes,  we 
would  sit  down  where  the  bank  sloped  gently  to  the  quiet 
stream  and  glance  at  the  picture  of  our  people,  the  negroes 
being  lynched,  the  miners'  civil  war,  labor's  hold  ups,  em 
ployers'  ruthlessness,  the  subordination  of  humanity  to 
industry, 


THE    END 


INDEX 


Abbott,  Lawrence  F.,  letters  to,  on 
fixing  of  a  rate,  71 ;  on  use  of  Govern 
ment  by  the  people,  80;  on  Japanese 
in  California,  135;  water-power  and 
leasing  bills,  161. 

Adams,  Edward  F.,  letters  to,  on  rail 
roads,  64;  on  water  problem,  144;  on 
politics,  198. 

Alaska,  purchase  of,  260-61. 

Alaskan  railroad,  13,  258-60,  290. 

Alderman,  Edwin,  letter  to,  134. 

Amaurot  Club,  37,  165. 

Americanization,  ritual  for  citizenship, 
208;  Mr.  Lane  declines  offer  as  head 
of  movement,  321;  through  Moving 
Picture  Industry,  333. 

American  Merchant  Marine,  66,  346. 

American-Mexican  Joint  Commission, 
225,  226,  227. 

American  Pioneer,  165. 

American  Spirit,  213. 

Andersen,  Mrs.  Magnus,  letters  to, 
190,  329. 

Asher,  Hugo  K.,  210;  letters  to,  107, 
334. 

Avery,  Eugene  A.,  179. 

Baker,  Newton,  234,  295. 

Balfour,  Arthur,  174,  178,  247,  250, 
251. 

Ballot  Reform,  12,  20,  21,  22. 

Barry,  James  H.,  letters  to,  143,  231, 
405,  455. 

Beard,  E.  B.,  letter  to,  on  rate  reduc 
tions,  67. 

Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  118. 

Bennett,  Ira,  114,  451. 

Bernstorff,  Johann  Von,  Ambassador 
from  Germany,  233,  238. 

Bishop,  Joseph  Bucklin,  24. 

Black,  Van-Lear,  412,  413. 

Blythe,  Samuel  G.,  letters  to,  87,  302. 

Bole,  William  M.,  letters,  on  Reclama 
tion  Service,  136;  on  writing  simple 
English,  195. 

Bolshevism,  291,  296,  298,  320,370,  383. 


Bonaparte,  Charles,  63. 

Bonus  —  to  soldiers,  339. 

Bowers,  Lloyd,  73. 

Bradley,  E.   C.,   letters   to,   304,   306, 

317. 
Brougham,  H.  B.,  letter,  on  ceremony 

on  Admission  to  Citizenship,  208. 
Brown,  James  P.,  letter  to,  116. 
Brown,    Lathrop,    reference    to,    244; 

letters  to,  372,  402;  men  to  make  a 

program,    411,    412;    "Wanted  — A 

Miracle  Man,"  413,  433. 
Browning,  Robert,  26. 
Bryan,  William  Jennings,  98,  99,  104. 

167;  as  a  moral  force  in  politics,  334; 

letters  to,  111;  on  Hoover,  163. 
Buckle,  Henry  Thomas,  26 
Budd,  James,  37. 
Buddhism,  376,  400,  408. 
Burleson,  Albert  S.,  243,  266,  294,  297, 

299. 
Burns,  John  Crawford,  24, 25,  27;  letters 

to,  83;  on  the  War,  164;  on  position  of 

a  Neutral,  166;  on  German  audacity, 

168;  on  the  War,  173,  178,  183;  on 

materialism,  324. 
Butler,  Charles  Henry,  260. 

Cabinet  Meetings,  147,  233,  234,  235, 
236,  238,  239,  242,  264,  266,  267,  274. 
293,  296,  297,  299. 

Cannon,  Joseph,  206. 

Casement,  Sir  Roger,  206. 

Chocheprat,  Admiral,  253. 

Civil  Service,  18,  19,  145-46. 

Clark,  Champ,  88,  89. 

Clarkson,  Grosvenor,  quoted,  244,  248- 
50. 

Class  distrust,  46. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  18,  20,  27,  414. 

Coal  agreement,  292,  463. 

Cobb,  Frank  I.,  reference  to,  96;  letters 
to,  on  leasing  bill,  207;  on  the  elec 
tion,  227;  on  Bernstorff  s  activities, 
238;  on  need  for  ships,  245;  on  U-boat 
situation,  253;  on  newspapers,  326; 


468 


INDEX 


on  condition  of  Democratic  party, 

373;  to  make  Democratic  program, 

412. 

Cobbett's  Parliamentary  Reports,  169. 
Cockrill,  Senator  Francis  M.,  50. 
Commerce  Court,  71,  90. 
Congress,  69,  71,  75,  76,  79,  80,  100, 

110-11,    316;   bill  against  illiteracy, 

326. 

Conservation  by  use,  13,  42,  272. 
Convoying  or  arming  ships,  234,  236, 

239-40. 

Corporation  regulation,  117. 
Cotter,  Joseph  J.,  456,  462. 
Council  of  National  Defense,  13,  236, 

243,  248-50,  300. 
Cox,  James  M.,  reference  to,  356,  359; 

letter  on  campaign  issues,  343-350. 
Cullom,  Leslie  (Senator),  61. 
Currency  question,  117,  120,  124,  126. 

Daniels,  Josephus,  239,  243,  267. 

Darwin,  Charles,  26. 

Davis,  John  F.,  letter  on  German  Note, 
180. 

Davis,  John  W.,  to  help  make  Demo 
cratic  program,  412. 

Davison,  H.  P.,  letter  declining  to  un 
dertake  Americanization  work,  321. 

Debs,  Eugene,  55. 

De  Forest,  Robert  W.,  339. 

Democracy,  186,  320-21,  355,  384. 

Democratic  party,  21,  39,  46,  47,  76,  97, 
98,  110,  115-16,  142,  212,  228,  371. 

Department  of  the  Interior,  3,  9,  42, 
141,  228. 

De  Vries,  Marion,  72. 

Dixon,  Frederick,  letter  on  making 
Americans,  185. 

Dockweiler,  Isadore,  47,  217,  222; 
letter  on  California  senatorial  cam 
paign,  354. 

Doheny,  Edward  L.,  on  the  Irish  flag, 
351. 

Dorr,  George  B.,  8,  256,  257;  letter  to, 
257. 

Economics,  91-93,  97,  127-28. 

Egan,  Mrs.  Eleanor,  186. 

Ehle,    Mrs.    George,    letters    to,    352, 

357,  403. 
Eliot,  Charles  W.,  412. 


Ellis,  Wade,  451. 

Ellis,  Mrs.  Ralph,  letters  to,  on  Bolshe 
vism,  381;  "bread-and-butter,"  387; 
on  work,  390;  on  her  son's  illness, 
393,  394;  on  being  a  health-giver, 
395,  396,  397. 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  26,  95,  368, 
425. 

England's  claims,  164. 

Eno,  Henry  Lane,  letter  to,  257. 

Eno,  William  Phelps,  a  bread-and- 
butter  letter,  340-42. 

Express  case,  13,  63,  78-79,  99,  100, 
102. 

Farms  for  soldiers,  13,  284-89,  338, 
339. 

Federal  lands,  13. 

Field,  Charles  K.,  letter  on  development 
of  West,  150. 

Finley,  John,  447;  letter  on  super- 
university,  452. 

Fitzgerald,  R.  M.,  letter  on  Progressive 
vote,  228. 

Fitzgerald,  W.  F.,  34. 

Fletcher,  Peter,  183. 

Foster,  Sir  George,  3,  252. 

Fourteen  points,  Wilson's,  298,  301-02. 

Garland,  Hamlin,  letter  on  American 
ization,  333. 

Gehring,  John  G.,  358;  letters  to,  374, 
377,  410;  on  books,  424;  on  hospitals, 
434,  438;  on  wisdom,  443. 

George,  Henry,  26,  27,  368,  375,  425. 

Gerard,  James,  U.S.  Ambassador  to 
Germany,  233,  235. 

German  audacity,  168-69,  422. 

Glover,  Charles  C.,  260. 

Godkin,  E.  L.,  27. 

Gompers,  Samuel,  244. 

Government  control,  51,  65,  75-76,  80.   * 

Government  ownership,  52,  167. 

Government  Reports,  16,  77-78. 

Gray,  Judge  George,  225. 

Grayson,  Admiral  Gary,  330;  letter 
about  resignation,  335. 

Gregory,  Thomas,  243. 

Gridiron  dinner,  189. 

Grosvenor,  Gilbert,  99. 

Hallowell,  John  W.,  letters  to,  on  buy- 


INDEX 


469 


ing  a  set  of  Gibbon,  359,  360;  on 
books,  375;  on  "roots,"  421;  on  a 
Quaker  church,  437. 

Harding,  Warren  G.,  366,  367,  371,  377, 
422,  430,  440,  448,  450. 

Harlan,  James  S.,  reference  to,  62,  78, 
181;  letters  to,  222,  429;  quoted,  100, 
254. 

Harley,  Herbert,  letter  on  judicial  re 
call,  112. 

Harriman,  E.  H.,  63,  64. 

Harriman  Inquiry,  64. 

Harrison,  Fairfax,  letters  to,  115,  137. 

Harvey,  George,  439. 

Hawley,  James  H.,  letter  on  the  elec 
tion,  301. 

Hearst,  William  R.,  39,  40,  45,  47,  49, 
52,  88,  99,  104,  142,  210. 

Hertle,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Louis,  450. 

Hetch-Hetchy  Valley  water  supply,  41. 

Hill,  David  B.,  44. 

Holmes,  Justice  Oliver  Wendell,  letter 
from,  91 ;  letter  to,  93. 

Home  Club,  149-50. 

Hoover,  Herbert,  163,  214,  236,  253, 
254,  265-66,  272,  317,  331,  334,  370- 
71,  421,  422. 

House,  Edward  M.,  references  to,  88, 
118,  120,  121,  124,  130,  184,  255, 
412;  letter  to,  142. 

Houston,  David  Franklin,  132,  294, 
296. 

Howison,  Dr.  George  H.,  2. 

Hughes,  Charles,  206,  210,  213-14,  228. 

Idealism,  103. 

Indian  Problem,  130-32,  135,  141. 

Indian  ritual  for  citizenship,  208-09. 

Industrial  Conference,  320. 

Ingersoll,  Robert,  4. 

Innes,  Mitchell,  letter  to,  126. 

"Intention  of  the  Voter,"  21,  22. 

Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  13, 

33,  49,  50,  52,  61,  63,  66,  78,  79;  in 

politics,  106-07,  108. 
Irish,  John  P.,  9. 
Irrigation,  38,  144-45. 
Irwin,    Will,    quoted,    57;    letters    to, 

203,  254. 

Jackson,  C.  S.,  letter  of  condolence, 
323. 


James,  William,  2,  87,  368,  375,  380, 

411,  424-25. 

Japanese  in  California,  68,  135-36. 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  89. 
Joffre,  Marechal,  247,  250-51. 
Johnson,  Hiram,  226,  227,  228,  230. 
Judicial  recall,  112. 
Jusserand,  Jules,  231. 

Kauffmann,  Nancy  Lane,  41,  69,  157- 

58,  164;  letter  to,  399. 
Kearney,  Dennis,  55. 
Kellogg,  Frank  B.,  64,  75,  311. 
King,  Miss  Genevieve,  letter  to,  282. 
Kipling,  Rudyard,  26,  29. 
Knapp,  Martin  A.,  64. 
Knox,  Philander,  69. 

Labor  Unions,  12,  28,  29,  32,  36,  224, 
262. 

Lafayette    National    Park,    256,    258. 

La  Follette,  Robert,  241. 

Lamb,  Brydon,  24,  25,  173,  183. 

Lane,  Franklin  K.,  his  regard  for  his 
mother,  1;  his  birth,  3;  physical  and 
mental  traits,  3,  4;  boyhood,  5-8; 
on  writing  English,  9,  195,  196;  in 
clines  to  become  a  minister,  10;  a 
student  at  the  University  of  Califor 
nia,  11;  relations  with  labor  unions, 
12,  28,  29,  32,  36,  224,  262;  the  cen 
tral  purpose  of  his  life,  12,  13;  on 
personal  antagonisms,  14,  203;  his 
temperament,  15;  City  and  County 
Attorney  of  San  Francisco,  16,  32- 
34,  36,  37;  helps  create  the  Municipal 
Reform  League,  17,  83;  candidate 
for  Governor  of  California,  22,  33, 
37-41,  53,  70,  152;  candidate  for 
Senator,  41,  216;  mayoralty  cam 
paign,  San  Francisco,  42-45;  views 
on  unpledged  delegations,  47,  48; 
appointed  to  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  50-55;  the  express 
case,  63,  78,  79,  99,  100,  102,  105; 
on  the  Japanese  in  California,  68, 
135,  136;  on  partisan  questions,  69, 
187,  433;  on  political  parties,  70; 
Cabinet  position,  104,  108,  109,  113- 
15,  117,  129;  on  generalizations, 
121,  125,  126;  on  spiritual  forces, 
127;  on  the  Indian  problem,  130-32, 


470 


INDEX 


135,  141;  on  woman  suffrage,  145; 
receives  degree  from  the  University 
of  California,  146,  147,  170;  the  Mex 
ican  situation,  147,  177,  204,  225, 
228;  organizes  the  Home  Club,  149, 
150;  defense  of  a  subordinate,  154, 
155;  his  religious  faith,  157,  191 
217-21,  313,  324,  418,  419,  433;  on 
writing  poetry,  167,  168,  171,  342, 
441;  on  universal  military  service, 
178;  on  the  making  of  a  ship,  181, 
182;  at  a  Gridiron  dinner,  189;  on 
Christmas  presents,  192,  193;  plans 
to  provide  farms  for  soldiers,  284- 
89,  338,  339;  the  coal  agreement,  292, 
463;  on  the  League  of  Nations,  307, 
309,  338,  344,  345,  349,  350;  on 
government,  320,  321,  336,  337; 
declines  offer  as  head  of  American 
ization  movement,  321;  at  the  Mayo 
clinic,  377-79,  402,  440-63;  on  work, 
392;  on  wisdom,  444;  his  death, 
464. 

Lane,  Mrs.  Franklin  K.,  letters  to,  74, 
200,  212,  216. 

Lane,  Franklin  K.,  Jr.,  "Ned,"  35,  40, 
69,  151-52,  158;  letter  to,  267. 

Lane,  Frederic  J.,  letters  to,  151,  177, 
205,  210. 

Lane,  George  W.,  31,  34;  letters  to,  on 
Japanese  question,  68;  on  Monticello, 
89;  on  politics,  99;  temperament  and 
food,  102;  on  Cabinet  meetings, 
233,  236,  238,  239;  no  "previous 
question"  in  Senate,  241;  on  prepa 
ration  for  war,  242,  245;  on  visit 
ing  Commissions,  250,  269,  303; 
on  reconstruction,  307;  on  Italian 
question,  308;  on  Woodrow  Wilson 
as  a  speaker,  and  religion,  312;  on 
resigning,  322;  on  President  Wilson's 
illness,  330. 

Lansing,  Robert,  233,  239,  298,  300, 
412;  letters  to,  255,  362;  on  new  ad 
ministration,  448,  463. 

Lawlor,  William  P.,  letter  to,  171. 

League  of  Nations,  307,  309,  338,  344- 
45,  349-50. 

Leake,  Edward  E.,  letter  to,  152. 

Leasing  Bill,  150,  161-62. 

Le  Conte,  Dr.  Joseph  H.,  2. 

Lenroot,  Irvine,  370. 


Lincoln,  Abraham,  114,  367,  368,  404, 

465. 

"Lincoln's  Eyes,"  368-69. 
Lloyd  George,  David,  178. 
Loudon,  Jonkheer  John,  117,  122. 
Lyon,  Frank,  79;  letter  to,  282. 
Lyon,  John,  letter  on  reason  for  war,  278. 

McAdoo,  William  G.,  119,  238,  248, 
265,  294,  295;  letter  to,  172. 

McAllister,  Hall,  letters  to,  356,  439. 

McClatchy,  Charles  K.,  letters  to,  70; 
on  prison  reform,  81,  83;  on  Cabinet 
position,  113. 

McCombs,  William  F.,  letters  to,  106, 
108. 

McEwen,  Arthur,  12,  31,  406. 

McNab,  Gavin,  412. 

McNaught,  John,  letter  to,  283. 

Macy,  Everit  V.,  265. 

Magee,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Tom,  58. 

Maine,  Sir  Henry,  26. 

Manning,  Van  H.,  letter  on  Petroleum. 

Marble,  John,  143,  406. 

Marshall,  Thomas,  170. 

Martin,  E.  S.,  letter  to,  311. 

Mathew,  M.  A.,  letter  to,  319. 

Mayo  Clinic,  377-79,  402. 

Mayo,  Dr.  Charles,  462. 

Mayo,  Dr.  William,  378,  458,  462. 

Mead,  Dick,  181-82. 

Merrick,  Leonard,  343. 

Mexican  Situation,  147,  177,  204,  225, 
228. 

Mezes,  Dr.  Sidney  E.,  11,  27,  42,  118, 
173;  letters  to,  87,  120,  183. 

Miller,  Adolph  C.,  quoted,  11,  448, 
reference  to,  120,  139,  170,  189;  215, 
402;  letters  to,  105;  on  Cabinet  posi 
tion,  117;  on  beauty  of  California; 
430;  on  desire  for  "things,"  445. 

Miller,  Mrs.  Adolph  C.,  letters  to,  188, 
192,  196. 

Moffitt,  James  K.,  letter  to,  229. 

Mondell,  Frank  W.,  letter  to,  338. 

Money-power,  71. 

Monticello,  89,  205,  206. 

Moore,  R.  Walton,  412,  413. 

Mott,  John  R.,  225. 

Municipal  Reform  League,  17,  83. 

Nagle,  Charles,  176. 


INDEX 


471 


National  Geographic  Society,  462. 
National  Park  Reserves,  13,  139,  256. 
Naugle,  Lyman,  letter  on  Democracy, 

38. 

"Need  of  a  world  of  men,"  8,  25. 
Neutral  position  of  a,  166,  181,  234. 
Newlands,  Francis  G.,  54,  55,  60;  letter 

to,  on  Interstate  Trades  Commission, 

109. 

Noe  Case,  12,  31. 
Northcliffe,  Lord,  174,  270. 

O'Connor,  V.  C.  Scott,  letter  to,  407. 
O' Gorman,  Senator,  quoted,  206. 
Oil  leases,  13,  150,  162. 
O'Neill,  Daniel,  41,  331;  letter  to,  332. 

Paderewski,  Ignace,  269. 

Page,  Arthur  W.,  quoted,  130. 

Page,  Walter  H.,  letters  to,  on  Wilson's 
charm,  133;  on  Washington  in  War 
time,  273. 

Paish,  Sir  George,  169. 

Panama  Pacific  Exposition,  165,  167, 
170. 

Parcel  Post,  100,  101. 

Pardee,  Dr.  George,  40. 

Parker,  John  M.,  Governor  of  Louisi 
ana,  412. 

Parsons,  Dr.  Charles  L.,  264. 

Partisan  questions,  69,  187,  433. 

Party  leaders,  81,  101,  110,  115,  161, 
362. 

Patchin,  Robert  H.,  letter  to,  186. 

Peabody,  Francis  S.,  376. 

Pell,  Herbert  C.,  Jr.,  letters  to,  on  Con 
stitutional  League,  320;  on  Democ 
racy,  336. 

Personal  antagonisms,  14,  203. 

Peterson,  Mrs.  Frederic,  letter  to,  440. 

Petroleum,  315-16,  427. 

Pfeiffer,  Curt  G.,  24,  25,  26,  168,  173, 
422;  quoted,  424;  letters  to,  on  divi 
sion  of  parties,  98,  422. 

Phelan,  James  D.,  Ill,  120,  125,  354- 
55,  412;  letter  to,  449. 

Phillips,  William,  376. 

Phillips,  Mrs.  William,  letter  to,  404. 

Pillsbury,  E.  S.,  letter  to,  on  con 
servatism,  291. 

Political  parties,  70;  re-alignment  of, 
90,  98,  115,  116. 


Polk,  Sir  Joseph,  3,  252. 

Pollok,  Allan,  letter  to,  290. 

Pope's  appeal  for  peace,  255. 

Press,  moral  responsibility  of  the,  326- 

28. 

Prison  Reform,  38,  73,  81-83. 
Progressive  Democracy,  97,  105,  110. 
Prohibition,  10,  39. 
Public  Service,  19,  38,  335. 

Railroad  rates,  16,  71,  72,  77-78. 

Railroads  and  shippers,  12,  13,  65,  68. 

Rebating,  13,  63,  68,  72. 

Reclamation  Service,  137,  139-40. 

Reconstruction,  307. 

Red  Cross  Flag,  283. 

Red  Tape,  74,  276. 

Reedy,  William  Marion,  letter  to,  292. 

Reese,  Frank,  letter  to,  138. 

Reform  Club,  26. 

Republican  Party,  18,  21,  76,  97,  212. 

Reservations  to  the  Treaty,  314,  317. 

Reynolds,  D.  M.  letter  on  Coopera 
tion  and  Oil,  425. 

Roosevelt,  Franklin  D.,  170;  letter  to, 
351. 

Roosevelt,  Mrs.  Franklin  D.,  letters  to, 
372,  436. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  references  to,  33, 
42,  54,  55,  60,  61,  63,  65,  68,  69,  71, 
72,  84,  88,  89,  90,  96,  100,  102,  106, 
109,  188,  210,  227,  228;  on  his  death, 
306;  as  a  great  force,  375. 

Letters  to,  on  I.C.C.  appointment, 
53;  on  giving  a  new  consciousness  of 
Democracy,  75;  on  accepting  party 
call,  85,  134,  160. 
Telegram  from,  50. 
Letters  from,  57,  77,  86,  159. 

Root,  Elihu,  letter  on  development  of 
an  American  Merchant  Marine,  248. 

Ruef,  Abraham,  81-83. 

Ryan,  William  A.,  139. 

San  Francisco  earthquake  and  fire,  57- 
60. 

San  Miguel  Defense  Association,  31,  32. 

Schmitz,  Eugene,  36,  45. 

School  gardens,  271. 

Schwab,  Charles,  254. 

Scripps,  E.  W.,  letter  on  Wilson's  great 
ness,  174. 


472 


INDEX 


Severance,  Cordenio,  98,  441;  letters  to 

on  travelling  with  a  dog,  157,  184 
Severance,  Mrs.  Cordenio,  letter  to,  428 
Shaw,  Albert,  letters  to,  97;  on  team 

work   in   the   Department,    148;   on 

lack  of    foresight    in  a  Democracy 

271. 

Shippers  and  Railroads,  12,  13,  67,  68 
Ships,  need  for,  245,  246,  252,  266. 
Silver  question,  18. 
Simpson,    Ernest,    113;    letter  on    not 

desiring  Cabinet  position,  114. 
Smart-aleckism,  314. 
Smith,  George  Otis,  letter  to,  364. 
Smith,  Dr.  Roland  Cotton,  letters  to 

231,  342,  441. 

Smythe,  William  E.,  54;  letter  to,  55 
Snyder,  Carl,  letters  to  on  abolition  oi 

Commerce  Court,  90;  on  robes,  200 

363. 

Spellacy,  M.  A.,  41;  letter  to,  406. 
Spellacy,  Timothy,   41;  letters  to,  on 

politics,  104,  350;  on  the  Irish,  373. 
Spencer,  Herbert,  26. 
Spiritual  forces,  127. 
Spurgeon,  P.  T.,  letter  on  getting  into 

politics,  32. 
Stevenson,  Robert  Louis,  26,  29,  318. 
Straus,   Oscar  S.,   letter  on  need  for 

leaders,  101. 
Sullivan,    Mark,    letter   on   improving 

the  Department,  140. 

Tacoma  Evening  News,  27,  28,  29,  30. 

Taine,  Hippolyte  Adolphe,  26. 

Tariff,  126. 

Tariff  Reform,  18. 

Teal,    Joseph    N.,    125;    letter  to,    on 

political  conditions,  124. 
Thompson,   William   Boyce,   letter  on 

Roosevelt  Memorial,  310. 
"To  spend  and  to  be  spent,"  448. 
Tradition,  6,  89,  91,  101,  421. 
Trusts,  126. 
Tumulty,  Joseph,  299,  335. 

Universal  Military  Service,  178. 
Unpledged  delegations,  47-48. 

Vassault,  Ferdinand,  20,  21. 

Vedic  Hymns,  26. 

Vogelsang,  Alexander,  letters  to,  165; 


on  Mexican  statesmen,  226;   on  the 
end  of  the  Administration,  429,  462. 

Wall,   Francis  R.,  letter  on  partisan 
ship,  187. 
Wall,  Mrs.  Louise  Herrick,  letters  to, 

318,  328. 

Wallace,  Grant,  quoted,  4. 
Washington  in  Wartime,  274-75. 
Water-powers,  13,  161-62,  271. 
Western   progressives,    227,    228,    230. 
What  I  Am  Trying  To  Do,  123. 
Wheeler,  Benjamin  Ide,  49;  Roosevelt's 
telegram  to,  50,  62;  speech  on  con 
ferring  degree,  170,  229;  to  make  pro 
gram,  412. 

Letters  to,  on  opposition  to  I.C.C. 
appointment,  54,  56;  on  largeness  of 
Roosevelt,  65;  on  Express  Case,  102; 
on  Woodrow  Wilson,  119;  on  being 
obliged  to  postpone  receiving  degree, 
147;  on  Wilson  carrying  California, 
229;  on  becoming  President-Emeri 
tus,  311;  on  looking  on  the  affairs  of 
men,  369,  401. 

Wheeler,  Edward  J.,  letters  to,  on 
writing  poetry,  167;  on  Ho  wells,  242; 
on  conservation-by-use,  272. 
Wheeler,  William  R.,  letters  to,  45,  60, 
62;  on  Express  rates,  78,  153,  222, 
407. 

White,  George,  403,  413. 
Whitlock,  Brand,  214. 
Whitney,  Edward  B.,  letter  on  govern 
ment  control,  51. 
Wickersham,  George  W.,  73;  letters  to, 
on  German  policy,  175,  207;  on  States 
men,  365. 

Wigmore,  John  H.,  2,  11,  17,  83,  118, 
119;  letters  to,  18,  19,  22,  30,  33,  35; 
on  running  for  Mayor,  42;  on  defeat, 
43,  56,  61 ;  telegram  on  confirmation,  * 
62;  on  treatment  of  criminals,  72;  on 
Western  Advance  Rate  Case,  77;  on 
receiving  Cases  on  Torts,  88,  94;  on 
politics,  103;  on  Southern  inefficiency, 
121;  on  Woodrow  Wilson,  122,  123; 
as  First  Assistant,  131;  on  judges, 
166,  188;  on  "Moral  Forces,"  435. 
Willard,  Daniel,  244,  246;  letters  to, 
94;  on  leaving  Advisory  Commission, 
300. 


INDEX 


473 


Williams,  Orva  G.,  letter  on  Democ 
racy,  46. 

Wilson,  Woodrow,  references  to,  pen 
sion  application,  85,  88;  on  nomina 
tion,  99;  a  real  leader,  101,  102,  104, 
105,  106,  107,  109-10,  114;  leader  of 
party,  115;  speech  at  Southern  So 
ciety  dinner,  119-20,  121,  122,  123, 
124,  174-75;  on  capacity  for  indig 
nation,  176;  on  circulation  of  infamous 
stories,  211;  need  for  party  reorgan 
ization,  230;  in  Cabinet  meetings,  233, 
234,  235;  not  for  preparedness,  236; 
too  slow,  240, 241 ;  speech  to  Congress, 
300;  Italian  situation,  308;  as  a 
speaker,  312,  323;  had  no  fear,  366. 
Letters  to,  on  Hearst's  methods  of 
attack,  39;  congratulation  on  elec 


tion,  110;  on  Women  Civil  Service 
employees'  right  to  participate  in 
Woman  Suffrage  parades,  145;  on 
Secretary  Wilson,  158;  on  Mexicans, 
204;  on  not  writing  platform,  211;  on 
eight  hour  day,  223;  on  Alaskan 
railroad,  258;  on  stopping  strikes,  261; 
Farms  for  soldiers,  285;  letter  of  res 
ignation,  337. 

Wilson,  William,  Secretary  of  Labor, 
158-59,  243,  244,  294-95,  296. 

Woman  Suffrage,  145. 

Workingman,  The  American,  317. 

Work,  392. 

World  Bank,  need  for  a,  74. 

Young  Men's  Democratic  League, 
20.  21. 


14  DAY 

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Berkeley 

I 

1940 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


BDD3D17b7E 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


